Errata, corrigenda et addenda (09.12.

2019)
to G. Zólyomi, An Introduction to the Grammar of Sumerian. Budapest: Eötvös University
Press 2017

I. Errata et corrigenda:

Ø p. 53, ex. (35), translation:

his temple à her temple

Ø p. 55, ex. (40), the morphemic segmentation of the second word in the second line:
S4mu-S6r-S7a-S10e-S11n-S12de-S14e à S4mu-S6r-S7a-S10e-S12de-S14e

Ø p. 55, ex. (40), construction c), first word in the morphemic segmentation of the
second line:
P1mu à P1mul

Ø p. 56, first paragraph, fifth line:

abba diŋir=enē=ak, à abba diŋir~diŋir=enē=ak,

Ø p. 58, exercise 4.4 a):

the true son à the true sons

Ø p. 78, Table 6.1, line of Slot 14:

(referring A, S, or P à (referring to A, S, or P

Ø p. 78 (and on p. 6), the title of subsection 6.2:

The prefixes of S11–15 à The affixes of S11–15

Ø p. 78, last line of the first paragraph:

of Lessons 8 and 9 à of Lessons 9 and 10

Ø p. 80, third line of the second paragraph:

a locative prefix /i/ in S10 à a locative2 prefix /i/ in S10

Ø p. 86, second paragraph, first line:

The co-occurrence between the noun phrase à The co-occurrence between the
corresponding adverbial prefix and the noun phrase

Ø p. 91, third paragraph, last sentence:

Non-finite verbal forms expressing a state always use the preterite form. à Non-
finite verbal forms expressing a state do not, as a rule, use the present-future form.

Ø p. 101, ex. (124), second word in the transliteration of the second line:
nu-banda₂ à nu-banda₃

Ø p. 116, second paragraph from below, second and third line:

examples which may be not be construed à examples which may not be construed

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Ø p. 117, ex. (160), first word in the morphemic segmentation of the second line:
PC[ama-ŋu=ø] à PC[ama=ŋu=ø]

Ø p. 124, ex. (167), last word in the morphemic glossing:

FIN-3.SG.H-L2-3.SG.A-return-3.SG.P à FIN-3.SG.H-L2-3.SG.H.A-return-3.SG.P

Ø p. 127, Table 9.2, 2nd column, ll. 3 and 4:

A (with a sg. IPP) à A (with a sg. FPP)

Ø p. 127, Table 9.3, 2nd column, l. 3:

P (with an IPP) à P (with an FPP)

Ø p. 129, third paragraph from below, third line:

Table 11.1 in Lesson 11 à Table 10.1 in Lesson 10

Ø p. 144, exercise 10.7:

eš₃-maḫ in obv. l. 6 à eš₂-maḫ in obv. l. 5
first word in the transliteration of obv. l. 5:
eš₃-maḫ à eš₂-maḫ

Ø p. 145, last sentence on the page:

and its starts with à and it starts with

Ø p. 161, ex. (252), last word in the morphemic glossing:

MID-raid-3.SG.P à MID-raid-3.SG.S

Ø p. 164, exercise 11.3:

the prefix /ba/- prefix à the /ba/- prefix

Ø p. 175, ex. (291), last word in the morphemic segmentation and glossing of the
second line:
S1ḫa-S4mu-S6e-S8da-S11b-S12dug-S14ø à S1ḫa-S4mu-S6ʾ-S8da-S11b-S12dug-S14ø
MOD-VEN-2.SG-COM-3.SG.NH.A-do-3.SG.P à MOD-VEN-1.SG-COM-3.SG.NH.A-do-3.SG.P

Ø p. 175, ex. (291), translation:

“Under you à “Under me

Ø p. 198, paragraph above ex. (375):

In some cases, the terminative appears to express not destination, but location next
to something, as in the following examples: à With verbs whose meaning implies
neither physical nor metaphoric movement, the terminative may express not
destination, but location next to, along something (cf. Balke 2006: 207–208), as in
the following examples:

Ø p. 200, first line:

used in them à used in it

Ø p. 204, ex. (379), first word in the morphemic segmentation of the second line:
S2i-S10n-S11ŋal-S14ø-S15ʾa=ta à S2i-S10n-S12ŋal-S14ø-S15ʾa=ta

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 Ø p. 208, ex. (388), last word in the morphemic glossing:
MOD-FIN-3.SG.H-L2-place-3.SG.S à MOD-FIN-3.SG.H-L2.SYN-place-3.SG.S

Ø p. 213, ex. (416), translation:

“May this donkey be released!” à “May they (lit., he) release this donkey!”

Ø p. 216, ex. (425):

The example has to be modified, quoting the entire line of Gudea Cyl. A 3:11, and
changing the morphological analysis and interpretation of zag-ŋu₁₀ mu-us₂:

kiši₁₇ gal-ŋu₁₀-me
ŋeš
zag-ŋu₁₀ mu-us₂
kiši gal=ŋu=ø=me-en zag=ŋu=ø S4mu-S11e-S12us-S14ø
acacia big=1.SG.POSS=ABS=COP=2.SG.S side=1.SG.POSS=ABS VEN-2.SG.L3-next.to-3.SG.S
“You are my great (fence of)? camelthorn protecting me (lit. ‘my side leans on you’).”

(Cf. [for the time being] p. 8 of the handout of my talk “The so-called “Reform Texts”
of Urukagina: What’s wrong with making the “side” “follow” the ruler’s household
and fields?”, uploaded to academia.edu:
https://www.academia.edu/39339291/The_so-
called_Reform_Texts_of_Urukagina_Whats_wrong_with_making_the_side_follow
_the_rulers_household_and_fields)

Ø p. 232, ex. (466), third word in the morphemic glossing of the second line:
FIN-3.SG.H-DAT-3.SG.H.A-cut-3.SG.P àFIN-3.SG.H-DAT-ABL-3.SG.H.A-cut-3.SG.P

Ø p. 233, second paragraph, third line:

entry the verb à entry of the verb

Ø Lesson 16, running head of odd pages:

Constructions involving an “extra” verbal participant à Negation and modality

Ø p. 235, ex. (471), second word in the transliteration of the first line:
nam-ne à nam-ne₂

Ø p. 238, ex. (474), fourth word in the morphemic segmentation:

nu-ku~ku-ed-ø]=P5ʾa à nu-ku~ku-ed-ø=P5ʾa

Ø p. 252, heading of ex. (511):

Dumuzi’s Dream 91 à Dumuzi’s Dream 41

Ø p. 267, References, add the following item:

Mithun, M. (1988), ‘Lexical categories and the evolution of number marking’, in M.
Hammond and M. Noonan, eds., Theoretical Morphology; Approaches in Modern
Linguistics. San Diego: Academic Press, 211–234.

Ø p. 278. exercise 4.9 b) in the morphemic segmentation and glossing:

P3[P1e=P3ŋu=P5ak]=P4enē=P5ak à P3[P1e=P3ŋu=P5ak]=P4enē=P5e

P3[P1temple=P31.SG.POSS=P5GEN]=P4PL=P5GEN à P3[P1temple=P31.SG.POSS=P5GEN]=P4PL=P5ERG

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 Ø p. 284, exercise 9.3 c) in the morphemic segmentations:
i-nn-i-b-gi~gi-ø à i-nn-i-b-gi~gi-e
or
i-n-(i>)ø-gi~gi-ø à i-n-(i>)ø-gi~gi-e

Ø p. 285, exercise 10.7, third word in the transliteration of the second line:
eš₃-maḫ à eš₂-maḫ

II. Addenda:

Ø p. 53: Another attestation of a double non-referential genitive construction, very

similar to ex. (34):
CUSAS 20, 214 obv. 3 (Adab, 23rd c.) (P324632)
tug₂
niŋ-la₂ gu₂ anše-ka-kam
P1niŋla P2[P1gu P2[P1anše=P5ak]=P5ak]=P5ø=am-ø
P1 band [
P2 P1 neck P2[P1donkey=P5GEN]=P5GEN]=P5ABS=COP-3.SG.S
“(28 mana black wool) which is (for) donkey neck bands”

Ø pp. 148–149: Another example of the use of the finite-marker prefix /a(l)/- with
verbal forms of passive meaning in the North, which may be contrasted with ex. (90)
on p. 81:
CUSAS 20, 298 obv. 4–5 (Adab, 23rd c.) (P329072)
ma₂-gur₈ ensi₂-ka, ab-ŋar
magur ensik=ak=ʾa S2a-S5b-S10(i>)ø-S12ŋar-S14ø
barge ruler=GEN=L2.NH FIN-3.SG.NH-L2.SYN-place-3.SG.S
“(Various objects) were put on the barge of the ruler.”

Ø p. 161, after ex. (255), this paragraph may be added:

Sumerian is a language without a morphologically marked passive: changes in the
pragmatic salience of verbal participants are signalled not by using a special verbal form,
but, most often, by word order. Sumerian verbal forms translated as agentless passives (see
exx. [252]–[255] above) are intransitive verbs with an implied but unnamed A. These verbal
forms differ from the corresponding transitive forms only in the decreased number of
participants, and the P of the underlying transitive form will function as S. The prefix /ba/-
is not a passive marker, it is used in its capacity as a middle marker: the S of these verbal
forms is the participant affected by the verbal action.

Ø pp. 213–214: Some more examples with the verb du₃ “to hold on, to detain”. They
demonstrate the most important characteristics of this verb: the participant
“detained” is not the P of the verb, it is in the locative2 case; consequently, the
verbal forms are intransitive (cf. also Attinger 1993: 246627). For the function of the
suffix /ed/ in intransitive present-future forms, see pp. 127–128, subsection 9.3.

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BIN 8, 164 (= SRU 85) rev. 12’–15’ (unknown, 23rd c.) (P212708)
nin-gu-la, dam šag₄-ga-na-ke, ḫa-ba-du₁₂-du₁₂,
ningula=ø dam šag=ane=ak=e S1ḫa-S5ba-S11n-S12du~du-S14e
PN=ABS husband heart=3.SG.H.POSS=GEN=ERG MOD-MID-3.SG.H.P-have~PF-3.SG.A
ba-ra-ba-du₃-de₃
S2bara-S5ba-S6n-S10(i>)ø-S12du-S13ed-S14en
MOD-MID-3.SG.H-L2-hold-PF-1.SG.S
“The husband of her choice (lit. = ‘heart’) may marry Ningula, I will not stop her (from that).”
BPOA 1, 978 obv. 3–4 (Umma, 21st c.) (P339633)
lugal-ab-ba dumu ⸢šeš?⸣-sig₅-ka,
lugalabba dumu šešsigak=ak
PN₁ child PN₂=GEN
lu₂-dnin-šubur-ra na-ba-du₃-de₃
luninšuburak=ra S2na-S5ba-S6n-S10(i>)ø-S12du-S13ed-S14en
PN₃=L2.H MOD-MID-3.SG.H-L2-hold-PF-2.SG.S
“(Please tell Biduga:) ‘You should not detain Lugal-abba, child of Shesh-siga, (and) Lu-
Ninshubura!’.”
BPOA 6, 47 obv. 2–rev. 1 (unknown, 21st c.) (P210117)
a-šag₄ libir-ra 1(eše₃) 3(iku) gana₂
ašag libir-ʾa 1 3 gana
field old-PT 1 3 field
dumu lugal-dalla-ke₄-ne-ka
dumu lugaldalla=ak=enē=ak=ʾa
child PN1=GEN=PL=GEN=L2.NH
ŋeš
dur₂-ŋar-ne₂ na-an-ba-a-du₃-u₃
durŋarne=ø S2nan-S5ba-S10e-S12du-S13ed-S14ø
PN2=ABS MOD-MID-L2-hold-PF-3.SG.S
“(Please tell Uramma:) ‘Durgarane should not detain the old field with an area of 9 iku that belongs
to Lugal-dalla’s children!’.”

Ø pp. 219–220: Another illustrative example of a causative verbal form with a 3rd ps.
sg. human causee involving the verb gu₇ “to eat” is the example below from the Ur
III ms. of “The Law Collection of Ur-Namma”. It displays both the nominal and the
verbal marking of the causee.
CUSAS 17, 107 9:3 (= §E2 e3) (= RIME 3/2.1.1.20, ex. add06) (unknown, 21st c.) (P250820)
tukum-bi dumu lu₂-ra lu₂
tukumbi dumu lu=ak=ra lu=e
if child man=GEN=L3.H man=ERG
ga i₃-ni-gu₇
ga=ø S2i-S6nn-S10i-S11n-S12gu-S14ø
milk=ABS FIN-3.SG.H-L3-3.SG.H.A-eat-3.SG.P
“If a man feeds a man’s child with milk.”; lit. “If a man makes a man’s child eat milk.”