REVIEW ARTICLE

The Millennium before Clovis

Gary Haynes
University of Nevada – Reno, NV
Note text corrections on pages 137, 150, & 160 that were not in the final printed version
This paper reviews the published information, uncertainties about claims, and possible technological and
cultural relationships of a sample of sites which have older-than-Clovis dates in North America. The goal is
to trace the origins of “Classic” Clovis techno-cultural patterns. Some sites in the sample contain lithic
artifacts and some do not. Production technology and artifact characteristics in a number of the lithic sites
(such as Debra Friedkin and possibly Page-Ladson) may be evidence of Clovis ancestry, but the lithic
materials in most pre-Clovis sites cannot be explicitly linked to Clovis. A few nonlithic sites (such as
Manis, Firelands, and Lindsay) may indicate a pre-Clovis pattern of large-mammal exploitation
foreshadowing a later Clovis trait. Overall, the available data are incomplete or ambiguous, and as a
result, individual interpretations have produced incompatible models of Clovis origins.
Keywords older-than-Clovis, pre-Clovis, proto-Clovis, Clovis

1. Introduction and organization (before 1950 CE/AD). Radiocarbon dates needing

This paper examines a sample of prehistoric North
American sites that predate the Clovis era by 1000
14
C years or so (Table 1), and evaluates their possible
evidence about Clovis origins. One of the dominant
unanswered questions in prehistory is whether Clovis
was a replacement or a descendent culture, or, as
Kunz (2010, 144) put it, whether the people were
“immigrants or home grown.”
The search for Clovis origins goes back to the
1960s and 1970s; C. Vance Haynes (1964, 1966, 1967,
1969,
1970, 1974, 1980, 1982, 1987, 1991a, 1993), now
retired, was perhaps the best-known scientist engaged
in the search. It became clear to him and others
helping to define Clovis that the distinctive technologi-
cal traits, extensive mobility, and subsistence
strategies did not originate in North America, but
from a north- ern Eurasian Upper Paleolithic
background. It was also obvious that there had to be
an ancestral human population in the Americas,
which developed the Classic Clovis features. Haynes
and others had faith that a pre-Clovis progenitor
population would be found. It seems logical to expect
that sites dating to the millennium before Clovis
would provide evidence about the origins of Clovis.
1.1 Timeframe
Radiocarbon dates and calibrations are cited as orig-
inally reported, respectively 14C yr BP and cal yr BP
Correspondence to: gahaynes@unr.edu
calibration were entered in the Calib 7.0 online
program, which uses the IntCal13 calibration curve
(Reimer et al. 2013). Calibrated ages are generally
given here as approximate midpoints in the 2-sigma
range, unless the range is very wide. The notation
“ka” means 1000 years before Y2K (2000 CE/AD).
The term Clovis is used here to designate a horizon
of traits left by human groups who made fluted
bifaces across almost all of unglaciated North
America around 13,000 cal yr BP. Waters and
Stafford (2007) set the upper and lower bounds of
Clovis at 11,050
and 10,800 14C yr BP (tentatively calibrated with
maximum span at 13,250–12,800 cal yr BP, and at
minimum span 13,125–12,925 cal yr BP). A later
pub- lication (Waters and Stafford 2013, 550) sets a
slightly
different “maximum period for Clovis – 13,100–
12,600 cal yr BP,” and another publication
(Rasmussen et al. 2014, which includes Waters and
Stafford in its author list) cites the minimum age at
12,556–12,707 cal yr BP, stretching the range later to
encompass the relatively young direct date (10,705 ±
35 14C yr BP, or ca. 12,556–12,707 cal yr BP) on the
Anzick (MT) site’s Clovis-associated child.
The narrow time range has been met with question-
ing (Haynes et al. 2007), because older ages have been
published, such as an average of two radiocarbon
dates from the Aubrey site, 11,565 14C yr BP (13,400
cal yr BP) (Ferring 2001, 49, table 3.2), which
Waters and Stafford (2013, 544) consider possibly con-
taminated or not directly associated with the Clovis
134
© 2015 W. S. Maney & Son Ltd
and the Center for the Study of the First Americans
DOI 10.1179/2055556315Z.00000000016 PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2
 Haynes The Millennium before Clovis

Table 1
Sites reviewed in this paper, showing radiocarbon and calibrated
ages
Direct dating of organic artifacts or
Site Approximate age of materials bones?

Monte Verde II, Chile 12,780–12,230 14C yr BP Yes, on possible organic artifacts and
seaweed
Meadowcroft Rockshelter, 11,300–12,800 14C yr BP in middle of Stratum II (Miller Yes, on bark-like organic fragment
PA point minimum age 14,000 cal yr BP); 12,800–16,175 14C
yr BP in lower Stratum II; and 19,600 14C yr BP date on
bark-
like-fragment
Cactus Hill, VA 10,920 14C yr BP on Clovis level charcoal; 15,070 14C yr No, on charcoal flecks
BP
on charcoal below Clovis; OSL ages 17–20 ka No, only OSL sediment estimates, with
Topper, SC OSL estimate of Clovis 13,500 ± 1,000 cal yr BP; OSL some radiocarbon dates on
ages below Clovis >15,200 ± 1,500 cal yr BP; and questionable hearth
deeply buried “hearth” >50,000 14C yr BP
Buttermilk Creek Complex OSL estimates of lower part of Clovis level 14,350 ± 910 No, only OSL dates on sand grains
(Debra L. Friedkin cal yr BP and 14,070 ± 910 cal yr BP; OSL estimates of within fluvial sediments
site), TX BCC 14,080 ± 920 to 16,515 ± 1,075 cal yr BP
Gault, TX Preliminary OSL age estimates similar to BCC No
Swan Point, AK 12,360–11,770 14C yr BP on residues, 12,060 14C yr BP on Yes, on various organics
ivory 12,040 14C yr BP on charcoal
Broken Mammoth, AK 11,770 14C yr BP on charcoal No, on charcoal
Mead, AK 11,600 and 11,560 14C yr BP on charcoal No, on
charcoal
Big Eddy, MO “Early/Middle Paleoindian” (including Clovis) level: No, on charcoal
10,260–11,384 14C yr BP; pre-Clovis: 4400–12,950 14C yr
BP
Paisley Caves, OR 12,265 and 12,165 14C yr BP on oldest coprolites having Yes, on coprolites
human mtDNA
Hebior and Schaefer, WI 12,290–12,590 14C yr BP on mammoth bone collagen Yes, on marked bones
Burning Tree, OH 11,660 and 11,450 14C yr BP on presumed mastodont gut Yes, on presumed gut contents and
contents; 10,860 14C yr BP on mastodont bone collagen bone
Coats-Hines, TN 12,050–12,030 14C yr BP on charred material just above No, on charcoal
artifacts and just below mastodont bones
Lindsay, MT 9,490–11,925 14C yr BP on unpurified mammoth bone Yes, on bone collagen
collagen; 12,105–12,330 14C yr BP on purified collagen;
and 12,270–12,300 14C yr BP on purified collagen
Page-Ladson, FL Average of six dates 12,450 14C yr BP (14,475 cal yr BP) No, organics in sediment were dated
Manis, WA 11,990 14C yr BP on mastodont rib Yes, on mastodont bone
Ayer Pond, WA 11,700–11,990 14C yr BP Yes, on possibly impacted,
chopped bison bone
Firelands, OH 11,740 14C yr BP (13,550 cal yr BP) Yes, on bone

archeology, and thus not validly dating the Clovis photheres are associated with Clovis points in
component; and a terminus post quem date from the Sonora, Mexico (Sanchez et al. 2013, 2014),
East Wenatchee site, 11,600 ± 50 14C yr BP (also and another date
roughly 13,400 cal yr BP) (Kuehn et al. 2009),
which
Waters and Stafford (2013, 543) observe is only a
maximum limiting date, not necessarily the age of
the Clovis materials. Miller et al. (2013) accept
Ferring’s (2012) argument that the 11,565 14C yr BP
age at Aubrey is securely associated with the fluted-
point occupation, which Ferring terms “proto-
Clovis,” because it lacks some of the distinctive
(“Classic”) Clovis features of overshot flaking and
large-blade manufacturing, as defined for Clovis by
Bradley et al. (2010).
Two recently acquired radiometric dates now offer
additional possible support for a much earlier start
of the Clovis era. One date (11,560 ± 140 14C yr BP;
roughly 13,450 cal yr BP) on wood charcoal comes
from a repeatedly occupied kill- and camp-site, El
Fin del Mundo, where the bones of at least two gom-
PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2 13
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
(11,626 ± 68 14C yr BP, roughly 13,400 cal yr BP) comes
from a piece of wood charcoal excavated near an
overshot flake at the Beach biface cache site in
North Dakota, which Huckell (2014, 151) has argued is
Clovis, although it lacks fluted points.
Regarding the overshot flaking on Clovis bifaces, Eren
et al. (2013, 2014) strongly argued that overshot flaking
of bifaces – the removal of flakes from one
edge that cross the entire face and take off part of the
opposite edge – was not an intentional Clovis strategy;
instead it was a mistake, and overface or “ultrashot”
flaking was the intention, with flakes terminating just
short of the opposite edge. Furthermore, Huckell
(2014, 151) has pointed out that it is not certain if
intentional overshot flaking was “uniquely diagnostic
of Clovis.” This means that although the presence of
overshot flaking may still be potentially diagnostic of
Clovis (Eren et al. 2014, 60), by itself and without
other features such as fluted bifaces or macroblades,
it cannot be considered decisively diagnostic.
In this paper, the start date for Clovis (meaning
both the Classic sensu Ferring (2012) and Miller
et al.

(2013) and pre-Classic, which is Ferring’s “proto- available about the dated materials and how they
Clovis”) is set at 11,600 14C yr BP (∼13,400–13,495 spatially relate to the artifacts. However, the
cal yr BP), while the cryptic existence of what I had soundness of age assignments may be open to re-
earlier termed proto-Clovis (Haynes 2002, 253), evaluation, along with presump- tions about human
meaning the stage before even fluting had been behavior associated with different objects.
invented, might be detectable within the millennium
before Clovis. My review focuses on a sample of 1.3 Background: Anatomically modern
sites with ages back to 12,600 ± 200 14C yr BP Homo sapiens arrives in the Americas
(roughly 14,100–15,500 cal yr BP at 2-sigma) Goebel et al. (2008) summarized knowledge about
(Table 1). I mention older claims when they may be the nature and tempo of modern human entry into
relevant to understanding archeological developments the Americas. Ancient mitochondrial DNA
in the Americas. (mtDNA) evidence shows that a European-derived
The possibility that people co-existed with Clovis population
but used very different lithic technological methods
and subsistence practices bears on the question of
Clovis origins. For some time, there has been debate
about whether the Clovis horizon marks the appear-
ance of North America’s earliest typable projectile
point. One possible contemporary is Goshen (Frison
1996; Sellet et al. 2009), and another is Western
Stemmed (Beck and Jones 1997, 2010; Bryan 1988;
Bryan and Tuohy 1999; Fiedel and Morrow 2012;
Goebel and Keene 2014; Willig and Aikens 1988).
However, the evidence for contemporaneity of
stemmed points and Clovis is inconclusive, or
negative in the case of Goshen (Waters and Stafford
2014). If human groups with different production
technologies co-existed at the time of Clovis, often
using the same geographic ranges, their potential
cultural, social, and genetic relationships with each
other will be difficult to model.

1.2 Minimally acceptable evidence

for archeological claims
Most sites examined here have been excavated under
controlled conditions, although their original discov-
ery may have been accidental. Their stratigraphy has
been formally described, but spatial associations may
be ambiguous in some cases. In most sites, the
artifacts are unquestionably of human manufacture,
but in a few sites, the materials are not solidly proven
to have been made or modified by human hands.
Some form of dating has been done, not always
directly on arti- facts, and adequate details are
13 PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2

of Homo sapiens was in Northeast Asia by 19,880 ±
160 14C yr BP (roughly 24,000 cal yr BP; Raghavan
et al. 2013), and later must have become admixed
with East Asian populations, eventually evolving the
types of mtDNA found in Recent Native Americans
(e.g., Rasmussen et al. 2014). By 22 ka, humans had
occupied parts of western Beringia. Indigenous
Northeast Asians, Recent Native Americans, and a
sample of human skeletons from North America’s
late Pleistocene are clearly connected genetically.
Native American ancestors originated exclusively
from Asian populations, with early European admix-
ture in Siberia long before dispersing to the Americas.
Some time after 17 ka, human groups began disper-
sing out of Beringia into continental North and South
America. The route taken is still anyone’s guess. Both
the iced-over coasts and interior landscapes of North
America had been bottlenecks or barriers until around
16–14 ka (Clague et al. 2004; Munyikwa et al.
2011). Ives et al. (2013, 162) proposed that “in
ecological terms human populations could have reen-
tered [sic] the [ice-free] Corridor region as early as
11,600 14C BP [roughly 13,400 cal BP],” which is a
time estimate that places availability of the inland
route at the same age as first dates on Clovis a thou-
sand miles south of the corridor. This conservative
age estimate for the corridor is based only on mammal-
bone dates – there are other estimates that make the
ages nearer or within ∼1000 14C years of Clovis, and
complete the review by examining a sample of
animal-bone sites without lithics that date to within
∼1000 14C years of Clovis. While the discussions
sum- marize issues that I consider important and
unresolved
about the sites, I also accept that the sites provide
hints about cultural developments before the Clovis
era. The examinations are centered on North
America. Latin American sites dating to the
millennium before Clovis are only briefly
mentioned.
The samples were taken from others’ lists (such as in
Collins et al. 2013; Waters and Stafford 2013), and are
not exhaustive. I have not included plenty of possible
sites such as those listed in Faught and Freeman
(1998), because most are inadequately published or
the claims made about them have been vigorously
questioned. A prominent site not discussed is Sandia
Cave (Haynes and Agogino 1986; Hibben 1941;
Stevens and Agogino 1975), with its Sandia type 2
basally thinned point, once discussed as a possible
Clovis point precursor. The Sandia type may be as
old as Clovis, older than Clovis, or younger than
Clovis (Haynes and Agogino 1986) – and the site
remains in the limbo of uncertainty. Another site not
included here is Pendejo Cave, which MacNeish
(2004) proposed had a record of human occupation
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
corridor livable as much as 2000 14C years earlier (ca.
14,000–15,000 cal yr BP or before) based on
radiocarbon-dated wood macrofossils and optically
stimulated luminescence (OSL)-dated postglacial
dunes in the corridor (Munyikwa et al. 2011; other
references in Ives et al. 2013, 151–152).
The Pacific coastal route has been prominently
touted as a more likely way southward from
Beringia, because (1) biface shapes from Siberia,
Japan, Oregon, California’s Channel Islands, and
South America are perceived to be morphologically
similar enough to imply a shared origin (Erlandson
2013); (2) terrestrial fauna such as bear and caribou
occupied isolated refugia along the British Columbia
coast ca. 16,000 cal yr BP; (3) the discovery of
interti- dal latest Pleistocene/early Holocene sites has
led to optimism that now submerged late-glacial sites
in the
Pacific Northwest region of Canada eventually may
be found (Mackie et al. 2013); and (4) some sites
located around “the Western margins of the
American continents” (Mackie et al. 2013, 145)
appear to date relatively early.
2. Finds, claims, and possibilities
Here I first summarize information about a sample of
archeological (or potentially archeological) sites
dating >1000 14C years older than Clovis, then
discuss another sample of lithic-bearing sites with
spanning from >50,000 years ago through
Clovis and the Holocene. This site yielded bones
of numerous
Pleistocene and Holocene animals, including
some interpreted as tools, a pendant, and by-
products of marrow extraction, and apparent
human finger prints or palm prints in heated clay
that are up to 37,000 14C years old (Chrisman
et al. 1996, 2003; but also see Schaffer and
Baker 1997). The senior investigator R.
MacNeish died just before the publi- cation of a
large book about the site, and his absence may
explain why his provocative findings are not
very actively discussed.
2.1 Sites dating ≥1000 14C years before
CORRECTION
Clovis "..broken in
Several archeological sites have claims of"antiquity,wit
h LGM humans
exceptionally early evidence about humanpossibly
behavior in the Americas, dating to before theresponsible,
although he
last glacial maximum (LGM) considers
that
(23–18 ka). In eastern North America, lithicunlikely."
sites with very early dates ranging to 27,240 ± 230
14
C yr BP (roughly 31,000 cal yr BP) have been
reported on
the Delmarva peninsula: Parsons Island, Miles
Point, Oyster Cove, and Cators Cove (Lowery et
PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2 13
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
al. 2010; Stanford and Bradley 2012). Another site,
down, because of the extreme separation in time (at
Cinmar, is located 65 km offshore and 74 m below
least 7000 years for the youngest site, and more than
sea surface in the Atlantic; a bipointed biface
twice that for others), and the prospect that any
was pulled up
shared technological features such as overshot
there in the same dredge with mastodont remains
flaking reflect cultural convergence rather than a
dated 22,760 ± 90 14C yr BP (roughly 27,000 cal yr
lineal relationship with Clovis. Perhaps as important
BP). The early Delmarva lithics are generally well-
an issue is the dating of these pre-LGM claims,
made bifaces and other kinds of tools. Any possible
which open them to question. They are much older
ancestral connection to Clovis cannot be nailed
than models in archeology (summarized in Goebel
et al. 2008; also see Graf 2008, 2009) and genetics
(e.g., Mulligan and Kitchen 2013; Perego et al. 2009)
establish for the first human movement out of
Northeast Asia into the Americas. The controversial
attribution of this possible complex to Solutreans
from Iberia must confront the chronological problem
that the Solutrean lithic industry developed from the
Gravettian ca. 20,000 14C yr BP, almost 3000 14C
years after the Cinmar mastodont died.
Holen and Holen (2013) proposed that seven mid-
continental sites are pre-LGM and seven sites date to
the LGM, created by mammoth-steppe-adapted
humans who had moved east from Asia between
40,000 and 22,000 14C yr BP. Two examples of the
sites are Lovewell I, Kansas, dated 20,430 ± 300 14C
yr BP (about 24,000 cal yr BP), and Villa Grove,
Colorado, dated 33,405 ± 340 14C yr BP (about
37,000 cal yr BP). Both are without lithics and
contain broken mammoth bones interpreted (Holen
and Holen 2013, and other references therein) as
impacted by humans using stone percussors. A third
example is Cooperton, Oklahoma (Anderson 1962,
1975; Mehl 1975), another lithics-free mammoth find
with claims for bone-breakage by humans, dated
17,575 ± 550–20,400 ± 450 14C yr BP (roughly
21,000–25,000 cal yr BP). A fourth example not in
the Holen and Holen (2013) list is the lithics-free
mammoth site called Inglewood, Maryland, with a
bone date of 20,070 ± 265 14C yr BP (roughly 24,000
cal yr BP) and a date on associated woody vegetation
of 29,650 ± 750 14C yr BP (roughly 33,000 cal yr BP).
The find was first interpreted (Haynes 1991, 236,
figure 6.11) as a partial skeleton with many axial
bones in anatomical order but with larger elements
( particularly appendicular and cranial) broken by
heavy equipment while the bones were still enclosed
in waterlogged sediments. Karr (2015) has attempted
to re-interpret it as an example of bones that were
humanly flaked in antiquity, but the conclusions are
insupportable and based on incomplete information.
Until the site has been adequately published, it
cannot be considered further here.
With one exception, Burnham, Oklahoma, dated
36,000–35,000 14C yr BP (about 40,000 cal yr BP),
the 14 sites listed in Holen and Holen (2013) and
the
Inglewood site contained either no lithics or no more

13 PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2

 Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
than four flaked-stone items, mostly flakes. The
scarcity or lack of lithic technological information may not be convinced that these specimens were
and the lengthy time separation of these sites from actually made by humans.
Clovis preclude reliable attempts to trace
lineal/cultural
relationships.
An example of a pre-LGM site in South America is
Arroyo del Vizcaino, Uruguay, with a possibly butch-
ered extinct giant sloth (Fariña et al. 2014) dated
27,000–30,000 14C yr BP (about 31,000–34,000 cal
yr BP) and possible lithics, including flakes and a poss-
ible scraper with micropolish that was found “in very
close association with several bones” (Fariña et al.
2014, 5, figure 2). Even a vague link to Clovis is
hard to see with this site, both technologically and
chronologically. For one thing, Clovis itself has not
been found in Uruguay, although undated “Clovis-
like fluted points” are known from as far south as
southern Chile, on the other side of South America
(Jackson 2006, 116, figure 6.4, 117). The sloth site
and the Clovis-like horizons in South America are
floating too far apart in time (and space) to hint at a
possible cultural connection.
Examples of South American claims with pre-
LGM ages and definable lithic technological features
are Vale de Pedra Furada (not the same as
Boqueirão de Pedra Furada) and Toca da Tira
Peia, both in Brazil, among others (e.g., see Boëda
et al. 2013; Lahaye et al. 2013). These are not well
known and not widely accepted by North
American archeologists, probably because (1) the
lithic assemblages are much cruder looking than
those made by modern Homo sapiens living at the
same time in Europe, Asia, and Africa, which is an
argument Boëda et al. (2013) reject as unscientific;
(2) the sites are very rare and scattered in space,
thus not appearing to be archeological cultures on
the landscape, another bit of reasoning rejected by
Boëda et al. (2013, 462) who claim the earliest
human populations were very small, “dispersed
across vast areas,” and “without apparent links
between them;” and (3) the dates are much older
than current genetic and archeological models
accept for human migrations out of northern Asia,
which is also a line of reasoning that Boëda et al.
(2013) and some other South American prehistorians
see as naively overlooking the extremely patchy
nature of the first migrants who would have disap-
peared without archeological or genetic trace.
The lithics in these Brazilian sites, OSL dated to
>20 ka, are forms such as asymmetrically and irregu-
larly flaked cobbles and “beaked” flakes (see the
numerous figures in Boëda et al. 2013). They are not
at all similar to what have been defined as Clovis
tech- nological characteristics (Bradley et al. 2010),
and cannot be linked to Clovis. Many archeologists
PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2 13
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
Other South American pre-Clovis lithic sites (e.g.,
those listed in Collins et al. 2013; Dillehay 2013;
Waters and Stafford 2013) are not so distant in time
from the Clovis era. According to Waters and Stafford
(2013, 545) at least five sites have ages that
fall within the Clovis era, while a “handful” have
older-than-Clovis ages. Lavallée (2000 [orig. 1993]:
42) on one page counted “about 10 sites” in South
America with dates older than Clovis, while on
another page (Lavallée 2000 [orig. 1993]: 51) she
counted “a dozen or so.” Numerous other lists of South
American sites possibly older than Clovis or the
same age can be found elsewhere (e.g., Aceituno et al.
2013; Dillehay 1999; Kelly 2003; MacNeish
2004). The best known of such sites surely must be
Monte Verde, Chile.
2.1.1 MONTE VERDE II, CHILE
Monte Verde II, Chile (Dillehay 1989, 1997; Dillehay
et al. 2008) is undoubtedly the most extensively
described and publicized South American site older
than Clovis. Another locus nearby, called Monte Verde
I, has lithic objects and hearth-like features that
may date to ca. 33,000 14C yr BP (about 37,000 cal yr
BP), but it has not been adequately explored or
published. Monte Verde II has features interpreted as
hearths and hut remains, wooden artifacts, a few
genetic anthropologists, skeletal biologists, linguists,
and a few others.
Relation to Clovis? If the age assignments and
interpretations are correct, Monte Verde II and other
sites listed by Waters and Stafford (2013) and Collins
et al. (2013) show that at the time of Clovis and
proto-Clovis in North America, and possibly for
several centuries before, South American people had
very distinct material cultures, even in the same
regions where Clovis-like patterns would be, or
already were, manifest, such as fluted points, associ-
ation with extinct megafauna, and Clovis-era
radiocar- bon dating (Jackson 2006; Jackson et al.
2007; Ranere and Cooke 1991).
2.1.2 MEADOWCROFT ROCKSHELTER, PENNSYLVANIA
Another important site is Meadowcroft Rockshelter,
Pennsylvania. There are abundant short publications
about this North American site from 1975 onward,
14 PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2
definitely shaped lithic tools, broken and unbroken
pebbles of a certain size range that may have been
selected from naturally occurring pebbles at the site,
and a variety of organic materials such as seaweed,
bone fragments, and plant fibers. Radiocarbon dates
on wood identified as artifacts and on seaweed from
the lowest cultural component cluster between
12,780 ± 240 and 12,230 ± 140 14C yr BP (roughly
15,000–14,000 cal yr BP), which are 1100 to >800
14
C years older than Clovis.
Questions or issues? A number of professionals have
found aspects of Monte Verde II singular, peculiar, or
confusingly documented (e.g., Fiedel 1999; Lynch
2001; West 1996, 1999), even after a first round of
criticisms was aggressively addressed (Dillehay et al.
1999; see Fiedel n.d., for response to the response),
or they have questioned the correctness of age assign-
ments in the oldest component (e.g., Dickinson 2011;
Haynes 1999). Some are not convinced that all the
lithic and organic materials found at Monte Verde II
are actually artifacts (e.g., Haynes 1999; West 1999).
A 2012 survey of opinions from over 200 individuals
who were actively involved in publishing or
gathering data about the peopling of the
Americas (Wheat
2012) found that 33 per cent of respondents either
rejected or were undecided about Monte Verde’s
claims as a pre-Clovis site. Most of the respondents
were academic archeologists, along with a number of
many being annual updates, but no full
publication exists that provides all the updated
information in one place and answers to
critiques. Examples of sum- maries (and
defensive responses to criticisms) are
Adovasio et al. (1977, 1978, 1999), while more
details about specific aspects of the site’s earliest
com- ponents are in Fitzgibbon et al.
(1982) and
Stuckenrath et al. (1982).
Stratum IIa, one of 11 natural strata identified
in the rockshelter, has radiocarbon dates on
wood charcoal
of 11,300 ± 700 to 12,800 ± 870 14C yr BP (setting
a possible range of 11,250–17,500 cal yr BP) in its
middle part, which contained a resharpened
unfluted
lanceolate biface (typed as a Miller point; Figure
1) similar to an incomplete biface found at the
relatively nearby Krajacic open-air site, and
what was called a
Figure 1 Miller type lanceolate biface from
Meadowcroft Rockshelter Stratum IIa, as drawn by Joel
Gunn (edited from a figure in Adovasio et al. 1977,
figure 24). This specimen has been used in publications
to illustrate the Miller type (e.g., Stanford and Bradley
2012, figure 4.12), but in fact it is a

reworked/resharpened piece whose dimensions and shape
are not as originally manufactured. The 1977 description
(Adovasio et al. 1977, 46–47) stated its outline had been
“altered by breaking and re-shaping the point.” A scar from a
probable “substantial impact” is visible on the right hand
view; the point was subsequently reshaped by pressure
flaking. The edges of the base were ground up to the lateral
tick marks on the figure.
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
possible fragment of a fluted point (Fitzgibbon et al.
1982, 96), which seems to have been recognized later
as unrelated to Clovis. A lower part of the stratum
con- tained several hundred flaked-stone artifacts
and has
dates ranging from 12,800 ± 870 to 16,175 ± 975 14C
yr BP (calibrating to a range of roughly 13,000–
22,000 cal yr BP). Two fragmentary human bones
were also found in a firepit in lower Stratum IIa
(Sciulli 1982), assigned dates of 13,270 ± 340 14C yr
BP and 13,240 ± 1010 14C yr BP (calibrating roughly
between 13,200 and 18,300 cal yr BP). A carbonized
fragment of bark-like material from the deepest part
of the stratum, said to be cut and consistent in mor-
phology with basketry plaiting strips (or warp or
weft fragments) (Stuckenrath et al. 1982, 83, table 3;
see also Adovasio and Pedler 2013), was dated
19,600 ± 2400 14C yr BP (roughly 17,900–28,500 cal
yr BP); note the very large sigma and the very wide
calibration range.
Noteworthy is the fact that the most distinctive fea-
tures of Clovis technology are not represented at the
rockshelter, although fluted-point assemblages have
been found nearby in Pennsylvania and Ohio.
Adovasio et al. (1999, 418; the passage is also
repeated verbatim in Adovasio and Pedler 2005, 26)
called the
assemblage part of a “technologically standardized
and sophisticated, small, polyhedral core- and blade-
based industry of decidedly Eurasiatic, Upper
Paleolithic ‘flavor’” [quotation marks in orig.], which
is “precisely the sort of lithic reduction strategy that
should be evidenced at this time” [italics in original].
Questions or issues? Some vocal skeptics, such as
Haynes (1991b) and Mead (1980), were not convinced
that the site’s oldest dates were correct because of
important inconsistencies – for example, only
Holocene species of flora and fauna were identified
in the sediments dated to the Pleistocene, and there
was no noticeable stratigraphic break at the
Pleistocene–Holocene boundary. However, Adovasio
et al. (1999; Adovasio and Pedler 2005) retorted
that
both of these characteristics are common in sites
from nearby areas and elsewhere. Another questioner,
Kelly (1987, 332), wondered if bioturbation could have
mixed charcoal and artifacts of different ages, or led
to contamination of radiocarbon samples. Below the
cul- tural assemblage in Stratum IIa is much older
carbo- nized material (in Stratum I), but no cultural
items, which may have been a source of
contamination. Stratum IIa has radiocarbon dates
stretching over 13,000 years, a very slow
sedimentation rate, and
fairly thick sterile layers in it, indicating “an
enormous amount of time […] encompassed in a
PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2 14
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
relatively thin deposit which accumulated very slowly” (Flannery 2003, 52) who reviewed Adovasio’s and
(Kelly 1987, 332). A respected Australian paleoecologist Page’s (2002) mass-market book The First Americans
suggested that anomalous flora and fauna, the exca- G of McAvoy and McAvoy 1997). Points of
vators’ miscommunication about the site’s radiocar- recognized post-Clovis types were found below
bon samples, and a lack of professionalism when Clovis, and their
responding to skeptics were major stumbles (his
term) that made the rockshelter’s reported chronology
suspicious.
The 2012 survey of opinions from individuals
involved in researching the peopling of the Americas
(Wheat 2012) found that over 60 per cent of respon-
dents either rejected the claims about Meadowcroft
or were undecided — in other words, not convinced.
Relation to Clovis? The imprecise dating is trou-
bling; still, some materials seem to be older than
Clovis. They lack the most diagnostic lithic features
that would link them less ambiguously to Clovis,
such as ultrashot or overface flaking on bifaces.
However, the early levels did yield lithic materials
superficially consistent with what has been found in
some fluted-point assemblages, such as blades and lan-
ceolate bifaces. The Miller lanceolate biface (Figure
1) from a pre-Clovis level is similar enough to be
called by some archeologists a precursor to the
Clovis point, although this piece had been reshaped
after breaking; Adovasio (1993, figure 7) illustrated a
poss- ible prototype of the Miller form, based on the
Meadowcroft and Krajacic finds, neither of which
was in pristine condition. In Meadowcroft publi-
cations, pre-Clovis lithic materials from the site are
compared favorably to Clovis lithics, and to both pre-
Clovis and post-Clovis assemblages from the
eastern and western United States. However, Collins
and Lohse (2004, 182) state that “neither the points
nor the blades are technologically very similar to
those of Clovis.” The blades and the Miller lanceolate
biface are also similar to post-Clovis materials from
the eastern USA – for example, some variants of a
late Paleoindian/early Archaic point type called Hi-
Lo in the Great Lakes region are difficult to dis-
tinguish from the Miller lanceolate (Ellis 2004, 71),
and blades continued to be made by post-Clovis cul-
tures of the Great Lakes region and the Ohio and
Tennessee valleys, although with reduced emphasis
(Ellis 2004; Kimball 1996; Sherwood et al. 2004).

2.1.3 CACTUS HILL, VIRGINIA

Unlike Meadowcroft, the Cactus Hill site did yield
fluted points, along with other lithic materials –
early Archaic through Woodland projectile point
types above Clovis, and blades and small bifaces
occurring 7–15 cm below the Clovis level. The site
has an unconsolidated medium-fine sand matrix with
acknowledged uncertainties about context and strati-
graphic integrity (McAvoy and McAvoy 1997, 179;
see also Johnson 1997, unnumbered page in appendix

14 PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2


positions are attributed to drift. Charcoal from the
lower part of a Clovis hearth was dated 10,920 ± 250 14C
yr BP (about 12,500 cal yr BP at the midpoint of
the 2-sigma range). The upper part of the hearth also
contained “partly carbonized” Holocene-age wood
(McAvoy and McAvoy 1997, 167). A date on “an
amorphous scatter of carbon” associated with quartzite
lithics below the Clovis hearth was 15,070 ± 70 14C
yr BP (roughly 18,200 cal yr BP). The suite of OSL
age estimates on four sediment
samples from below the fluted-point level, ranging
from 17 to 20 ka, “if anything […] are apt to be too
young,” according to Feathers et al. (2006, 185).
Questions or issues? Archaic type projectile points
also occur in the Clovis-bearing level in some of the
site (Units 1/9 and 2/9) (McAvoy and McAvoy
1997, table 15b, unnumbered page in appendix A),
apparently in pits dug into the Clovis level from above.
Charcoal dates that are both Holocene and late
Pleistocene from a Clovis hearth might call into
question the site’s stratigraphic integrity. However,
Feathers et al. (2006, 185) think the “archeology, sedi-
mentology, pedology, botany, radiocarbon, and lumi-
nescence” lines of evidence are in agreement, and the
site strata have “overall integrity” (Feathers et al.
2006, 167), in spite of deflation, turbation, low accre-
tion rates, and slight mixing of deposits.
The 4000 14C year (or almost 6000 cal year) gap
Meadowcroft Miller type but otherwise not especially
similar technologically to Clovis bifaces. The same
goes for the blades. Superficially, the pre-Clovis
lithics are not what is typical in a Clovis assemblage
(Collins and Lohse 2004, 182), and they are also very
distantly separated in time from Clovis, by
4000–6000 calendar years, making their possible
ancestral relationship very uncertain. The pre-Clovis-
dated assemblage, like the Meadowcroft pre-Clovis
assemblage, may or may not be a contender for
ances- tor to Clovis or proto-Clovis (sensu Haynes
2002, not Ferring 2012).
2.1.4 TOPPER, SOUTH CAROLINA
Topper is a stratified, multicomponent site containing
a quarry-related Clovis occupation (Miller 2010;
Smallwood et al. 2013) in colluvial-fluvial sediments.
The pre-Clovis claims have not been well published
in refereed journals or a monograph. Goodyear
(2005) proposed that the site also has lithics in a
paleo- sol that are 3000–7000 calendar years older
than Clovis, as estimated by OSL dating and
reckoning of
the time needed for the paleosol to have developed
in alluvial sand. A precise age is not known.
Goodyear also interpreted carbonized plant remains
found well below the Clovis levels as remnants of a
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
between the Clovis layer and the underlying pre-
Clovis stratum is very lengthy, yet there is no
erosional disconformity or sign of weathering,
which is a geoarcheological problem, and the
temporal separ- ation may be even longer if the OSL
dates are accepted. In the Wheat (2012) survey of
professional opinions about sites older than Clovis,
more than 75 per cent
were unconvinced about Cactus Hill.
Relation to Clovis? The two oldest projectile points
from Cactus Hill have lanceolate and semi-triangular
forms (Figure 2), somewhat similar to the
Figure 2 One of the two subtriangular bifaces found below
the Clovis level at Cactus Hill (edited from an illustration in
Stanford and Bradley 2012, figure 4.12; drawn by Marcia
Bakry; used by permission of D. Stanford).
human-made fire feature, dated >50,000 14C yr
BP, which is very near the early limit for
radiocarbon
dating and cannot be calibrated with IntCal13.
“Unusual chert artifacts” (Goodyear 2005, 109)
such as broken cobbles without negative bulbs
and frequent
hinge terminations, and small-flake clusters, are
said to be cultural. The lithics, which do not
change in character between levels dated
>50,000 and 15,000
14
C yr BP, are characterized as a smashed core
and microlithic industry (Goodyear 2005),
matching nothing else in Paleoindian prehistory
or in any hypothetical Old World ancestral
region. Noteworthy is the fact that the broken
chert objects derive from bedrock outcrops of
the chert, now buried at the site. Questions or
issues? Besides the abundant artifacts, Topper
has yielded thousands of local chert fragments,
most of which are not thought to be humanly
pro- duced. Waters et al. (2009, 1309) suggested
that chert
breakage may have been caused by thousands of
years of natural fires, freeze–thaw cycles, or
stream transport. The very old specimens with
characteristics
PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2 14
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
of human-made lithics may be the result of noncul-
tural fragmentation. Natural breakage events must
have occurred thousands of times in Topper’s last
50,000 years; so many natural events could have
produced a proportion of broken specimens that
look like artifacts, which is not extraordinary at all
but in fact almost inevitable, according to statistical Figure 3 Examples of small broken chert pieces found at
principles (e.g., see Hand 2014). This is similar to Topper, from sediments dated by OSL as 3000–7000
calendar years older than Clovis (edited from an online
the reasoning used by Meltzer, Adovasio, and
photograph accessed 1 September 2014,
http://www.allendale- expedition.net/museum/bb2.jpg).

Dillehay (Meltzer et al. 1994) in doubting that

humans flaked the stones in the lower levels at
Brazil’s 35–50 ka Boqueirão de Pedra Furada, and
also similar to the logic of Haynes (1973) who
argued that natural events created the flaked-stone
specimens at California’s 200 ka Calico Early Man
Archaeological Site.
In the Wheat (2012) survey of professional opinions,
85 per cent of respondents were unconvinced about
Topper’s pre-Clovis claims. Some recent reviews of
sites older than Clovis (e.g. Adovasio and Pedler
2013; Collins et al. 2013; Waters and Stafford 2013)
either do not mention or do not give serious attention
to Topper.
Relation to Clovis? The mostly small lithics below the
Clovis level (Figure 3) are not widely thought to be cul-
turally produced. OSL age estimates have large error
ranges for the lithics said to be older than Clovis,
and the fact that the materials are technologically
unchanged for over 35,000 calendar years seems
unusual in the late Quaternary prehistory of Homo
sapiens. The technology of these materials, if they are
artifacts and not nonculturally broken pieces, is very
different from Classic Clovis, hence making any
possible relationship with Clovis indeterminable. The
very oldest date also does not fit with current genetic
models of human entry into the Americas.

2.1.5 DEBRA L. FRIEDKIN (BUTTERMILK CREEK COMPLEX), TEXAS

The Buttermilk Creek Complex (BCC) in the open-
air Debra L. Friedkin site is a lithics-only assemblage
below a level which did not contain fluted points but
did have channel flakes and evidence of overshot
flaking, leading to classification as Clovis. The
Clovis level underlies a series of time-diagnostic
artifacts from late Prehistoric at the top through
Archaic, late Paleoindian, and Folsom. The age
assignment of the BCC is 15.5–13.2 ka, based on 18
OSL dates on quartz grains in clay-rich overbank
deposits (Waters et al. 2011a). Most of the BCC
assemblage is debitage, but also found were bifaces,
blade fragments, mostly small-flake tools, often with
use-wear on edges, and small blades (Waters et al.
2011a, supporting online material, p. 27).
14 PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2
 Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
Questions or issues? Morrow et al. (2012) point out are not completely identical to other Clovis
that the OSL dates are imprecise and do not provide
a decisive age for the pre-Clovis materials; the stan-
dard deviations for the dates are huge, some over
1000 calendar years, effectively establishing age
ranges of 2000 calendar years for each sample. Also,
some OSL ages from the Folsom and Clovis strati-
graphic zones are demonstrably too old, by about
1000 calendar years, suggesting that OSL
overestima- tion of the BCC age is also possible.
Morrow et al. (2012) further speculate that younger
debitage from levels above the BCC may have moved
downward into the BCC level, perhaps due to the
opening of ver- tical cracks during shrinkage of the
clay-rich matrix, technically a vertisol, or possibly
through animal (e.g., crayfish) burrowing, although
Driese et al. (2013) concluded that the site sediments
do not contain evidence for significant mixing of
cultural hor- izons (also see Jennings and Waters
2014, 44, note 3 for other supporting references).
Relation to Clovis? Jennings and Waters (2014) com-
pared technological and typological traits from three
assemblages, the Friedkin site’s Clovis materials, the
Gault (see below) Clovis assemblage, and the BCC.
The Clovis assemblages at Friedkin and Gault were
significantly different from each other in some
respects, such as frequencies of large debitage and
overshot flakes and relative counts of debitage types,
while the BCC differed from both Clovis
assemblages in some ways. But the BCC materials
had 6 of 10 traits
often used to “define Clovis” (Jennings and Waters
2014, 38, table 12). The BCC lacked fluted points,
bifaces with overshot flaking, blade cores, and
retouched blades. For the most part, these distinctions
were interpreted as significant and meaningful and
not the result of sample-size differences.
Morrow et al. (2012, 3680) point out that the BCC’s
reported “end-thinning flakes, partial overshot flakes
[…], an overshot flake […], biface reduction debris,
[…] edge-modified flakes, utilized blades and blade-
lets, graver, notches, bend-break tools, and tools
made on radially broken pieces […] also occur in
Clovis assemblages.” Nevertheless, a few BCC traits
are uncommon in Clovis assemblages from other
sites, such as the presence of burin spalls, discoidal
core reduction, and deliberate radial breakage of
bifaces (Jennings and Waters 2014, 39). The differ-
ences may mean the BCC cannot be considered a
form or variant of Clovis, but on the other hand, the
similarities may indicate that the BCC is technologi-
cally related to Clovis, perhaps a precursor lacking
only the production trait of fluting.
The analysis presented in Jennings and Waters
(2014) supports the interpretation of the BCC assem-
blage as a Clovis progenitor, because the materials

PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2 14

Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
assemblages and the age is older than Clovis; but
Jennings and Waters also cautiously point out that all
Clovis assemblages are not identical to each other
anyway, for a variety of possible reasons. On the other
hand, Morrow et al. (2012) reason that the BCC
assemblage could be part of a Clovis occupation, and
is not necessarily a progenitor because the pre- Clovis
dating is so imprecise.
2.1.6 GAULT, TEXAS
The Gault site is 250 m upstream from the Debra
L. Friedkin site on Buttermilk Creek. Both sites are
near high-quality lithic toolstone outcrops and reliable
springs, and both contain abundant lithics, mostly
debitage. “Preliminary OSL dates” (Collins et al. 2013,
528) have placed the lowermost Gault lithics at about
the same age as the Debra L. Friedkin site’s
pre-Clovis materials, up to 2000 (or more) calendar
years older than Clovis. Lithic technological differ-
ences from Clovis are highlighted by Collins et al.
(2013) and Jennings and Waters (2014), such as in
biface morphology and manufacturing techniques. The
unique presence of very small projectile points (Collins
et al. 2013, 531, figure 30.7) also differs from Clovis.
The site does have technological charac- teristics
shared with Clovis such as prismatic blades and
similarities of point preforms. A 2 × 2 m stone pavement
is thought to be older than Clovis, with chert flakes on
one side of it and large-animal bones on another.
The existence of the very small points in the older-
than-Clovis material is especially surprising, since
these forms are not Paleoindian-related and do not
appear anywhere else in North America until much
later in the Holocene. Prismatic blades in the oldest
assemblages are similar to Clovis forms, but not all
bifaces are similar to those in Clovis assemblages
from other sites. The pre-Clovis materials plausibly
could be technological precursors to Clovis, but they
do seem distinct in some ways from the Clovis
assem- blage (Jennings and Waters 2014). Yet it is
important to keep in mind that Clovis assemblages
from many North American sites do have variability,
and the differences among them probably reflect
differences in site function, location, availability of
lithic raw materials, occupation times, and other
factors. Pre-Clovis differences from Clovis at Gault
or at the Debra L. Friedkin site may be a result of
variations in these same kinds of factors, and are not
necessarily
outright indications of a major cultural/technological
dichotomy. If such factors are better studied, the tech-
nological and typological relationships between
Clovis and vaguely similar older-than-Clovis traits
may become clearer (Jennings and Waters 2014).
2.2 Sites dating ≤1000 14C years before Clovis
14 PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2
Questions or issues? Morrow et al. (2012) raised
some questions about Gault. According to Collins
(2007) and Waters et al. (2011b), who examined the
Gault stratigraphy, the site has evidence for disturb-
ance and mixing of objects of different ages, mostly
in upper ( post-Clovis) levels. There is possible tram-
pling damage on lithic artifacts in the Clovis zone,
which could have caused downward movement of
some lithics. Depositional rates were “modest”
before, during, and after Clovis times (Collins 2007,
61). Root penetration and microbioturbation pro-
cesses have occurred, such as insect burrowing,
which could have mixed materials vertically. Parts of
some refitted lithic pieces had been vertically separated
by 19 cm. Further contributing to uncertainty about
the site’s depositional integrity is the presence below
the Clovis zone of the very small stemmed points
similar in morphology to later Holocene projectile
point types. Collins et al. (2013) suggest that these
and a slightly larger similar piece from the Debra
L. Friedkin site are first glimpses of a Pleistocene
tech- nology so far unknown from Paleoindian
contexts.
Relation to Clovis? As with the BCC, the oldest
materials at Gault are not precisely dated, although
they are found under Clovis-specific levels. They
may be very early ( proto?) Clovis, or considerably
older.
2.2.1 ALASKAN FINDS
Several culture-historical components have been
named in east Beringia, but there are
disagreements about labeling in different
classification systems (Goebel and Buvit 2011;
Potter 2011). The East Beringian Tradition
(Holmes 2001, 2011; also see West 1981, 1996)
is also called simply the Beringian Tradition
(Hoffecker 2005; Hoffecker and Elias 2007), and
what is called Nenana by some (Goebel
et al. 1991; Hoffecker et al. 1993; Vasil’ev 2011)
is pre-
ferentially termed Diuktai by others (Holmes
2001), while the Denali complex may also be
termed American Paleoarctic or even Diuktai.
The relative ages of these complexes are not
clear; a figure in
Dixon (2013, 122, figure 6.8) shows
Denali/eastern
Beringian as oldest, followed by Nenana above,
Denali again above that, northern Paleoindian,
Denali again, northern Archaic, and late Denali.
The oldest sites share dominant features such
as presence of microblades and burins. Examples
of important sites are Swan Point, Dry Creek,
and Broken Mammoth, among a few others that
date before the Clovis era (see Potter et al.

2013, 83, table
5.1 for a list). Rasic (2011) reports a site that, while
it yielded mostly Sluiceway type stemmed points,
also had one fluted point, one lanceolate point, and
a single microblade core (with a date of 11,200 ± 40
14
C yr BP (about 13,100 cal yr BP), which is within
the Clovis era). There are others with similar ages
just before the Younger Dryas.
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
Dates from some of the Alaskan sites’ earliest cul-
tural components partly fall within my espoused
Clovis time range. For example, at the Mead site, the
lowest cultural component has charcoal dates of
11,560 ± 80 and 11,600 ± 60 14C yr BP
(about
13,400 cal yr BP), which Waters and Stafford (2007)
would consider older than Clovis, but which here are
considered to be coeval with the earliest Clovis dates.
At Broken Mammoth, the oldest component has char-
coal dates of 11,770 ± 210 and 11,770 ± 220 14C yr BP
(about 13,800 cal yr BP), placing it 170–700 14C
years (or an average of about 200 cal years)
older than
Clovis, depending on which of the assigned Clovis
time spans is preferred. Swan Point’s oldest dates are
on various materials, including ivory collagen
(12,060 ± 60 14C yr BP, or about 13,900 cal yr BP),
charcoal (12,040 ± 40 14C yr BP, or about 13,850 cal
yr BP), and lithic-surface residues (12,360 ± 60,
12,220 ± 40, 12,110 ± 50, 12,100 ± 40, and 11,770
±
140 14C yr BP, calibrating to a maximum of roughly
14,800 cal yr BP). These ages are older than Clovis
by 170–760 14C years (or, when calibrated, range
from approximately coeval to 1000 cal years older).
Faunal remains include bones of game birds, water-
fowl, elk, bison, and fish, and fragments of horse
teeth and mammoth teeth and tusk.
Potter et al. (2013, 95) inferred that the original
colonization of eastern Beringia was “primarily
inland and terrestrially oriented,” and that subsistence
focused on large mammals. They also (Potter et al.
2013, 93) suggested that the faunal record of eastern
Beringia is consistent with Kelly’s and Todd’s (1988)
behavioral model of early Paleoindian foragers being
highly mobile and reliant on large animals, although
foraging also was opportunistic for other food
resources when necessary. During resource scarcity
periods, the main strategy would have been to move
into new territory. When Beringian populations
expanded south, they did so through the interior
corri-
dor, “innovating fluting technology and discontinuing
microblades (but not macroblade and burin technol-
ogy)” ( parentheses in original) (Potter et al. 2013,
95). The dispersing populations kept other lithic
traits, such as standardized end scrapers and side
scrapers, macroblades, and gravers (Goebel et al.
1991) as they moved into and through the lower 48
states (see Goebel et al. 2013).
Relation to Clovis? Lithics in the East Beringian
Tradition sites are variable, often dominated by
micro- blades and microcores, but assemblages are
similar in some ways to those of Clovis (Figure 4)
(Goebel 2004; Goebel et al. 1991). The microblade
technology clearly
PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2 14
Haynes The Millennium before Clovis
sets them apart from Clovis – this trait is not part of
the Classic Clovis package as defined by Bradley et al.
(2010). Fluting technology appeared in Alaska no earlier
than about 10,370 14C yr BP (about

14 PaleoAmerica 2015 VOL. 1 NO. 2

Figure 4 Comparison of lithic classes from Clovis and Nenana sites (edited from an illustration in Goebel 2004, figure 11.10,
used by permission of T. Goebel).
12,000–12,400 cal yr BP), shown by multiple dates
from the Serpentine Hot Springs site (Goebel et al.
2013; Young and Gilbert-Young 2007) and Raven
Bluff site (Hedman 2010). This is more than 1000
14
C years after Classic Clovis had first appeared in
the lower 48 states, perhaps indicating a northward
“return” migration of descendant cultures 2000 14C
years after the initial entry of ancestral people into
Beringia. Most Alaskan fluted points are multiply
fluted, and are morphologically similar to points that
seem to post-date Classic Clovis in New England
and the Great Basin.
Other lanceolate biface industries such as Mesa
and Sluiceway also appeared in the interior of
Alaska, termed the northern Paleoindian (Hoffecker
and Elias 2007), at around 13,250 cal yr BP, which is
nearly the same age as Clovis in the lower 48 states.
These industries are quite different from those of the
microblade-dominated complexes. It is not clear if
the northern Paleoindian industries developed in
Alaska or moved there from lower latitudes (Smith
et al. 2013), as fluted points may have done.
2.2.2 BIG EDDY, MISSOURI
The open-air Big Eddy site has cultural components
that include, from the top down, Mississippian,
Woodland, Archaic, late Paleoindian, early/middle
Paleoindian (including fluted bifaces), and pre-Clovis
(Lopinot et al. 1998, 2000; Lopinot and Ray 2000;
Ray et al. 1998). The site has nine accelerator (AMS)
dates on its “early/middle Paleoindian” component
(containing fluted bifaces and debitage) that are
within the span of the Clovis era. Below the early/
middle Paleoindian materials, three flakes and three
large cobbles were found, and farther below was a
gravel layer containing numerous chert flakes, a large
and heavy stone that may have been used as an
anvil, and a large cobble that may have been used as
a hammerstone. Charcoal fragments were “scattered
throughout the early deposits” (Lopinot and Ray
2000, 3). Sixteen AMS dates were run on wood
char-
coal from the component thought to be pre-Clovis;
three samples returned Holocene ages, and three
others fell within the Clovis era as defined in this
paper, although they came from below the fluted-
point level. The other 10 dates from the layer below but it may also be over 1000 14C years younger.
Clovis range from 11,910 ± 440 to 12,950 ± 120 Another (“possibly oldest”; Jenkins et a l.
14
C yr BP (approximate midpoint of calibrated 2012b, 16)
range is stemmed projectile point recovered in situ was
14,400 cal yr BP). dated
Questions or issues? The discordant charcoal dates to 11,500 ± 30 14C yr BP (about 13,300 cal yr
could be a warning sign of inconspicuous stratigraphic BP)
mixing of materials in sediments. As for the older-
than-Clovis stone items, two experts in artifact use-
wear analysis did not consider them to be unambigu-
ously artifactual (Ahler 2000; Kay 2000), but a third
examiner thought the materials possibly could be
human-modified (Dillehay 2000). The site investi-
gators (Lopinot and Ray 2007) experimented with
trampling by elephant and bison to determine if the
pre-Clovis gravel layer’s lithic flakes and modified
pebbles and cobbles could have been naturally
created, which they conceded was likely for most
flakes, but they also continued to maintain that the
possible anvilstone and cobble hammer were
humanly modified.
Relation to Clovis? The possible anvilstone, the
pos- sible hammerstone, and the flakes in the gravel
layer may be Clovis age or more than 1000 14C
years older. If older than Clovis (Ray et al. 2000),
which most AMS dates suggest, there is no direct
technologi-
cal connection between the site’s simple lithic assem-
blage and the typical materials in a Clovis site.

2.2.3 PAISLEY CAVES, OREGON

The Paisley Caves consist of several rockshelters
(Gilbert et al. 2008; Jenkins 2007; Jenkins et al.
2012a, 2012b, 2013) that have produced a number
of different claims: (1) its Western Stemmed points
are as old as or older than the Waters and Stafford
(2007) age range of Clovis; (2) some coprolite speci-
mens with Native American types of mtDNA in
them, found in the deepest deposits without
associated artifacts, are older than Clovis; and (3)
animal bones were cut by stone tools 1300 14C years
before Clovis. Questions or issues? The dates
ascribed to stemmed points at Paisley Caves are
among the very few Clovis age or pre-Clovis dates
associated with stemmed points in the
Intermountain West, out of many dozens of
published dates from numerous other localities
(Beck and Jones 1997; Fiedel and Morrow 2012;
Goebel and Keene 2014).
Importantly, three of the four ages assigned to the
oldest stemmed points at Paisley Caves are younger
than or the same age as Clovis. One stemmed point
that was not recorded in situ has estimated bracketing
dates of 12,269 ± 60 to 10,050 ± 50 14C yr BP, so it
conceivably may be 800 14C years older than Clovis,
by association with a woody twig 40 cm away and lying
below the level of the point, which might indicate that the
point was deposited after the twig.
The obsidian hydration age estimates on some lithics
are older than Clovis, but they are also older than the
radiocarbon ages in the same stratigraphic positions as the
oldest stemmed point fragments (Gilbert et al. 2008;
Pinson 2010). Obsidian hydration age estimates are rough
at best and may be inaccurate (Anovitz et al. 1999; Duke
2011), because even slight differences in effective
hydration temperature may produce errors of several
thousand years for early
Holocene/late Pleistocene artifacts (Duke 2011, 46, 54–
58). It is also doubtful if obsidian hydration
results can validly make age separations at a finer tem-
poral scale than the gross major cultural periods
(Paleoindian, Archaic, etc.) (Duke 2011). The question of
whether stemmed points are as old as or older than Clovis
at Paisley Caves is unsettled.
As for the coprolites, human and large canid feces are
often visually indistinguishable, and the presence of the
canid mtDNA in the same coprolites with human
mtDNA, the herbivore-like micromorphology of sampled
coprolites (Goldberg et al. 2009; Poinar et al. 2009), and
the geographically anomalous human mtDNA haplotype
in two coprolites (Fiedel 2014) has caused concern about
possible contami- nation or misidentification. A lab at
Washington State University could not find the Native
American
It is relevant when considering this give and take
about the Paisley Caves coprolites to remember an
anecdote in Matisoo-Smith and Horsburgh (2012,
61), who recount how Viking samples for a DNA
analysis were collected under both the strictest possible
conditions to prevent contamination and under much
looser, less than ideal conditions. All workers who
could have come into contact with the samples were
tested for their own DNA. The sample collected
under the looser conditions returned DNA from mul-
tiple individuals, but it matched none of the research-
ers who could have inadvertently contaminated the
sample. Sediment from the sample’s find spot also
did not contain any of those DNA sequences. One
could conclude that even though the Paisley Caves
excavators’ own DNA did not match the
Copenhagen lab’s identification of a Native
American DNA variety, some other avenue of con-
tamination could have existed during the brief first
exposure of the coprolites.
A third issue is the assertion by Hockett and
Jenkins (2013, 766) that there are stone-tool cutmarks
on pre-Clovis bones, although the identifications are
only “likely” (Hockett and Jenkins 2013, 766),
based on specimens having “several of the character-
istics” of experimentally created cutmarks and not
having the features typical of trampled bones.
haplogroups – or any human mtDNA at all, except
for a probable contaminant – in eight samples which
two other labs at Copenhagen and the University of
York had said contained the Native American
mtDNA haplogroups (Jenkins et al. 2012b, 26);
however, canid mtDNA was identified in the sample
by the Washington State lab, as the Copenhagen lab
had done earlier (Gilbert et al. 2008). The
discrepancy
was thought to be due to “(a) differences in DNA
survival across specimens, (b) the possibility that
these coprolites are nonhuman; or (c) […] the ratio
of contaminant to endogenous DNA was too great
for endogenous mtDNA detection using [the
Washington State University] techniques” (Jenkins
et al. 2012b, 27), possibly implying that control for
contamination at the Washington State University
lab was inferior to that at the other labs. Recently,
one “human” coprolite with the oldest dates
(12,400 ± 60 and 12,275 ± 55 14C yr BP)
from
Paisley Caves was identified as decidedly not human,
because the fecal biomarkers in it and its micromor-
phology are diagnostic of a herbivore, not a human,
and the presence of human mtDNA was “probably
derived from an undetermined contamination
pathway” (Sistiaga et al. 2014, 815), ironically imply-
ing that the Copenhagen lab’s controls for contami-
nation were imperfect.
Hockett and Jenkins used a checklist of features (V-
shape, non-sinuous length, shoulders present, mul-
tiple straight and parallel marking, etc.) to classify
cutmarks, but these may or may not be present in a
significant proportion of marks made by various
agents other than stone tools, according to exper-
imental work by Dominguez-Rodrigo et al. (2010,
2012) and Krasinski (2010). For example, 30 per
cent of trample marks may be straight rather than
sinuous, and 10 per cent of stone-tool cuts may be
sinuous rather than straight (Krasinski 2010). Stone-
tool cuts may have either a V-shaped or a U-shaped
(flat) profile in section. The experimental tool-
cutting of fresh bone for comparative purposes
described by Hockett and Jenkins (2013) was
done on defleshed pig bones, apparently not in order
to dismember or fillet meat, but specifically to make
marks. Such marks are not identical to marks
inflicted while butchering a fresh carcass. As it
stands now, the similarities of the experimental and
fossil marks are evidence that can support the
cutting of the bones after they were defleshed, but
need not support human actions involved in proces-
sing a fresh carcass. Defleshed bones could have
been cut when trampled against sharp-edged stone
fragments in the rockshelter (see Dominguez-
Rodrigo et al. 2012).
 In the Wheat (2012) survey of professional
50 per cent of respondents were unconvinced about
opinions about pre-Clovis possibilities in North
the Paisley Caves claims.
America, over
Relation to Clovis? If the Paisley coprolites are
human, and the lithics are indeed as old as or older
than Clovis, the implications are complex. The pro-
duction technology of stemmed bifaces and Clovis
differs, which Bradley (1993) thought indicated differ-
ent ancestry, although there are some similarities (see
Amick 2004 for an analysis of a Great Basin
stemmed biface cache). It seems inefficient and unli-
kely that a single cultural group would have manufac-
tured important lithic tools using two distinct
knapping strategies; therefore, two different lithic tra-
ditions seem to have existed in close proximity in the
American West for several centuries. Judging from
where the diagnostic lithic implements of both tech-
nologies have been found, such as around pluvial
lakes (Willig and Aikens 1988), some of the same
ranges were used by the two cultures, some of the
same resources may have been sought, and the
people surely must have come face to face for several
centuries, which would raise the issue of how as
niche-sharing cultures they dealt with competitive
exclusion (Fiedel 2014).

2.2.4 HEBIOR AND SCHAEFER, WISCONSIN

Hebior and Schaefer are two open-air sites in south-
eastern Wisconsin dated about a millennium older
than Clovis (Joyce 2006, 2013; Overstreet 1993,
1996; Overstreet et al. 1993, 1995; Overstreet and
Kolb 2003; Overstreet and Stafford 1997). They are
both mammoth bone beds encased in pond deposits,
and having very few stone implements within the
beds. The lithic items are unusually crude looking
(images are in Joyce 2013, 475, figures 27.6, 27.7)
when compared to Paleoindian (and especially
Clovis) lithics. Other sites often mentioned together
with them, Mud Lake and Fenske, Wisconsin, are
not discussed here because few bones survive from
the original discoveries by ditch-diggers many
decades ago. As well, a sample of the Mud Lake
ulna’s plentiful surface marks that had been classified
as stone-tool cuts by Johnson (2006, 2007) and
Joyce
(2013) could not be identified as tool cuts in another
study (Krasinksi 2010).
At Schaefer, 10 mammoth bones have over two
dozen marks interpreted as cuts or wedge marks,
and at Hebior, nine bones have marks interpreted as
produced by human actions. Cuts or chop marks
may be created on modern proboscidean carcasses
during meat removal or skeletal disarticulation
(Haynes 1991; Haynes and Krasinski 2010), but they
tend to be rare or nonexistent when expert butchers
strip meat.
An undated lithic complex called Chesrow has
been mentioned as possibly associated with Hebior and
Schaefer (e.g., Overstreet 1993). In reviewing this Figure 5 Lithics from the Hebior site, edited from a
sug- gestion, Joyce (2013, 475) inaccurately claimed photograph in Joyce (2013).

I pre- sented the Chesrow–mammoth association

“as fact”
and “a given” (Joyce 2013, 478), when clearly the
message in my discussion (Haynes 2002, 49–50) was
about the ambiguity in the dating of Chesrow and
the unproven nature of any suggested association
with pre-Clovis mammoths. Joyce (2013, 478) unequiv-
ocally stated that a link between the Chesrow
Complex
and the Hebior and Schaefer mammoths is “nonexis-
tent,” but then went on to accept it as a “working
hypothesis.” Ellis (2004) did not accept the Chesrow
association with the mammoths, and considered the
Chesrow point forms to be coeval with Hi-Lo and
Dalton materials, which post-date the Clovis era.
Chesrow’s association with Hebior and Schaefer is a
very weak possibility, which was my position in
Haynes (2002), and lacks enough support to discuss
further.
Questions or issues? It is very unlikely that the mam-
moths in these two sites were butchered by the rela-
tively small lithics found with the bones, including
irregularly flaked bifaces (Figure 5). The presence of
carnivore tooth marks and trampling marks, the
close similarities of some marks to metal-tool dings,
and the claim that pry or wedge marks have been
identified, when such an impracticable and dysfunc-
tional action of wedging or prying bones apart
would not be part of elephant-carcass processing
when handheld tools are used, leads me to question
the identification of the cutmarks.
Doubt also arises when the stratigraphy is
examined for Hebior (Figure 6). The stratigraphic
profile con- tains horizontal layers, vertical columns,
and broken offset bands of intrusive or injected
sand, called
dikes or lenses that formed “very late in the develop-
ment of the stratigraphic sequence” (Overstreet and
Kolb 2003, 7). The possibility exists that these were
routes through which much younger artifacts were
moved downward by water action into the bone bed
from above. Some small objects could have been
incorporated in the intrusive vertical and lateral sand are very different from anything expected in Clovis
bands, moving short distances in the sand and there- fore sites with large-mammal bones, or in any Upper
are not visibly abraded. Vertical and lateral dis- Paleolithic butchery site in Eurasia. There is no tech-
placement of items is a possibility in any site where nological link at all to Clovis, but proboscidean
sediments are disturbed, even if only slightly. hunting or scavenging at Hebior and Schaefer 1000
Relation to Clovis? Whether or not the sites have been
correctly interpreted as mammoth-butchering locales, the
fact that single proboscideans occur in association with Figure 6 Hebior stratigraphy. Upper photograph: view of the
mammoth bones in situ, with a cleaned profile in the
lithics is indeed reminiscent of Clovis sites. Mammoth-
background, showing lighter colored lenses and stringers
associated Clovis sites, on the other hand, do not have cutting through the sediments overlying the bone level
such heavily marked bone surfaces (although poor (photographed by Vance Holliday, used by permission).
preservation could have removed such traces from some Lower photograph: closer view of part of one cleaned wall
Clovis finds), and of course, they consistently date 1000 profile after the bones had been removed (photographed by
14 G. Haynes in 2005).
C years younger. Importantly, the lithics at both sites
14
C years before Clovis is a possible sign of a frozen bog, a difficult-to-prove possibility proposed
foraging pattern similar to Clovis, namely human by Fisher (Fisher 1984a, 1996; Fisher et al. 1994;
opportunistic targeting of increasingly vulnerable or Lepper et al. 1991).
stressed mega- fauna during the climatic oscillations Questions or issues? The bones were partially
of the late glacial. sub- merged during part of the excavation, and it is
possible that marks were created on the bone
2.2.5 BURNING TREE, OHIO
At Burning Tree, three bone clusters from a
mastodont skeleton missing one rear limb’s bones,
most of the tail, most toes, and a few other elements
were found within a peat bog in the first stages of
excavation to make a water hazard on a golf course
(Lepper et al.
1991). Radiocarbon dates were run on spruce
branches in spatial association (12,620 ± 90 and
11,720 ± 110 14C yr BP; about 14,000 cal yr BP at
midpoint of both ages), peat/soil (12,230 ± 70 14C yr
BP; about 14,400 cal yr BP), non-coniferous twigs
and organic
matter from “presumed gut contents” (11,660 ± 120
and 11,450 ± 70 14C yr BP; about 13,700–13,100 cal
yr BP at midpoint of range), and bone collagen
(10,860 ± 70 14C BP) (Lepper et al. 1991, 124). The
gut content ages are about 400–600 14C years older
than the Waters and Stafford (2007) beginning date
for Clovis, but are very near or younger than the less
conservative date preferred here (see Miller et al.
2013; Sanchez et al. 2013, 2014), placing this site
within the Clovis era. The younger date on the bone
is explained as typical of bone collagen dates
(Lepper et al. 1991, 123, citing other sources).
The find lacked lithics, but had some possible tool-
made cuts and gouges on a toe bone and ribs, along
with “dragmarks” claimed to have been made by the
bones being pulled across sand or grit, which are par- surfaces during recovery actions. Some well-
ticle sizes apparently not present in the bog where the preserved fossil bones when wet have surfaces that
bones came to rest (Fisher et al. 1991, 1994), although are easier to mark than when they harden after
grit was found on the internal surface of unfused drying. The bone surface marks should be
epiphyses. Carnivore gnaw marks were also rigorously analyzed by taphonomic experts using a
identified on some pieces. The site was interpreted as contextualized approach (Dominguez-Rodrigo et al.
a partly butchered carcass that had been transported 2010). The original bones are currently in a
away from a kill site and stored in the water of a Japanese museum, to which they were sold in 1993
for $600,000. As with Hebior, Schaefer, Manis (see
equipment such as earth-movers or draglines may
below), and several other probos- cidean finds not
have driven over and deformed the waterlogged sedi-
examined in this paper, heavy
ments enclosing the bones, abrading or fragmenting
them, before exposing the bone assemblages to discov-
ery (see Haynes 1991, 236, figure 6.1), and it is also
possible that abrasion from being forced through
sedi- ment or across other bones, or the impact of
hydraulic buckets, may be responsible for at least
some bone modifications.
Relation to Clovis? The site may have been made
by early or proto-Clovis people, based on the dating
of the presumed gut contents. If it actually is a
butchered and cached proboscidean, it makes more
credible the development of a rational late-glacial
subsistence strat- egy of opportunistically targeting
large mammals. But because there are no lithics in
the site it is unlike the proven Clovis sites with large-
mammal remains; there- fore, it cannot be clearly
identified as either a Clovis site or made by people
immediately ancestral to Clovis.

2.2.6 COATS-HINES, TENNESSEE

At the Coats-Hines site, “Charred material […] from
the top of the artifact-bearing deposit” in a paleo-
pond (Deter-Wolf et al. 2011, 152) was dated
12,050 ± 60 14C yr BP (ca. 13,750–14,000 cal yr BP
at 2 sigma), about 400 14C years older than the
Clovis start date preferred here. A younger
radiocar- bon date came from just above a
mastodont bone, while a date of 12,030 ± 40 14C yr
BP came from beneath another mastodont bone, and
an older date
of 14,750 ± 220 14C yr BP came from below yet
another mastodont bone. Deeper bone-bearing depos-
its at the site were dated around 23–28,000 14C yr BP
(roughly 27,300–33,500 cal yr BP). Mastodont bones
are said to have been marked by stone-tool edges,
although adequate illustrations of the marks have
not been published. Also found were lithic resharpen-
ing flakes and a prismatic blade, part of a biface,
scra- pers, gravers, and cores (Breitburg et al. 1996).
Besides bones of mastodont, the site also contained
remains of deer, turtles, and muskrat.
Questions or issues? The bone marks thought to be
made by stone tools should be examined by experi-
enced taphonomic researchers who do not have a
stake in the current debate about the peopling of the
Americas, to provide a supporting voice to the argu-
ment that the animal bones and the lithics are behav-
iorally associated rather than unrelated members of a
palimpsest water-source assemblage.
Relation to Clovis? The lithics are not inconsistent
with forms known from Paleoindian assemblages,
but they do not show specific direct links to Classic
Clovis such as fluting or overface/ultrashot/overshot
flaking. The possible butchering of mastodont, along
with what may be either “background” or subsistence
faunal remains – deer, turtle, and muskrat – is mens, and more than four times as many
“cutmark- like” incisions on 29 specimens. Some
reminis- cent of Clovis mammoth sites in the Plains
marks were probably made by shovels and steel
and American West, such as Lehner, Murray trowels (see the
Springs,
8 mm film footage of the 1967 excavations,
Domebo, and Colby (Haynes 2002). As with recorded by L. Davis (ThisIsBozeman.com
Burning Tree, the site may reflect yet another [1967]; http://
manifes- tation of an occasional subsistence strategy
that even- tually culminated in a preference for the
largest mammals in some habitats (Haynes and
Hutson 2013; Surovell and Waguespack 2008, 2009;
Waguespack and Surovell 2003; but see Cannon and
Meltzer 2004, 2008; Grayson and Meltzer 2003 for dis-
senting opinions).

2.2.7 LINDSAY, MONTANA

Krasinski (2010) suggested that some mammoth
bones from the Lindsay site in Montana (Davis and
Wilson 1985; Hill and Davis 1998) had been cut,
chopped, and broken by people using stone tools. The
site yielded no flaked-stone lithics, but there were
several large sandstone blocks with the bones, which
Davis and Wilson (1985) had thought to be
manuports used as hammers or anvils to break open
bones. Earlier radiocarbon dating put the site in the
Clovis era (Hill and Davis 1998, for example);
however,
Waters and Stafford (2013) report new dates that
now indicate that it is about 1300–700 14C years
older than Clovis, depending on which assigned time
range for Clovis is preferred, or at 2 sigma roughly
1000–600 cal years older than the earliest Clovis ages
accepted here.
Questions or issues? Krasinski (2010) compared the
site’s mammoth bone marks to marks, which had
been experimentally produced by different processes.
To identify stone-tool-inflicted cuts, she applied
regression models that incorporated micromorpholo-
gical traits (e.g., mark length, width, and depth, apex
flatness, presence of concave or cracked walls and
apex striae, and type of termination of mark). Her
experiments and the statistical models showed that
stone-tool cuts have either V-shaped or flat apices
(that is, the bottoms of the marks), as do animal
tooth marks, and striae were present in the apices of
stone-tool cuts. Using regression models, the
accuracy of correct mark classifications (steel versus
stone versus tooth) varied, and was never 100 per
cent.
Thirteen marks on four Lindsay specimens had “a
>50 per cent probability to represent cutmarks pro-
duced by lithic implements” (Davis et al. 2013).
Also
noted, based on probabilities, were more than twice
as many steel-made marks on seven elements, more
than four times as many trample marks on 22 speci-
www.thisisbozeman.com/detail/digging-the-lindsey-
mammoth-1967/)). This diverse mix of marks made
by a wide variety of agents lends an air of ambiguity to
the site’s interpretation as a butchered mammoth.
Relation to Clovis? The dating, the uncertainty about
the bone marks, and the lack of lithics mean this find
can only be regarded as older than Clovis, but cannot be
unreservedly recorded as a memento of people who
were ancestral to Clovis. But, like Burning Tree, Coats-
Hines, and the Wisconsin mam- moths, if it is genuinely a
proboscidean butchery site, it shows an occasional human
preference for mega- fauna just before the Clovis era.

2.2.8 PAGE-LADSON, FLORIDA

The rich Page-Ladson site is under water in a 10-m deep
sinkhole in the Aucilla River, offering unusual
challenges – such as extremely low visibility in the deep
water – for the deciphering of its stratigraphy and
depositional processes (Dunbar 2006; Halligan
et al. 2013; Waters and Stafford 2013; Webb 2006).
“Abundant numbers of Paleoindian and early Archaic
artifacts from several time periods” have been recovered
from the sinkhole (Faught 2006,
173), including bifaces (Figure 7). During an early period
of use by animals and humans, before sea level rise at the
end of the Pleistocene, the site was a karst depression
situated almost 100 miles (ca. 162 km) from the Gulf
of Mexico, which is 5 miles (ca. 8 km) away today. A
deeply buried layer of sedi- ment contained a few lithic
flakes, a unifacial expedi- ent tool, and a possible
hammerstone, along with mastodont bones and wood
and seeds dated to
12,450 ± 40 14C yr BP (average of six dates) (ca.
14,600 cal yr BP at the 2-sigma range midpoint) (Dunbar
2006), which is about 1400–850 14C years older than the
Clovis time range in Waters and
Stafford (2007), or about 1200 cal years older than the
earliest Clovis date accepted here. A deposit of leaves,
bark, and wood is thought to be trampled mas- todont
dung, and contained a biface fragment (Halligan et al.
2013). A mastodont tusk from this level had six incised
grooves near the lipline, inter- preted as extraction marks
made by people removing
the tusk from the animal’s head (Webb 2006).
Questions or issues? Waters and Stafford (2013, 553)
think that the site’s data are “compelling evidence of early
human occupation,” but they also somewhat
contradictorily state that the early human presence is
not yet confirmed, because the stratigraphy is in need of
further study. The six deep grooves in the mastodont tusk
have not been as closely analyzed or adequately published
as they should be to support the interpretation as
extraction damage.
Relation to Clovis? The lithics from the deep level
reported in D u n b a r ( 2 0 0 6 ) do not show conspicuous
Figure 7 Bifaces from the Page-Ladson site (edited from an illustration in Stanford and Bradley 2012, figure 4.10; drawn by
Marcia Bakry; used by permission of D. Stanford).
CORRECTION: The biface on the far right is not a Page-Ladson
point.
and direct technological linkage to Classic Clovis. The object has not been extracted, but high-
The site’s possibly cut/chopped tusk is slim evidence resolution
for megamammal butchering, unless every possible X-ray computed tomography scanning shows that
non- the main length of the surviving shaft is
cultural source of the marks can be rigorously elimi- rectangular in
nated from consideration. Even so, the exploitation
of megafauna and creation of scattered sites at water
sources is suggestive of an emerging pre- or proto-
Clovis pattern in North America.

2.2.9 MANIS, WASHINGTON

At the Manis site in Washington, a mastodont rib
with a protruding osseous bit (Figure 8) made from a
mas-
todont bone or tusk (determined from DNA analysis)
was directly dated to 11,990 ± 30 14C yr BP (about
13,800 cal yr BP), almost 400 14C years older than
the Clovis horizon as accepted here. The pierced rib
was found in sediments left from a kettle pond, along
with fractured and flaked mastodont bones and puta-
tive cut marks on bone surfaces (Gilbow, unpub.
thesis 1981, cited in Gustafson et al. 1979; Waters
et al. 2011c; Runnings, unpub. thesis 1981, cited in
Waters et al. 2011c), which have not been confirmed
using more recently advanced analytical standards
(e.g., Dominguez-Rodrigo et al. 2010). No
unquestion- able flaked-stone artifacts were found
with the bones. A hydraulic bucket had exposed the
bones, splintering some elements in the process
(Figure 9).
Questions or issues? The protruding piece in the
Manis mastodont rib has a very small diameter.
Waters et al. (2011c), following Gustafson et al.
(1979), call it a projectile point, without any discus-
sion, although Stanford (1982, 209) had been more
equivocal, stating it was “tentatively identified as a
projectile point” and a “presumed projectile point.”
cross section rather than circular/rounded, with
maximum width and thickness estimated (from
published images with scale bars) of about 3 × 4 mm
at about 3.5 cm back from the conical tip. Judging
from the photographs and other images in Waters et
al. (2011c), the shaft of the Manis item has no traces of
grinding or smoothing, as is typical of bone piercing
implements from other places and times in prehistory.
Other undisputed bone points from arche-
ological contexts typically measure much larger in
shaft thicknesses. For example, “ivory points” from the
Yana site in Siberia (Nikolskiy and Pitulko 2013,
4195, figure 8) were rounded in cross section
( judging from the published images), with cross-sec-
tional diameters of about 6 mm, as measured 3.5 cm
from the tip; eyed needles from the site are smaller
(Pitulko et al. 2013, 32, figure 2.12I, J, L), but all
objects interpreted as weapons from the Yana site are
larger in diameter than the Manis specimen. Another
example of a projectile used against mammoth is
indicated at the Lugovskoe site in Siberia (Mashenko
et al. 2003; Zenin et al. 2003), where a mammoth
thoracic vertebra has a pierced hole measuring 7 × 10
mm across, roughly showing the original width of the
projectile point that entered the bone. This projectile
had a lithic inset, a fragment of which is still within the
hole. The projectile was hardly larger in cross-sectional
size than the Yana pieces without insets, and its
diameter was substan- tially larger than that of the
Manis piece.
Straight and curved ivory points or rods from
Alaska, Arizona, Florida, New Mexico, Ohio, Texas,
Washington, and Montana (Hemmings 2004, 185–189)
are all smoothed and polished, circular or oval to
semi-circular in cross section, and vary in
maximum diameters from 4.85 to 15 mm; the lengths
range up to 30 cm, and in one case 40 cm.
Figure 8 Two views of the Manis mastodont rib fragment with the embedded object (edited from a photographic montage in
Waters et al. 2011c, figure S4 in “supporting online material”; reprinted with permission from AAAS). Note the rectangular
cross section of the object, and also what may be additional bone material inserted into the rib or pushed out of it, alongside
the object.

A sample of complete or nearly complete ivory back from the tip, some of the so-called
points from Florida (see Hemmings 2004) are >7 to Bushman
>9 mm in diameter when measured 3.5 cm back
from the tips, much larger than the Manis piece’s
diameter and comparable to the Yana and
Lugovskoe points. An ivory sewing needle fragment
from Florida has a maximum cross-sectional diameter
of 4.8 mm at only 1.5 cm from the tapered tip, also
well above the diameter of the Manis piece
(Hemmings 2004, figure 3.16).
Similarities can be found between the Manis item
and the slender bone spear and arrow points from
southern Africa’s Later Stone Age and Iron Age
(Backwell et al. 2008, figures 3, 8). At about 3.5 cm
arrow points are 3–4 mm in diameter, although their
conical tips appear much sharper than the Manis
specimen, and they show signs of rounding and
shaping by human actions, unlike the Manis specimen.
These African specimens appear to be no longer than
about 13 cm, and were always bound into link shafts that
were inserted into reed shafts.
The Manis specimen’s small size and the evident
lack of human shaping to a more efficient circular cross
section should inspire a rigorous visual examin- ation of
the specimen and lead to experiments to test the
effectiveness of such a tiny projectile point.
Relation to Clovis? If the bone or ivory splinter is
indeed a projectile made by human hands, and the marked
and broken mastodont bones were part of a
Figure 9 The upper part of the figure shows Manis mastodont ribs that had been fragmented by mechanized excavation
equipment. Note the pebbles in colluvium above the bones and the stones in glacial till directly under the bones (photographed
by C. Vance Haynes in 1977, used with his permission). The lower part of the figure isthe bone-bed map (from Waters et al.
2011c, figure S3 in the “supporting online material,” edited to enlarge the text; note that the original figure had a misspelling of
one bone name,
“inominate;” reprinted with permission from AAAS.) with an added outline drawn around the approximate area in the photo
above.

butchered carcass, the site may be evidence that mega- indeed specifically targeted by human foragers in
fauna stressed by rapidly oscillating climates and com- some habitats (Haynes 2009).
peting for limited resources in the late glacial were
2.2.10 AYER POND, WASHINGTON a pond were directly dated 11,760 ± 70 and
At Ayer Pond, Washington, Bison antiquus bones 11,990 ± 25 14C yr BP (the latter date calibrated
found in clay and silt at the base of woody peat in at
2-sigma midpoint to about 13,850 cal yr BP) (Kenady understood – as a culture that made and used
et al. 2011). This is 100–390 14C years older than highly efficient tools
Clovis, or 450 cal years older than the earliest and whose foragers were not averse to leaving
Clovis date accepted here. No lithics were found, behind still-useful implements such as fluted
and no organic projectiles. Possible impact points on bifaces or dis- carding worn items such as
bones, unweathered-bone fracturing patterns, and unmodified flakes after using them.
chopmarks were also identified, but “no fine cut-
marks […] from slicing with a sharp edge” were
seen (Kenady et al. 2011, 135). No carnivore-gnaw
damage was found, and no evidence of animal-tram-
pling. Hence the materials are interpreted as a bison
dismembered and butchered by people, who dis-
carded low-utility body parts on the surface of a
frozen pond, and transported away the higher-utility
parts.
Questions or issues? The storage of large-mammal
body parts within frozen ponds is a recurring theme
in proboscidean-site interpretations by Fisher (e.g.,
see Fisher 1984a, 1984b, 1987, 1996, 2009), and is
equivocally suggested for the site by Kenady et al.
(2011), but a preferred twist is that the bison body
parts may have been cached on top of ice after butch-
ering, rather than under the ice in water. The bones in
illustrations appear to have been broken by impact
when in a fresh state, and were not carnivore
gnawed. Unfortunately, the discovery and collection
of the bones were not done by professionals, and the
discovery was made after a “tracked mechanical
exca- vator” (Kenady et al. 2011, 133) began digging
at the site; its weight could have deformed the
clay and
mucky silts enclosing the bones below peat
sediments, causing breakage and putting marks on
well-preserved elements. Workmen gathered up and
uncovered bones by hand after one bone was seen in
a cutwall of a mechanically opened excavation. The
bones were then stored for two years before a
professional was contacted and visited the find spot.
Kenady et al. (2011, 133) state that no shovels or
trowels were used by workmen to recover the
bones after mechanical
equipment exposed the first ones, based on workers’
memories two years later and apparently not on
formal notes or records.
Relation to Clovis? Interpretations of the site
support the idea that people in the centuries before
Clovis were competent foragers, who quickly and
effi- ciently killed and butchered large mammals, and
moved on without leaving much behind, somewhat
similar to Clovis behavior at some sites in the
American West. But the absence of associated lithic
and osseous implements makes it impossible to link
the find to Clovis as it has been classically
2.2.11 THE FIRELANDS GROUND SLOTH, OHIO
At the Firelands Ground Sloth site, Ohio, a femur from an
adult Jefferson’s ground sloth (Redmond et al. 2012)
was directly dated at 11,740 ± 35 14C yr BP (roughly
13,550 cal yr BP), 700 14C years older
than the Waters and Stafford (2007) maximum age for
Clovis, but only 140 14C years (150 cal years) older than
the first-appearance date espoused in this paper. One
femur had dozens of fine incisions that were interpreted
as made by unmodified and retouched stone flakes and
bifacial tools, used to chop or slice fresh bone surfaces.
The sloth’s 10 skeletal elements had been given to
the Firelands Historical Museum in Norwalk, Ohio, but
no detailed information is available except that they had
been buried 4 ft deep in wet ground, probably a swamp or
peat bog. No lithics had been curated with the bones.
Upon learning about the bones, Redmond et al. (2012)
initiated a taxonomic and taphonomic study of them.
Surface marks were inspected under optical instruments
and a sample of silicon molds of the marks was examined
in a scanning electron micro- scope by H. J. Greenfield.
Small pieces of wood from inside bones were identified
as cf. conifer, consistent with expectable late Pleistocene
flora.
Questions or issues? The sloth bones had been dis-
covered decades before, so the methods of recovery,
cleaning, and storage cannot be reviewed to eliminate the
possibility that the bone marks are preparators’ or
3. Discussion
14
One-thousand C years may approach the maximum
spread of time in which techno- and socio-cultural
traits among low-density foragers can be expected to
show clear remaining hints of an ancestral–
descendant relationship. The sites reviewed here
reasonably
suggest a human presence in many parts of the
continent well before the Clovis era, even though
they are not without interpretive problems. But only a
very few have what can be considered even indirect
technological links to Classic Clovis, or to any other
defined cultural
“type” such as Western Stemmed. Leading the list of
sites that could be directly ancestral to Clovis is the
Debra L. Friedkin site in Texas, where the lithic
assem- blage is very similar to what has been found
at the Aubrey Clovis site, also in Texas (Ferring
2001, 2012; Morrow et al. 2012), although Jennings
and Waters (2014) point out differences, too. Other
possible lineal relationships can be seen in parts of
the eastern Beringian sites (Goebel et al. 1991), but
with major
differences there, too, and possibly in Meadowcroft’s
early assemblages and the pre-Clovis material from
Cactus Hill, but the technological relationships are
tenuous at best. Page-Ladson’s bifaces are not all
confi-
excavators’ damage. However, Redmond et al. (2012)
do report a variety of bone marks, which they
propose were probably made during handling and
storage, and also a type of mark called “claw
marks,” which are curved, broad, shallow, and U-
shaped – and in my view very unlikely to have
been made on fresh mammalian cortical bone
surfaces by animal claws, which have not been shown
to perma- nently mark large-mammal cortical bone.
The cut- marks themselves are said to have been
made by tools made of stone and not metal, based on
features such as the deep and asymmetrical V-shaped
cross sec- tions with internal striations and steps, but
these are also present in a proportion of metal-
produced cuts (Krasinski 2010). Redmond et al.
(2012, 92) admit that the lack of information about
the circumstances
of recovery so long ago “preclude [sic] an absolute
[italics in original] determination as to whether the
incisions […] are the result of human butchering.”
Relation to Clovis? Little can be said, other than
making the obvious (and hardly consequential)
acknowledgment that megafaunal butchering, pre-
sumably following killing, is almost a commonplace
subsistence activity in the Clovis era and may have
developed a few centuries before the appearance of
Classic Clovis lithic technology – if the sites discussed
immediately above have been correctly interpreted.
dently and directly dated, but if there is a
confirmable
temporal association with the dated (older than
Clovis) mastodont dung deposit, they very well
could be closely ancestral to Clovis. The rest of the
sites reviewed here either have very
lengthyseparations of dates on their pre-Clovis and
Clovis lithics (Topper), no Clovis at all overlying
the pre-Clovis levels (Meadowcroft, Paisley Caves),
nondescript or undiagnostic lithics in earliest levels
(Big Eddy, Hebior, Schaefer, and Coats-Hines), or
no lithics at all (Lindsay, Manis, and Ayer Pond),
making inferences about possible lineal relationships
to Clovis unwarranted. And even with the
occasional lithic technological similarities between
Classic Clovis and some pre-Clovis assemblages, it
is difficult to make rigorous and unambiguous
reconstructions of antecedent or coexisting
relationships, because special- ized lithic
technological theories are not on hand to guide such
reasoning, as Waguespack (2007) and Shott (2013)
have pointed out. Anderson et al. (2013, 185)
resignedly recognized that “at present all we know
is
that appreciable variability characterizes pre-Clovis,
Clovis, and immediate post-Clovis industries in
North America, even among chipped-stone
bifaces.”
Contributing to the confusion is the unfortunate
scarcity
of detailed publications about many of the sites,
which would provide essential information, the
critical data points, working hypotheses, defended
interpretations, responses to circulating critiques, and
so forth.
3.1 Disparate models
Several different models of how Clovis developed from
pre-existing populations south of Beringia are found
in
the archeological literature. Some of these models see
Clovis as the sign of a separate human dispersal,
rather latecomers to the Americas, while others see
Clovis as only a set of technological ideas that
spread among long-established human subpopu-
lations. Some of the disagreement may arise from
different degrees of documentation that can be found
about proposed sites. In too many cases, there are
not fully developed integrated descriptions of
material culture (if any has been found), dating, and
geology, and reasonable counter-arguments are
sometimes not well made when the claims are
doubted that sites were humanly made.
The “Staging Area” model (Anderson 1996) was a
proposal that a founding population in the lower 48
states, originators of Clovis culture, fragmented into
separate daughter subpopulations, which adapted to
different micro- and macro-environments in North
America, although these subpopulations continued
to share some “Clovis core” features (Anderson and
Gillam 2000; Smallwood 2012). Fluting and other
Clovis-specific features such as efficient biface thin-
ning by ultrashot or overface flaking and macroblade
manufacture may have been developed before the
staging-area phase, originating in a founding popu-
lation before it fragmented. This is essentially a
“Clovis-first” model. The staging areas continued to
be used even after Clovis was replaced by early
Archaic complexes.
A different kind of model was outlined by Waters
and Sta fford (2007), who contended that the
surpris- ingly rapid spread of fluting and other
features was the result of adoption of the technology
by pre-existing and long-resident human
subpopulations. The ulti- mate place of invention of
the technology is unknown. Collins et al. (2013)
asserted a long sequence of human occupation in
the Americas, starting almost 30,000 14C yr BP and
exhibiting seven divergent pat- terns of lithic
production technology; the message is that different
cultures originating at different times and places
were in the Americas well before the LGM. Note
that dates for some of the recognized pat- terns are
widely separated, such as in Pattern 1 with
bracketing dates >27,000 and <12,000 14C yr BP,
and Pattern 5 with bracketing dates >20,000 and
<11,000 14C yr BP, but without sites showing dating
gradients between the extremes. This may suggest tech-
nological convergence by unrelated cultures and not
lineal connection of the technologies.
MacNeish (2004) also described multiple techno-
logical patterns in a much longer time span for the
Americas, beginning around 100 ka with a Lower
Paleolithic kind of Chopper-Chopping Tool stage of
human dispersal in the Americas, progressing
through a Zhoukoudian Upper Cave-like Unifacial
stage of human presence, and ending with a stage of
leaf-shaped points, burins, and blades, which includes continent. It also does not take into consideration
microblades. These were separate waves of important points about late Pleistocene human
movement (MacNeish 1971, 2004) that represent foraging, such as oscillating climate changes
evolutionary stages in hominid technology. that were affecting
Adovasio and Pedler (2013, 513) asserted that at
least 30 archeological sites in the Americas have sup-
portable claims for being older than Clovis, and con-
cluded that “the diversity of tool kits and the
attendant lifestyles […] [at the older-than-Clovis
sites] point toward multiple movements by different
groups at different times via different routes into the
New World well before the Clovis temporal bench-
mark” (Adovasio and Pedler 2013, 518). They did
not try to reconstruct the origins of Clovis out of all
this diversity.
There are yet other possibilities about Clovis
origins, which could be summarized here, if more
space was available – such as the implications in
Beck and Jones (2010) that the unconnected
cultures
making Western Stemmed and Clovis points des-
cended from different ancestors who entered the
American West from different directions, both being
almost the same age. In this proposal, the stemmed
points originated among far western (coastal)
migrants, while the fluted points came from a popu-
lation originating far inland, to the southeast. The
sep- arate ancestry of the fluted-point population is
not suggested. However, genetic evidence from
modern and ancient DNA indicates a single Native
American origin in Northeast Asia, and a single
migration and expansion south of the ice sheets.
My own view is that rapid human spread carrying
the Clovis technology through an empty or nearly
empty continent cannot be ruled out as a possibility,
and it becomes more tenable if a duration of 1000
years was involved in the dispersal. The successful
dis- persal of a very small founding population into
wood- lands, steppes, and grasslands south of the ice
sheets may have been accomplished in just centuries,
as human demes found the game trails, faunal
refugia, and competition-free open ranges ahead.
Meltzer (2009, 231) has stated that “most studies
agree detailed landscape learning is a prolonged
process, with estimates ranging from 200–1000
[calen- dar] years.” An implication is that centuries
of human
invisibility or near invisibility may have passed
before the earliest people in any region accumulated
enough material debris anywhere to create what
would be dis- coverable as sites thousands of years
later. This makes sense, but it does not explain how
the new Clovis technology could have spread so
quickly through the near-invisible different cultural
groups who were presumably spread thinly across the
large-mammal populations, undoubtedly making them
easier to track and attack, even if lowering their general
continental densities, and the absence of human
competition for resources such as high-quality toolstone
and water. The first American foragers
may not have needed 200–1000 years to frame
mental maps of the open ranges around them, unlike the
early English colonists mentioned by Meltzer (2009, 231)
who tried to make a point about the slow- ness of
landscape learning: in spite of being techno- logically
advanced, the English were ill-equipped as farmers, faced
human competition for resources, and suffered through
monumental drought events, conse- quently requiring
more than a century to produce accurate paper maps. And
it is also worth noting that the English newcomers
essentially stopped at the eastern American Fall Line for a
century or so, while French explorers far more quickly
traveled much deeper into the unfamiliar continent.
4. Conclusion
Let us […] work and wedge our feet downward
through the mud and slush of opinion, and preju-
dice, and tradition, and delusion, and appear- ance
[…] till we come to a hard bottom […] which we
can call reality […] [H. D. Thoreau, 1854: Walden,
or Life in the Woods]
In the Wheat (2012) survey of professional opinions
about early American sites, 33 per cent of respondents
dismissed, combative partisans of opposing interpre-
tations begin an unproductive era of verbal head-butting.
The future discourse can perhaps be moderated in
those ways, but what about the material ambiguity
that may remain about certain finds, the type of incon-
clusiveness never to be resolved perfectly? For
example, stone-tool cutmarks sometimes have the
same features as marks created by steel-tool edges, as
mentioned above in the discussion about the Lindsay
mammoth site. If analysis of a site’s marked-up
bones shows that a small percentage of all examined
marks statistically appear to be likely stone-tool cuts,
and the rest are of unknown or noncultural origins,
should the evidence for cutting by stone tools be
given greater weight than the possibility that a small
fraction of noncultural marks simply possess the fea-
tures of stone-tool cuts?
There is also potential ambiguity about spatial
associations of materials in some sites’ sedimentary
environments, such as vertisols or unconsolidated
sands, and expert opinions expectably differ about
downward creep or post-depositional displacement.
In cases such as these, new data or new evidence
from the sites that could resolve the disagreements
may never be coming, and the opinions will go on
clashing for a long time.
Probably the very first humans in the New World
were unconvinced about Monte Verde, Chile – prob-
ably the best-described and most publicized pre-
Clovis site, familiar to every professional
archeologist. Claims made for lesser known sites may
be even less convincing to professional archeologists
who have not been directly involved with them. Such
questioning bedevils the consensual acceptance of
possible patterns in human dispersals and brings the
relevance of some sites into question when it comes
to reviews such as
this one – are the claims worth taking seriously if
they do not convince a substantial number of pro-
fessionals? Should they be incorporated into models
of the first human entry into the Americas, or are
they better left out of the discussion?
I think some interpretive disagreements about
older- than-Clovis claims probably could be
minimized, if scrupulously complete and integrated
publications were to provide details about
stratigraphy, dating, geology, materials recovered,
and hypotheses of poten- tial meanings. Many sites in
the samples above do not have such well-thought-out
publications, and the issues raised about the claims
are still unresolved in the minds of scholars. It is also
imperative that when- ever skeptical colleagues
question the claims and interpretations, they are
addressed methodically and objectively. If criticisms
are chronically suppressed or
were too scattered and transitory in any one locality
to leave much of an archeological record, as Meltzer
(2009) and others have surmised. But by the time of
Clovis, the record had become very visible and dis-
tinct. The ancestral humans of 1000 years before
Clovis were in the process of establishing an
archeolo- gical footprint, even if they left hardly any
discover- able traces for centuries. Our picture of
the transition from the older-than-Clovis period to
the Clovis era may always remain indefinite and
perplexing because of the visibility problem. In the
assessment of some scholars, if there had been
human populations in the New World many more
than 1000 years before Clovis, the archeological
traces of the millennium before Clovis, as reviewed
above, should be much clearer and more extensive
than it is, which seems to weaken the hypothetical
case for a very early human occupation of the New
World.
Over a decade ago, Yesner et al. (2004, 212–213)
asked “What do we know about Paleoindian
coloniza- tions,” but no new facts have been
discovered since then. The only facts then and now
are just these two:
first human beings in the Americas originated from
Asian populations, and if all the claims are believed,
there was a great deal of variability in regional
subsis- tence and technologies. Anything else which
and ambiguous” (Shott 2013, 150), and incompletely
can be confidently concluded about Clovis origins is
preserved. Exasperating questions remain, which will
limited, because the archeological record has not
continue to inspire the testing of new and evolving
been fully stories about the peopling of the Americas.
decoded and the evidence itself is “sparse, scattered,

5. Acknowledgements
Thanks to Ted Goebel for inviting this review.
Thanks also to the late Paul Martin for showing how
to deal with interpretive disagreements, even the most
aggres- sive kind, and who thoughtfully tried to teach
so many students about late-glacial North America. I
wish his patience and civility had been learned by
more people in this profession. I also want to thank
William Gardner who infected me with the Clovis
virus, and C. Vance Haynes (no biological relation
that can be traced) for sharing time and knowledge
over so many years. Special thanks go to Vance
Holliday, Stuart Fiedel, David Kilby, Vance Haynes,
and a “somewhat anonymous reviewer,” in the
journal editor’s words, for reading a draft of this
paper and making major and minor suggestions to
improve it, and to Janis Klimowicz for essential help
in its preparation.

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Author's Biography
Gary Haynes earned his PhD from Catholic University of America in 1981. He is Foundation Professor of
Anthropology at the University of Nevada, Reno, where he has worked for 30 years. His research interests are
North America’s first people, taphonomic and actualistic studies of large mammals, and southern African
prehistory.
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