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Educational Psychology Review [jepr] pp686-edpr-455576 November 21, 2002 18:35 Style file version June 4th, 2002
they possess, what roles they presume they are expected to play, what they
believe they are capable of, how they view they fare in comparison with
others, and how they judge they are viewed by others. Without doubt, these
are beliefs and perceptions about self that are heavily rooted in one’s past
achievement and reinforcement history. Yet it is these subjective convictions
about oneself, once established, which play a determining role in individuals’
further growth and development (Bandura, 1997; Markus and Nurius, 1986).
It is only reasonable that these self-perceptions have received a great
deal of attention in educational research (Byrne, 1984). Children with dif-
ferent self-beliefs demonstrate different levels of cognitive, social, and emo-
tional engagement in school. Because school-related experience makes up
a major portion of children’s lives and shapes the early paths to important
life outcomes, educational researchers try to grasp the meaning of self in
students’ minds. Various models and theories of self-related cognition have
been proposed and tested within the context of school learning. Self-concept
and self-efficacy are the two self-constructs that have received a lot of at-
tention. During the past couple of decades, numerous studies in educational
research have resorted to either self-concept or self-efficacy to explain the
function of self in school contexts. These studies produced abundant evi-
dence on the potency of each self-belief. The field now struggles to decipher
the distinguishing characteristics and comparative usefulness of the two be-
lief systems.
Making a clear and irrefutable distinction between beliefs of self-
concept and self-efficacy is not an easy task. However, it is nonetheless possi-
ble to illuminate some of the similarities and differences between these two
conceptions. This is the goal of this article. While more recent reviews on this
topic highlighted differences between the two (e.g., Bong and Clark, 1999),
we try to deduce also important similarities underlying the formulation of
the two self-beliefs. In doing so, our hope is that the theory and research
in this area become more integrated to give educational researchers and
practitioners better understandings of students’ perception of self and what
it does to their cognitive and psychological well-being in school.
DEFINITIONS OF CONSTRUCTS
CENTRAL ELEMENT
building block in one’s self-concept (Bong and Clark, 1999; Schunk, 1991).
Pajares (1996) suspected that at the domain level of specificity, academic
self-concept and self-efficacy beliefs might not be separable. Thus far, re-
searchers have reported that students’ responses to the Self Description
Questionnaire, one of the popular self-concept scales, formed two separate
factors: cognitive and motivational (Skaalvik and Rankin, 1996a; Tanzer,
1996). The cognitive academic self-concept factor was empirically indistin-
guishable from the academic self-efficacy factor (Pietsch, 1999; Skaalvik
and Rankin, 1996a). Because few studies have addressed the equivalence
of self-concept and self-efficacy responses systematically, it is still premature
to draw any firm conclusion regarding the nature of relationship between
these two constructs. At minimum, many empirical investigations need to
be conducted.
At present, there is still some room for debate whether the perceived
competence component in self-concept is indeed identical to percepts of
self-efficacy. For example, different information sources have been known
to affect the two self-systems to different degrees, as is shown later in this
article. The two self-beliefs, in turn, have sometimes yielded different psy-
chological and behavioral outcomes. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to
assume, on the basis of limited available evidence, that there is at least con-
siderable overlap in the makeup of academic self-concept and academic
self-efficacy and that perception of academic capability is the major com-
mon denominator between the two.
COMPOSITION
. . . self-conceptions like “I am tall” and “I learn mathematics easily” include both de-
scriptive and evaluative aspects. The descriptive or cognitive component represents
Educational Psychology Review [jepr] pp686-edpr-455576 November 21, 2002 18:35 Style file version June 4th, 2002
knowledge and beliefs that a person has about herself or himself in different areas
(see Markus, 1977); for example, the belief that he or she learns mathematics easily.
However, a person’s belief that he or she learns mathematics easily is also the result
of an evaluation. When a person “describes” himself as “clever in mathematics” this
description can therefore not be distinguished from the person’s evaluation of her
or his mathematics abilities. I shall therefore refer to this aspect of self-concept as
descriptive/evaluative. (p. 53)
JUDGMENT SPECIFICITY
Table II. Sample Academic Self-Concept and Self-Efficacy Items at Task-Specific Measurement
Levels (e.g., Writing)
self-concepts in the verbal and math areas are so weakly correlated that they
cannot be represented by a single general academic self-concept (Byrne and
Shavelson, 1986; Marsh, 1990c; Marsh et al., 1988). Consequently, the aca-
demic portion of the Shavelson hierarchy was revised to represent two—
verbal and math—higher order academic self-concept factors (Marsh and
Shavelson, 1985).
Although the multidimensionality of self-concept is rarely disputed, re-
searchers do not always agree on the hierarchical nature of self-concept
structure (Harter, 1990). Many different orientations exist as regards the
internal structure of self-concept (Byrne, 1984, 1996). Harter (1998) ques-
tioned the validity of self-concept hierarchy stating that “. . . one has to
ask whether the statistical structure extracted does, in fact, mirror the psy-
chological structure as it is phenomenologically experienced by individuals”
(p. 579). Evidence is not conclusive (Marsh and Yeung, 1998) but tends to
support potential self-concept hierarchy (Byrne and Shavelson, 1986; Byrne
and Worth Gavin, 1996; Vispoel, 1995). Several recent studies demonstrated
that skill-specific self-concepts within a domain (i.e., speaking, reading, and
writing English self-concepts) formed a higher order English self-concept
factor. Moreover, this second-order English self-concept factor was found
to be equivalent to an independently assessed “global” English self-concept
factor. English self-concepts that were empirically extracted from more spe-
cific self-concept factors demonstrated correlation coefficients close to 1.0
with directly assessed English self-concepts (Lau et al., 1999; Yeung et al.,
2000, Studies 3 and 5). These investigations provide much stronger support
for the hierarchical nature of academic self-concept.
Evidence suggests that academic self-efficacy perceptions may also form
a multidimensional and what can be described as a “loosely hierarchical”
structure. Students make reliable differentiation between their self-efficacy
judgments across different academic domains (Bong, 1997; Bong and Hoce-
var, in press). The degree of such differentiation varies somewhat depending
on gender, grade, and levels of prior knowledge (Bong, 1999, 2001a). Stu-
dents also make a distinction, within a given subject area, between their
efficacy beliefs at different levels of measurement specificity (Bong, 2001b;
Lent, Brown, and Gore, 1997) or toward different aspects of required skills
(Shell, Colvin, and Bruning, 1995; Shell, Murphy, and Bruning, 1989). As
was the case with academic self-concept, two higher order factors, verbal
and quantitative academic self-efficacy, normally embrace more area-specific
academic self-efficacy beliefs. This finding is consistently observed regardless
of whether self-efficacy beliefs were assessed with specific problems (Bong,
1997) or with subject-level self-efficacy statements (e.g., “I’m certain that I
can do an excellent job on the problems and tasks assigned for [a specific
subject] class”; Bong, 2001a).
Educational Psychology Review [jepr] pp686-edpr-455576 November 21, 2002 18:35 Style file version June 4th, 2002
different school subjects were most highly correlated when assessed with spe-
cific problems and least highly correlated when assessed with subject-level
statements. Compared with self-efficacy studies, an overwhelming majority
of contemporary academic self-concept studies use more general-level mea-
sures (e.g., Self Description Questionnaire, Perceived Competence Scale).
This finding, therefore, suggests the possibility that the difference in the
strengths of relations between verbal and math self-concepts might have
been created, at least in part, by the different assessment specificity.
TIME ORIENTATION
TEMPORAL STABILITY
PREDICTIVE OUTCOMES
Educational Implications
addressed, is their underlying motive of studying the self. No one can deny
that the ultimate goal of both self-concept and self-efficacy research is to help
students function and adapt better when academic demands are imposed.
Researchers try to do so by understanding students’ perceptions of them-
selves in academic contexts and using this information to predict important
outcomes.
Studies from both camps have demonstrated that positive percepts of
self generate many desirable outcomes. Strong self-efficacy and positive self-
concept lead students to set challenging yet attainable academic goals for
themselves, feel less anxious in achievement settings, enjoy their academic
work more, persist longer on difficult tasks, and, overall, feel better about
themselves as a person and as a student. Though it is far from sufficient,
research in both areas has answered many questions on the “what” and
“why” of academic motivation. Investigators examined issues such as what
is the nature of academic self-concept and self-efficacy, why students form
different self-evaluations, or why learners express different levels of con-
fidence when their past achievement histories are similar. To some extent,
researchers also analyzed the process of “how,” such as how academic self-
concept and self-efficacy beliefs are created and how they affect subsequent
motivation, learning, and performance.
Some questions consistent with the original aim of both self-theories
but which still need considerably more research are How can we, as re-
searchers and practitioners, change students’ self-perceptions to a positive
direction? How can we strengthen their self-confidence toward difficult and
previously unsuccessful academic tasks? How can we make students gener-
alize their heightened self-regards in given areas to other achievement and
performance contexts? Most importantly, how can we help students form ac-
curate yet optimistic self-perceptions and, at the same time, help them avoid
their low academic self-perceptions to negatively affect their self-worth?
Many experiments now exist on how to raise or alter students’ academic
self-efficacy beliefs by implementing a variety of instructional procedures.
Schunk and his colleagues have been particularly instrumental in offering
specific strategies that could, with a little bit of mindfulness, be easily incor-
porated in classroom instruction. Teachers can, among other things, provide
students with proximal rather than distal goals (Schunk, 1983), combine pro-
cess goals with progress feedback (Schunk and Swartz, 1993), employ peers
who share similar attributes to their students as teaching and learning models
(Schunk and Hanson, 1985; Schunk, Hanson, and Cox, 1987), furnish effort
attributional feedback for students’ progress (Schunk and Cox, 1986), and
prompt students to self-evaluate (Schunk and Ertmer, 1999). These methods
are all known to enhance students’ perceptions of self-efficacy and ensuing
performance.
Educational Psychology Review [jepr] pp686-edpr-455576 November 21, 2002 18:35 Style file version June 4th, 2002
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank Allan Wigfield and Barry Zimmerman for their helpful com-
ments on an earlier version of this article. We also thank Herb Marsh for his
suggestion to prepare this article.
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