W.

van der Molen

I. Wiryamartana
The Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts. A neglected collection

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Old Javanese texts and culture 157 (2001), no:
1, Leiden, 51-64

This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl

 I. KUNTARA WIRYAMARTANA a n d W. VAN DER MOLEN

The Merapi-Merbabu Manuscripts

A Neglected Collection

Introduction

The famous manuscript collection of the National Library of Indonesia in

Jakarta, one of the major collections of Indonesian manuscripts in the world,
consists of a main collection and a number of sub-collections. The sub-col-
lections are mostly named after the scholars who brought them together.
Abbreviations such as W and CS, referring to the nineteenth-century Euro-
pean philologists H. von de Wall and A.B. Cohen Stuart, are familiar codes to
everyone working with manuscripts in the National Library.1 Almost
unknown, however, is a sub-collection of Javanese manuscripts which are
named the Merbabu or Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts, after their place of ori-
gin in Central Java. This will surprise no one, as this sub-collection no longer
exists as a separate collection: the manuscripts which once belonged to it are
not marked by a specific code like those of the other sub-collections, but have
merged with the main collection and are marked with only a general call
number. One has to know about these manuscripts to be, able to form an idea
of the original sub-collection.
The Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts, written exclusively on palm leaves,
represent a library which was set up by Javanese scholars before the nine-
teenth century. They are much older than what is usually found. Whereas
most Javanese manuscripts date from the nineteenth and early twentieth cen-
turies, the Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts go back to the eighteenth, seven-
teenth and even sixteenth centuries. (they are nevertheless in remarkably
good shape). They are written for the greater part in a Javanese script which
to this day, for lack of. a better term, is referred to-as aksara buda, that is,
'Buddhist (namely pre-Islamic) characters', or aksara gunung, 'mountain
characters'. The collection reflects the Old as well as the Middle and Modern
Javanese literary tradition, containing works of a religious, speculative philo-

1
See Behrend et al. 1998:xi-xxiii for an overview of the way the collections of the Perpusta-
kaan Nasional are organized..
52 I. Kuntara Wiryamartana and W. van der Molen

sophical, belletristic and

technical nature. Study of
the individual manuscripts
and of the collection as a
whole will no doubt add sig-
nificantly to our knowledge
of the Javanese literary tra-
dition.
Not much is known
about the background of the
collection. Its very existence
was first discovered around
1822. Down to this day, the
grave of the eighteenth-cen-
tury owner, of the manu-
scripts, one Windusana,
high priest in \he.buda reli-
gion, can be found on the
slopes of Mount Merbabu
(see Figure 1). Windusana is
reported to have owned a
thousand-odd manuscripts,
but when the Bataviaasch
Genootschap laid hands on
the manuscripts in about
1852, their number had
Figure 1. Grave of Windusana. A visitor can be ' dwindled to some four hun-
seen meditating in front of the grave. Photograph dred. Most of them are now
courtesy of Kartika Setyawati, Yogyakarta. in the National Library; a
few dozen are in libraries in
other parts of the world (Van der Molen 1983:109-18). Although in the eight-
eenth century the manuscripts belonged to a single person, their colophons
reveal that they were produced in many different places scattered over the
slopes not only of Mount Merbabu but also of Mounts Merapi, Telamaya,
Telaga and Wilis (see Wiryamartana 1993:503-5). *
Since the manuscripts were moved from Central Java to their present
location, they have received scarcely any attention, although individual
manuscripts have been used in text editionsfrom time to time (one example
is Poerbatjaraka 1940). It was only in the 1980s that W. van der Molen (1983)
and I. Kuntara Wiryamartana (1984,1990,1993) drew attention to the collec-
tion as such again. Van der Molen tried to distinguish the manuscripts of this
collection from the other manuscripts of the Bataviaasch Genootschap col-
 The Merapi-Merbabu Manuscripts 53

lection - which it had entered at a time when there was still no regular regis-
tration -, to crack its chronological code, and to connect its script to other
forms of the Javanese script. Kuntara Wiryamartana initiated the research
into the various places where the manuscripts were produced.
Being at present engaged in the preparation of a catalogue of these manu-
scripts, we would like to present in the following pages some of our findings.
Here we will give special attention to the contents, chronology and script of
these manuscripts.2

Contents

The manuscripts of the Merbabu collection contain Javanese texts belonging

to various genres and dating from different periods in the history of Javanese
literature. '
Of the parwa books of the Mahabharata, the only one preserved in the
Merbabu collection happens to be a book found only there. This is the
Sabhaparwa, contained in palm-leaf manuscript 92, which was believed by
P.J. Zoetmulder in 1974 to be lost since 1969, when he had last seen it (Zoet-
mulder 1974:97), though fortunately it is still here. According to Zoetmulder,
the text of the Sabhaparwa is 'corrupt to an appalling degree', while 'the lan-
guage seemed to be of quite a different nature, and to belong to a much later
period [than the language of the other parwa books]' (Zoetmulder 1974:97,
98). Nevertheless, because the Sabhaparwa of the Merbabu collection is
unique, this manuscript deserves our attention (manuscript Kirtya 2389 in
Singaraja is a copy of palm-leaf manuscript 92). Of the prose divisions of the
Ramayana, the Uttarakanda has survived in three manuscripts: 22, 51, and
80. The text of this'Uttarakanda is'similar to the text as preserved in Balinese
manuscripts.
The Merbabu manuscripts contain quite a few kakawin, such as the
Ramayana, Arjunawiwaha, Bharatayuddha, and Arjiinawijaya. From the
Ramayana text reproduced in Figure 7 (Ramayana 11.2-4b, taken from palm-

2
The origins of this article go back to the summer of 1993, when, at the invitation of Dr. Tim
E. Behrend on behalf of the National Library of Indonesia to devote some time to the description
of the manuscripts of this collection, the authors, together with Dra.- Kartika Setyawati, had the
opportunity to take a closer look at some of these. We wish to thank the National Library and Dr.
Behrend for giving us this opportunity to examine these manuscripts.
A seminar on photographing manuscripts held in the National Library during the last days of
our stay there enabled us to obtain excellent reproductions of a number of pages of the manu-
scripts to be discussed in this article. We would like to thank Mr. John McGlynn of the Lontar
Foundation in Jakarta and Mrs. Annie Gilbert of the British Library in London for sharing their
precious time and equipment with us.
54 I- Kuntara Wiryamartana and W. van der Molen

leaf manuscript 335) it. is clear that the copying was done carefully and that
the spelling is accurate, that is, the distinction between long and short vowels
is in agreement with the metre. In view of this example, it can be said that the
Javanese tradition was still quite strong in a relatively late period and at a rel-
atively advanced stage in the process of copying. Comparing the readings of
palm-leaf manuscript 335 with Kern's edition of this kakawin. (Kern 1900)
and taking into account the 'verschil in lezing' (variant readings), they appear
sometimes to agree with those of the Balinese tradition (Ramayana 11.2b:
winantwan), sometimes with those of the Javanese tradition (Ramayana
11.3c: wila has replaced maja) (see Kern 1900:7).
The texts of the Arjunawiwaha kakawin include one Old Javanese version
with a yerse-by-verse prose translation into Modern Javanese, contained in
palm-leaf manuscript 181. Kuntara Wiryamartana has shown that this prose
translation formed the basis of the Serat Wiwaha- Jarwa by Pakubuwana III
(Wiryamartana 1990:264-71). If the translation was made somewhere in the
Mount Merbabu area, then the contributionof this region to the literary life
of the Solonese kraton was even greater than was hitherto believed.
One Buddhist text found in the Merbabu manuscripts is the prose
Kuftjarakarna. Two manuscripts of this collection containing this text (53 and
187) together with the Leiden manuscript LOr 2266 formed the subject of a
special investigation by Van der Molen (1983). According to Kuntara, the
Kuftjarakarna texts of the Merbabu collection constitute a ceremonial text
with a consecrational or excorcistic function (Wiryamartana 1984:271).
The kidung .texts in this collection include the Kidung Subrata, which is
contained in.many of its manuscripts (7, 35, 65b, 1-33, 134, 15.0>.158, 183, 206,
304, 321, 373). According to their colophons, these manuscripts were .copied
in several scriptoria scattered around Mounts Merapi, Merbabu and Tila-
maya. The Kidung Subrata contains mystical lessons with a Siwaite charac-
ter, focusing on yoga. This kidung is written in Modern Javanese (according
to Poerbatjaraka (1964:76) Middle Javanese) verse in metres like Panjipra-
kasa, Darmaparita, Pamijil, Sinom and Witan. Poerbatjaraka deems its con-
tents very elevated; saying: 'Filosofienipun kidung Subrata kenging dipun
wastani inggil' (Poerbatjaraka 1964:76). He believes that there is a chrono-
gram hidden in one of the opening stanzas, where 'tiga rasa dadijalma' prob-
ably stands for the year 1463 AS (1541 AD), which he supposes to be the year
in which the Kidung Subrata was written (Poerbatjaraka 1964:77). An ident-
ical Kidung Subrata text is found in palm-leaf manuscript 1090 of the collec-
tion, which may come from Tengger, as it is written in Javanese characters
much like the ones in palm-leaf manuscript 787, containing mantras from
Tengger. It is quite possible that the Kidung Subrata forms a link between the
Merbabu and the Tengger communities.
Another kidung, the text of which is to be found exclusively in manu-
 The Merapi-Merbabu Manuscripts 55

scripts from the Merbabu collection, is the Kidung Surajaya (palm-leaf manu-
scripts 87,101,158, 208, 245, 262, 306, and 504). Like the Kidung Subrata, the
Kidung Surajaya contains mystical lessons focusing on yoga, in the first place
on how to control the senses. This kidung is also written in Modern Javanese
verse, in metres like Dandanggula/Hartati, Witaning Panggalang, Bubhuk-
sah (?), and Meswalangit.
Islamic, texts are not absent either from the Merbabu collection. One
example of such a text is the Tapel Adam, found in palm-leaf manuscripts
155,194, 217, 297, and 450. It relates the history of the prophets from the cre-
ation of Adam to the mission of Muhammad. From a cursory examination we
have the impression that its language is similar to the language of the prim-
bon edited by Drewes (1954)..-In the Tapel Adam, the prophet Adam is
referred to as 'bagenda Hadam', as in the primbon, where the prophets are
also referred to as 'baginda', for example baginda Muhammad, baginda
Daud, and so on (see Drewes 1954:32, 36; see also Figures 7 and 8 below)...
It may be clear from this.preliminary outline of the literary treasure con-
tained in the Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts, limited though it is, that these
manuscripts contain both works of a Hindu-Buddhist and an Islamic nature.
This means, in our opinion, that Mount Merbabu and the surrounding
mountains did not represent a refuge of last resort for people fleeing Islam.
Rather, we imagine here a community of scholars settled along the mountain
slopes, studying and copying texts at a'comfortable distance but by no means
isolated from the outside world..Another hypothesis we venture to put for-
ward (among other reasons because of certain palaeographic peculiarities
and in view of the presence of a Ramayana manuscript here) is that literary
activities began in this area as early. as:the time of Old Mataram and continu-
ed for centuries, the resultant works in their turn inspiring the production of
the literary treasure of the kratons of Kartasura, Surakarta,and Yogyakarta.

Chronology

The system of reckoning time that is followed in the Merapi-Merbabu manu-

scripts resembles the, &aka system, though with a number of variations. The
main difference concerns the length of the year and consequently the num-
bering of the years: the Merapi-Merbabu year counts on average 360 days
instead of slightly over 365. Less fundamental differences concern the use of
(1) a windu cycle of five instead of eight years, whereby each year is given
the name of a day of the five-day week, and (2) the nine-, eight-, four- and
three-day weeks in addition to the more usual seven-, six- and five-day
weeks. For further details the reader is referred to Van der Molen 1983:78-87,
297-300. Van der Molen's analysis brought to light the fact that the system
56 I- Kuntara Wiryamartana and W. van der Molen

used in the Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts was the same as that found in the
Tengger area in East Java. In Tengger there is a further distinction between
two sub-systems: a Pasuruan and a Malang one. Although the year in both is
of the same length, the beginning of the year and the number of years that
have elapsed are different. For example, the year 1700 of the Malang calen-
dar began on 12 March 1773 AD, and of the Pasuruan calendar on 20
February 1776 AD (Van der Molen 1983:297, 299). All Merapi-Merbabu
manuscripts checked so far have turned out to follow the Pasuruan system.
Several aspects of the Tengger/Merapi-Merbabu calendar remain puzz-
ling. The most intriguing questions,of course are those concerning its origin
and distribution. As yet, we have no answers to these questions. Another
problem springs from the distinction which this calendar draws between two
types of wuku: a wuku jaba and a wuku dal&m. What is called wuku jaba
('outer wuku'), or often simply wuku-, here is the same as the wuku known
from elsewhere (see Damais [1990]:416-34).What is problematic is the wuku
dalSm ('inner wuku'). The names used here are the same as those used in the
wuku jaba, but to what reality they refer remains a mystery. Other problems
waiting to be solved relate to the leap year and the correct order of the days
of some of the weeks.
A discussion of the date in one particular manuscript may illustrate how
this chronological system actually works. We have chosen for this palm-leaf
manuscript 208, containing a text of the Kidung Surajaya. The colophon of
this manuscript informs us that it was completed in the year 1618 (the name
Saka is not mentioned), in the wuku jaba Matal, in the wuku dal&m' &oma
Kaliwon, on the combined days of Kerangan, Yama, Soma, Paniron, Pwan,
Sri and Byantara (days in the weeks of nine to three days respectively).
The name of the wuku dalSm, &oma Kaliwon, must be erroneous: we
should have here one of the familiar wuku names, not a combination of
names of two weekdays. Soma is actually the name of the day of the eight-
day week that is mentioned in the date of the manuscript, but Kaliwon is not
the corresponding day of the five-day week (which actually is Pwan).
Kaliwon happens to be the windu name of the relevant year, 1618, but this
name is not used as such in manuscript 208.3
No month or day of a month is mentioned. This should not be considered
a flaw in the dating of this manuscript. It is quite common in Old Javanese
chronology for one or more elements to be omitted, and manuscript 208 is no
exception to this practice.
While one's calculation of the date as a whole will necessarily not be very
exact, there can be no doubt about the year, as this has been recorded in four

3
1618 Kaliwon does not occur in the table in Van der Molen 1983:297, which starts with the
year 1634 Anno Tengger (AT) Pasuruhan, but can easily be deduced from it.
 The Merapi-Merbabu Manuscripts 57

different ways: in a sakala tnilwir, a sakala mSlok, a sakala koci, and a sakala
dihyan (here spelled diyyan). By sakala milwir is meant a chronogram. This
reads: gana, sa$i, hoySg, wulan ('shape, moon, in motion, moon', that is, 'the
shape of the moon corresponds with its orbit'), which means 8161, being the
normal order in Saka dates for 1618. Sakala mSlok stands for a representation
by numerals: 8161, that is, 1618. Asakala koci is a diagram in which each part
of the configuration 1618 is represented by the equivalent number of small
bars inside a circle:

o©o
Figure 2. Sakala koci.

Sakala dihyan poses a problem. It consists of a series of figures, grouped

together in combinations of two, with pada lingsa (commas) in between and
varying numbers of small circles over each figure. The effect is as follows:
° ° o o o o 0 o °
o o o 0 0 oo o o • o o o o ° ° o o

i
(ft ori 'i (ft (an > an (ft \ (ft ion

Figure 3. Sakala dihyan.

(We have used the modern versions of the Javanese figures, as no gunung
equivalent is available in print as yet.) From left to right these lines read:

circles: 53, 32, 35, 32

figures: 52, 57, 25, 57

So far, we have no idea how to interpret these figures.

On the basis of these data, as far as we are able to understand them, and
with the help of the tables in Damais [1990]:416-34, the following calculation
can be made. The year 1618 AT of the Pasuruan system ran from 8 April 1695
to 27 March 1696 by the Gregorian calendar. A wuku cycle started on 30
January 1695, and again on 28 August 1695. Matal is the 21st week of this
cycle, running from 19 to 25 June 1695, and again from 15 to 21 January 1696.
The combination of the days Paniron, Pwan and Soma according to Damais
indeed falls within Matal, where it is the 142nd combination, and is equival-
ent to Monday 20 June 1695 and to Monday 16 January 1696. So the writing
of manuscript 208 may have been completed on either Monday 20 June 1695
or Monday 16 January 1696. Of course we cannot be certain about the cor-
58 I- Kuntara Wiryamartana and W. van der Molen

rectness of this calculation as long as we do not know exactly what awuku

dalSm and sakala dihyan are.

Script •• • .

Mainly two types of script are used in the Merbabu-Merapi manuscripts:

modern Javanese script and Buda or gunung script. Arabic script occurs here
as well, but only on a very small scale. The Merapi-Merbabu variety of the
modern Javanese script, used much less frequently than its counterpart from
the mountains but by no means insignificant, is often far from easy to read.
In point of fact, we find it more difficult to decipher than the Buda script. The
interested reader is cordially invited to have a try at the letter reproduced in
Figure 8.
The Buda script is used in the overwhelming majority of manuscripts.
This term does not refer to a single type of, script but to a set of scripts. A
closer look at Figures 7 and 8 will show that this script may vary consider-
ably from manuscript to manuscript. Regional differences, individual styles
of handwriting, and perhaps also stylistic considerations may account for
this variation to a certain extent. Moreover, the script has been subject to
changes in the course of time (as is the case with any script that is actually
used). With the present state of our knowledge, we are not able to say much
about contemporaneous variations. The presence of quite a few dated man-
uscripts in the collection makes it possible to say slightly more about changes
over time, however. For an illustration of this we have selected three manu-
scripts, from the years 1521, 1632 and 1710 AD respectively (palm-leaf man-
uscript 335, 65b and 53, containing a Ramayana, a Kidung Subrata and a
Kunjarakarna text respectively). Together, they cover a span of almost two
centuries. The character singled out for discussion is the s (the aksara sa).
Examples of it can be found throughout the pages of each of the three man-
uscripts reproduced in Figures 7 and 8.
The letter sa of 1521 consists of two parallel downward strokes ending in
a hook curving upward towards the left. Including a serif over each of the ver-
tical strokes, the form as a whole is written in four movements (see Figure 4).

7J
Figure 4. Perpustakaan Nasional palm-leaf manuscript 335.
Form and structure of the aksara sa in 1521.
In 1632 the shape of the sa is still very much like that of its predecessor of
Figure 7. Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts in the Perpustakaan Nasional, Jakarta. Photograph courtesy of John McGlynn,
Jakarta.
Top to bottom:
1. gunung script, 1521 AD (two leaves of manuscript 335, Ramayana);
2. gunung script, 1710 AD (two leaves of manuscript 53, Kunjarakarna);
3. polychrome illustration with caption, no date (two leaves of manuscript 215, Raspatikalpa).
 • at i

Figure 8. Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts in the Perpustakaan Nasional, Jakarta. Photograph courtesy of John McGlynn, Jakarta.
Top to bottom:
1. gunung script, 1632 AD (two leaves of manuscript 65b, Kidung Subrata);
2. gunung script, end 17th century (two leaves of manuscript 133, Kidung Subrata);
3. gunung script, no date (two leaves of manuscript 217, Tapel Adam);
4. Modern Javanese script, no date (one leaf of manuscript 150, a letter).
62 /• Kuntara Wiryamartana andW. van der Molen

1521, but nevertheless has a different structure. It consists of a left-curving

downward stroke including the former serif, and a parallel stroke curving
upward to the left as far as almost half the height of the first stroke, which it
almost touches, and topped with a serif. The entire form is written in three
movements (see Figure 5).

JJ
Figure 5. Perpustakaan Nasional palm-leaf manuscript 65b.
Form and structure of the aksara sa in 1632.

By the beginning of the eighteenth century the sa has undergone a further

change. Now written from left to right in a U- or V-like form, it has an oblique
stroke placed before it. Here two strokes of the pen suffice to complete the
whole form (see Figure 6). -. •

Figure 6. Perpustakaan Nasional palm-leaf manuscript 53.

Form and structure of the aksara sa in 1710.

Two conclusions can be drawn from this palaeographic survey.4 In the first
place it shows that a process of simplification took place in the development
of the script, to the effect that less effort needed to be expended in the writ-
ing.of a particular character (one of the major forces behind changes in writ-
ing, see De Casparis 1975:9). In the second place it testifies that the products
of scribal activity on the slopes of Mt Merbabu and surrounding mountains
represent a living tradition rather than some museum of dead objects from
the past. .

Further research ' .

In the above we have tried to give an impression of what the Merapi-

Merbabu manuscripts have to offer to the interested scholar. As it was our

4
That is, for the purposes of this article. We realize that an examination of only one isolated
character of a particular script does not constitute a proper palaeographic analysis of that script.
 . The Merapi-MerbabuManuscripts , 63

intention to restrict ourselves to giving a survey, we have left out much that
is also noteworthy. One of the subjects we have not touched on, for example,
though it certainly deserves attention, if only because of the huge number of
texts dealing with it,' is religion, bothin its speculative and in its more tech-
nical aspects (offerings, divination, mantras). Not a few of the technical reli-
gious texts are illustrated, some even in colour (see the reproductions in
Kumar and McGJynn [1996]:20 and 21, Figures 19 and 20). , ,
" In order to make the contents of this collection available to a wider audi-
ence, the manuscripts belonging to it have first of all to be identified as such
and distinguished from the main collection of the National Library'of Indo-
nesia. Unless we know which manuscripts to look at, further research will
remain impossible. Work on this is in progress at the moment. With the help
of the information in the colophons of the different texts, and where they fail
us, on the basis of particular features of the script, a list is being drawn up
which in due course is to be published in the form of a catalogue.5
Once the catalogue is published; the Merapi-Merbabu collection will be
accessible for whatever kind of research one wishes to undertake. Never-
theless, it will not be possible to have a true insight into this precious collec-
tion as long the texts remain unpublished. Mere transcriptions will not suf-
fice, as these would only serve to reveal how really inaccessible these texts
have become with the lapse of time. Given the characteristics of an age-old
scribal tradition, text editions based on a meticulous comparison of the relev-
ant manuscripts and a sound knowledge of the language, together with
explanatory notes and translations, are the only reliable means of access to
the Merapi-Merbabu collection.

5
So far, we do not know of any manuscripts from other areas using the same type of script
as the Merapi-Merbabu manuscripts. However, there can be no doubt that this script once had
a wide distribution. The Museum Tantular in Surabaya possesses a collection of small stones,
found in Lumajang, in East-Java, with brief inscriptions written in this script.

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Casparis, J.G. de, 1975, Indonesian palaeography; A history of writing in Indonesia
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talistik 3.4.1.]
64 I. Kuntara Wiryamartana and W. van der Molen

Damais, Louis-Charles, [1990], £tudes d 'epigraphie indonesienne, [Paris]:ficoleFran-

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