The Ivories of Ariadne and Ideas about Female Imperial Authority in Rome and Early

Byzantium
Author(s): Diliana Angelova
Source: Gesta, Vol. 43, No. 1 (2004), pp. 1-15
Published by: International Center of Medieval Art
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25067088 .
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The Ivories of Ariadne and Ideas about Female Imperial
Authority in Rome and Early Byzantium*

DILIANA ANGELOVA
Harvard University

Abstract make a few comparisons with the Roman era, the period as a
whole has not been central to their analyses.3
Two sixth-century ivory panels, known as the Ivories of Claudian's rhetorical model provides a different avenue
a Christian as a partner to the em
Ariadne, portray augusta of analysis, which emphasizes the continuities between the
peror in the imperium and as a bearer of imperial power, Roman and the Byzantine periods. In this study I examine
breaking dramatically from earlier Roman tradition. This
can only
be explained a better two ivory panels with an empress to demonstrate the validity
iconographie change through
understanding of the empress' place in the imperial ideology
and importance of Claudian's model. They are known as the
of sacred rule and the indebtedness of imperial iconography ivories of Ariadne (4747-513/515)4 and are presently in
to the portrayal of Greco-Roman deities. I argue that before the Bargello Museum in Florence and the Kunsthistorisches
the Christianization of the Roman Empire, depictions of the
to two central ideas about
Museum in Vienna (Figs. 1 and 2). On structural, composi
empress responded imperial power:
the emperor was like a god, and his victory was the gift of a tional, and stylistic grounds, most scholars agree that the ivo
'
deity. During that time, an empress standing was delineated ries were executed to commemorate an imperial consulship
visually through assimilation to mother-goddesses, deities of in Constantinople during the late fifth or early sixth century.5
or her symbolic motherhood of the troops. The new
victory,
a
Each panel represents an exquisitely carved, nearly three
iconography of the fifth and the sixth centuries conveyed dimensional image of an empress, dressed in the insignia of
more authoritative outlook for the empress and indicated an
actual in the imperium. In the Christian vision for
an emperor's power. These include the imperial paluda
partnership
empire and victory the augustus and the augusta participated mentum, or chlamys, fastened over the right shoulder with a
as corulers. This change was legitimized in part by present bejeweled fibula, the diadem of precious stones, the globe
the mother as partner to
ing Helena, of Constantine the Great, surmounted by a cross, the scepter held by the Florence em
her son in the establishment of the Christian monarchy.
press, and the canopied throne of the Vienna empress. Both
empresses wear elaborate necklaces of stones and
precious
are adorned profusely with pearls that hang from their crowns,
In the first few lines of his epithalamium from the year strung on long pendants, border their garments, and decorate
398 for the marriage of the emperor Honorios and Maria, the their shoes. Roundels with bust portraits embellish the tablia
court poet Claudian related that the groom chose adornments (the rectangular patches of cloth sewn on their paludamenta
(ornatus) for his bride once worn by noble Livia and all the at chest level). The roundel of the Florence ivory clearly shows
proud daughters-in-law of the divine emperors.1 Thus Clau an emperor, but the medallion image on the Vienna panel is
dian presented the Christian empress within the context of a more difficult to identify. Richard Delbrueck suggested that it
long succession of imperial women that began with Livia, the represented a helmeted personification of a city, yet the two
wife of the first Augustus, who handed down her adornments pigtail-like trails framing the face and the pointed endings of
as dynastic heirlooms. The poet's vision is significant for its the headcover resemble more accurately the silhouette of an
skillful bridging of the pre-Christian and Christian phases augusta wearing a crown with long pendants.6
of the Roman Empire. Three years earlier one of Claudian's At first glance these ivories seem to support the standard
contemporaries had presented a very different view of the ge separation between the pre-Christian and the Christian eras.
nealogy of the augusta. In his funeral oration for Honorios' The hieratic, richly ornate vision of the early Byzantine em
father, the emperor Theodosios I, Bishop Ambrose of Milan press as a figure vested in the insignia of rule stands in stark
set the empress in an exclusively Christian framework through contrast, for example, to the portraiture of the first Roman
a lineage beginning with Helena, mother of Constantine the empress, Livia. Although one of the wealthiest women in
Great.2 Modern discussions of the early Byzantine empresses Rome, Livia shrewdly avoided being depicted in elaborate
have largely followed Ambrose's model, analyzing the posi jewels and dresses.7 Rather, she chose to evoke qualities tra
tion of the augusta within the established historiographie ditionally ascribed to Roman women, notably virtuousness
boundaries of the Christian period. While most specialists do and fecundity. Her fecundity was especially important, for

GESTA XLIII/1 ? The International Center of Medieval Art 2004 1

 ?mm-t

FIGURE 1. Byzantine Empress, carved ivory panel, ca. 500, Florence, Mu FIGURE 2. Byzantine Empress, carved ivory panel, ca. 500, Vienna, Kunst
seo Nazionale del Bargello (photo: by permission of Ministero per i Beni e historisches Museum (photo: Kunsthistorisches Museum, Wien).
le Attivit? Culturali).

it made her the "dynastic matriarch" of the Julio-Claudian enna, where even the jewelry seems to be part of the imperial
dynasty.8 The portrayal of Livia as both an exceptionally vir attributes rather than an expression of femininity.10
tuous woman and a female progenitor of the empire set the Instead of taking the difference in the portrayal of the
standard for female imperial iconography until the fourth empress as an argument for focusing exclusively on the Byz
century augustae of the Theodosian house. While these qual antine period, we ought to ask the question: What ideas and
ities never went out of fashion for the empresses in the historical developments contributed to the portrayal of an early
Christian period, the emphasis on coins and other objects Byzantine empress as an emperor? To answer this, it is neces
gradually gave way to a more commanding portrayal.9 This sary to revisit the Roman period, noting continuities between
is well illustrated on the ivory panels from Florence and Vi the Roman and Byzantine eras.

2
 '
The Origins and Meaning of the Empress Attributes

The attributes of imperial rule that are so explicitly

associated with the empress on the two panels include the
diadem, the paludamentum, the scepter, the globus cruciger,
and the canopied throne. Their assimilation by the augusta
probably began with the diadem and occurred simultaneously
with its adoption as an official token of power by the emperor
Constantine I (324-337). Coins featuring Constantine's mother,
Helena (324-329; Fig. 3), and his second wife, Fausta (324
326), suggest that the augusta wore a diadem that consisted of FIGURE 3. Helena, follis, bronze coin, mint of Antioch, 325-326, Arthur
a headband inlaid with stones, much like that of the augustus.11 M. Sackler Museum, 1951.31.4.37 (photo: courtesy of the Arthur M. Sackler
The only difference between the two is the absence of ribbons Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, Bequest of Thomas Whittemore).

fastening the diadem on the nape of the neck in the women's

version; instead, the diadem appears as part of the empress'
coiffure. replaced the earlier practice of separate attributes for males
Modern scholars are divided over how to interpret the and females.19 Prior to this, the empress' appropriation of the
headbands of Helena and Fausta. The tendency is to see them paludamentum could be provocative, as, for instance, when
as decoration and not as official attributes of rulership.12 worn by Agrippina, the fourth wife of the emperor Claudius
Nevertheless, it is significant that the headband appeared on and the mother of Nero.20 Dressed inmatching attire, Agrip
the coinage of Helena and Fausta only after they assumed the pina and Claudius presided over a naval spectacle as two
rank of augusta, at the very moment Constantine became the generals commanding a battle.21 Her chosen garment on this
sole ruler of the empire in 324.13 An explanation for the ideas occasion and her participation in a triumphal procession on
underlying this novel attribute may be found in a letter by another when she received the same honors awarded her hus
Paulinus of Nola dated to 403, in which he defined Helena's band were frowned on by Tacitus as an innovation and a sign
position as being a cornier (conregnans) with her son with the of her desire for a partnership in the empire.22 The empress'
title "augusta," and in which he also argued that Constantine ambition for equal imperial honors with the male augustus,
deserved to be princeps of Christ as much through his own be it her husband or her son, eventually cost her her life. Nero
faith as through that of his mother.14 But the idea of the em began the list of charges compiled against her with the most
press as a conregnans or koinonos, partner, of the emperor serious?her hope for partnership in the imperium {consor
had already been applied to an empress of the Constantinian tium impert?), followed by her demand for the allegiance of
dynasty.15 In his speech of thanks for Eusebia (ca. 356), Julian the praetorian guard, the Senate, and the people.23 By the fifth
defined Eusebia's relationship with her husband, the emperor century the essential characteristic of the Roman Empire as a
Constantius, as koinonia, a partnership, in which she partici military monarchy with the emperor as a commander in chief
pated by taking part in the emperor's plans and by encourag of the army remained intact, but the place of imperial women
ing his natural goodness and wisdom.16 in the empire seems to have changed.24
The first empress considered to wear a diadem identical The purple mantle had been linked with rulership since
to the emperor's on her coins was Aelia Flaccilla (379-386), Hellenistic times.25 Its significance as a token of power is evi
the first wife of Theodosios I (379-395; Figs. 4 and 5).17 The dent from an episode in the Aeneid where Dido presents a
headbands of the empress and the emperor feature a big stone purple mantle to Aeneas, an act that signifies her desire to
in the middle, are bordered with pearls, and are fastened with marry him and share her kingdom with him.26 In late Antiq
beaded strings coming together at the back. As with Helena, uity the granting of the purple chlamys was one of the defining
Flaccilla's hair covers the diadem partially, and the overall moments in the imperial succession. The soldiers proclaimed
impression is that the jeweled band was intentionally integrated Constantine the new emperor by clothing him in purple. Sim
into the empress' hairstyle. This fashioning undermines the ilarly, a bright purple chlamys fastened with a golden brooch
interpretation of Helena's diadem as mere decoration, as it was the last element in the ceremonial dress of the newly
seems that a woman's hairstyle by its nature offered oppor elevated emperor Justin II.27 By the early fifth century the
tunities for variations. It ismore intriguing that together with diadem and the purple garment were such well-established
the diadem, Flaccilla donned the traditional military garment, attributes of the augusta that John Chrysostom referred to the
the paludamentum. On her coinage she wears it in the impe empress Aelia Eudoxia (400-404) as "she who is wearing the
rial fashion, fastened over the right shoulder with a bejeweled diadem (to diadema perikeimen?) and is clothed in the purple
fibula.18 After Flaccilla, these two signs of authority became garment (ten porfurida peribebl?men?)."28 The solidus of
standard elements of the iconography of the augusta, initiat Eudoxia, dated to 400-401, demonstrates that the garment in
ing, in Kenneth Holum's view, a process of assimilation that question is the paludamentum (Fig. 6).29 The empress wears

3
 IllllSilil
!;tj?:!;?;;;;:::;!S;U?Ss::?S!;a;?;;

?1\^WBIliS;

FIGURE 4. Aelia Flaccilla, follis, bronze coin, FIGURE 5. Theodosios I, solidus, gold coin, mint FIGURE 6. Aelia Eudoxia, solidus, gold coin, mint
mint of Constantinople, 383 (photo: courtesy of of Milan, 383-394, Arthur M. Sackler Museum, of Constantinople, 400-401, Arthur M. Sackler
Classical Numismatic Group). 1951.31.4.67 (photo: courtesy of the Arthur M. Museum, 1951.31.4.126 (photo: courtesy of the
Sackler Museum, Harvard University Art Muse Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Harvard University
ums, Bequest of Thomas Whittemore). Art Museums, Bequest of Thomas Whittemore).

it fastened over the right shoulder with a round fibula with rule" (to sk?ptron tes epigeiou dunasteias).34 Corippus also
three pendants. In the only extant contemporary image of an used the scepter as a symbol of the imperium when he re
emperor and an empress in color?Justinian (527-565) and marked that Justin's love for Justinian surpassed that of a
his consort, the empress Theodora (527-548), in the apse mo successor who had had his father's scepter (sceptra patris)
saics of San Vitale in Ravenna?the augusti are distinguished from birth.35 The first Christian empress shown carrying the
from their corresponding retinues by the deep purple hues scepter was Verina (457-484), the mother of Ariadne, on the
of their paludamenta and their opulent diadems of precious bronze coinage of her husband, Leo I (457-474).36 Once
stones. Their attributes are a powerful assertion of the shared again Corippus illuminated its significance in a pun on
nature of their power.30 These examples suggest that con Sophia's name, which in Greek means "wisdom." He claimed
temporary viewers would have perceived the garment of the that even while the empress Theodora was ruling (regebat),
empress shown on the Florence and Vienna panels as tinted the church of Hagia Sophia (Holy Wisdom) in Constantino
purple.31 ple was a sign that Sophia would have the scepter.37
The idea that the empress' imperial authority was shared Like the scepter, the globus cruciger, symbol of Chris
with the emperor is reinforced by other iconographie ele tian rule over the world, had a long history. Itwas adopted as
ments on the ivory panels. The scepter held by the Florence an imperial token on the coinage of Theodosios II from the
empress is a token of imperial power often identified with 420s, but the globe itself as a sign of rule had been used since
the empire itself. It was a traditional attribute of the gods, Republican times.38 Initially it belonged to Roma and the ge
entering imperial iconography through associations of the nius of the Roman people, but it achieved greater political
imperial family with divinities. Roman empresses who were significance in scenes of investiture, which show either Jupi
represented carrying it in the guise of goddesses include ter or an emperor granting the globe as the foremost symbol
Livia (Fig. 7), Domitia, Faustina I, and Julia Domna.32 The of imperial dominion to a new emperor.39 In the third and
scepter became an official attribute of the emperor probably fourth centuries the globe appears with greater frequency,
at the end of the third century.33 The eulogy of Justinian by sometimes in combination with the scepter.40 Coins from the
Agapetos elucidates the emblematic character of the scepter: fourth and fifth centuries show the joint rule of two emperors
in it God invested the emperor with "the scepter of earthly by depicting them enthroned and holding the globe together

4
FIGURE 7. Livia, as of Tiberius, FIGURE 8. Justin II and Sophia,
bronze coin, reverse, mint of Rome, follis, bronze coin, obverse, mint of
15-16, Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cyzicus, 567-568, Arthur M. Sack
1976.40.389 (photo: courtesy of the lerMuseum, 1951.31.4.594 (photo:
Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Harvard courtesy of the Arthur M. Sackler
University Art Museums, Transfer Museum, Harvard University Art
from Harvard College Library). Museums, Bequest of Thomas
Whittemore).

(Fig. 5).41 Prokopios' description of the globus cruciger, held

by the emperor Justinian on his bronze equestrian statue in
Constantinople, dispels all doubts about itsmeaning. Accord FIGURE 9. Licinia Eudoxia, solidus, FIGURE 10. Fausta, follis, bronze
ing to the writer, the globe signified Justinian's rule over the mint of Ravenna, 455, coin, mintofTicinum, 325, Arthur
gold coin,
whole earth and sea, while the cross was the "emblem by Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collec M. Sackler Museum, 1942.176.
which alone he has obtained both his empire and his victory tion, 4S.17.970 (photo: Dumbarton 1905x (photo: courtesy of the Ar
Oaks, Collection, Wash thur M. Sackler Museum, Harvard
in war."42 The coins of Justin II are the only known instance Byzantine
ington, D.C.). University Art Museums, Gift of
where an emperor and an empress are seated on a throne side
George Davis Chase, Professor of
by side: in this case, the emperor carries the globe while the Classics and Dean of Graduate Study
empress Sophia has the scepter (Fig. 8).43 Rather than "am at the University of Maine).

biguous symbols" of imperial power, as has been argued re

cently by Liz James, the scepter and the globus cruciger were
very explicit attributes of Christian rule and victory, attri
butes that Justin II and the emperor associated with the Flor
ence and Vienna ivories willingly shared with the empress.44
The gesture made by the empress on the ivory panel in
Vienna also came from the emperor's iconography. Her open
hand positioned at the knee signifies liberalitas, or donation,
and is akin to the emperor Constantine's gesture when he dis
tributes largesse on his triumphal arch in Rome (313-315)
and to the image of the emperor Constantius II in the Calen
dar of 354.45 Largesse often played a part in the imperial cer
emonial of adventus, where the sovereign would meet the
people and display his generosity.46 The ivory in Vienna is
one of two preserved instances in which an imperial woman
is shown in this characteristically male posture. The other ex
ample is of Anicia Juliana (daughter of the emperor Anicius
Olybrius and Placidia), who was depicted as a benefactor
with her right hand opened in the Vienna Dioskorides manu
script (ca. 512; ?sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, med.
gr. 1, fol. 6v). The generosity of the empress was an estab
lished traditional virtue. In the Roman period itwas acknowl
edged through representing the augusta as a personification
of Euerget?s, a doer of good deeds or benefactor.47 The mu
nificence of the early Byzantine empress was tied to her piety
and mostly expressed itself in caring for the sick and the poor
and in the building of churches.48 But two independent tex
tual sources demonstrate that the empress, like the emperor,
could also directly distribute largesse and therefore be rep
resented with her hand opened: Helena and Eusebia were,
respectively, recorded distributing money to the populace on
their imperial visits to the Holy Land and Rome.49
The canopied throne, whose curving rails are visible on
either side of the empress in the Vienna panel, is yet another
attribute of imperial power which the sovereign shared with
the augusta.50 The only surviving image of an emperor shown
on a throne under a baldachin is on the obverse of a coin of
Domitian.51 Despite this scarcity of representations, we can
ascertain the significance of this attribute in a detailed sixth
century description of the imperial seat, which suggests that
a canopy was an important element. "The imperial seat en
nobles the middle of the palace, the seat having been sur
rounded by four outstanding columns, over which a canopy
of solid gold of immoderate quantity shining brightly, and
imitating the regions of the arching sky, covers the immortal
head and the solium of the seated; the solium being decorated

5
with gems and gold and superb purple. It had four curved instance, Octavian and Mark Antony put themselves under
arches, bound in themselves."52 As the passage suggests, the the protection of and respectively presented themselves as
canopy unequivocally evokes the sky and the notion that Apollo and Dionysus.62 From then on comparisons and con
the canopied throne was appropriated from the gods, like the nections between the Roman emperor and his family and the
scepter and the globe.53 A medallion of the emperor Trebo gods were ever present, reasoned variously through the di
nianus Gallus (ca. 252) depicts on its obverse a statue of the vine ancestry of the imperial house, its members' affinity to
enthroned Juno seated under a baldachin supported by four male or female deities, and the imperial benefaction.63 The
columns.54 The image represents a temple of Juno Martialis emperor occupied the ambiguous position of being a mortal
in Rome, but the composition is very similar to that of the yet above ordinary people, with a cult to his own genius and
Vienna ivory and of Corippus' description. his divine ancestors, and was often compared with and as
Known in literature as solium or thronos, the seat itself similated to gods in coinage, statuary, portraiture, poetry, and
made its first appearance in imperial representations on a panegyrics.
coin of Tiberius presenting his mother, Livia, as an enthroned Before Constantine, emperors were
mostly
seen as asso

goddess (Fig. 7) and on cameos depicting the emperor as ciated, protected, and sometimes appointed by powerful male
Jupiter.55 According to Andreas Alf?ldi, it replaced the tradi gods, Jupiter chief among them, who ensured imperial vic
tional imperial seat, the sella curulis, a backless chair with tory and whom they imitated. After Constantine, the emperors
folding legs, around the 200s.56 Most examples of enthroned became appointees and imitators of Christ.64 Imperial victory,
fourth- and fifth-century emperors are of two emperors seated the overwhelmingly definitive element of the emperor's author
together.57 These include the reverses of the solidi of Valen ity, was the most eloquent sign of Jupiter's or another deity's
tinian I, Gratian, Theodosios I (Fig. 5), Leo I, and the upper favor.65 The notions of divinely granted imperial victory and
register of a consular diptych from the fifth century.58 It is the emperor as a
perpetual victor remained central to the con

significant as well that in his description of the triumph of ception of the imperial power into the Christian period.66
Belisarios, Prokopios used the word thronos to define the em Iconographically, the idea of the godlike emperor and
peror's seat in the hippodrome, while Corippus referred to the his heavenly assisted victory were translated in images such
imperium as synonymous with the royal throne (regni solium) as those on the silver denarius of Hadrian from 119.67 The
and the scepter.59 obverse depicts a laureate bust of Hadrian, bare-chested and
Representations of a Christian empress seated on a high sporting a beard, with his name and title inscribed around his
back seat start to appear on fifth-century coinage. Galla Placidia head. The reverse bears a representation of the enthroned Ju
(421-450), for example, is depicted nimbed and enthroned on piter, modeled after the statue of Phidias, holding a Victory and
the reverse of her solidus from 426-430, and Licinia Eudoxia a scepter. The accompanying inscription, however, refers, not

(439-ca. 462) on the reverse of a solidus from 455 (Fig. 9), to Jupiter, but continues the titles of the emperor from the ob
where she is shown holding a globus cruciger in her right verse. The coin therefore associates Hadrian to Jupiter, whose
hand and a long scepter surmounted by a cross in her left.60 appearance he imitates through his heroic nudity and through
A throne with a canopy is implied in a reference to the his facial hair. Given the way the obverse and reverse commu
empress Eudokia (423-460), the wife of Theodosios II. She nicate with one another, the Victory with the wreath in the out
made her encomium on Antioch while seated "inside an stretched hand of Jupiter is clearly meant for the emperor.68
imperial throne of solid gold set with jewels."61 Like other Beginningwith Livia, pre-Christian Roman empresses
imperial attributes, the throne of the Vienna empress points were implicated in the imperial ideology of sacred rule in a
to imperial authority being shared between the empress and similar fashion, through association or assimilation to female
the emperor. Thus, the iconographie analysis suggests that deities and the deified imperial virtues.69 The objective of
the origins of empress' attributes on the two ivories can such associations was twofold: to emphasize the empress'

ultimately be traced in the iconography of the Greco-Roman dynastic significance and to underscore her role in imperial
gods. Furthermore, the use of imperial tokens for the Chris victory. The empress' role in securing an heir or in ensuring
tian empress imparted to her authority over the imperium and the imperial continuity through herself prompted assimila
imperial victory, essentially making her a co-emperor. tions to fertility goddesses, such as Ceres, Venus Genetrix,
and Juno.70 These often complemented the emperor's assimi
lations with gods. Conjugal ties were especially important,
Notions of Imperial Power and the Roman Empress
with the imperial couple often compared with divine pairs
The notions of the sacred position of the Roman emperor such as Juno and Jupiter or Isis and Serapis.71 In these the em
and his divinely sanctioned victory are critical to understand press assumed the attributes of the female deity to whom she
ing the portrayal of imperial power in both pre-Christian and was likened: a Stephane (a headband of a goddess), cornuco
Christian times. Both ideas are Hellenistic in origin and were pia, scepter, or a throne.72

first used in Rome and theWest for political ends during the This phenomenon was often featured on coins, for ex
civil wars preceding the establishment of the principate. For ample, the sestertius of Julia Domna of 211-212 from the joint

6
reign of her sons Caracalla and Geta.73 The obverse depicts a but the inscription reads "pietas avgvstae" (the sense of duty
bust of Julia with an inscription of her name and title?"Iulia of the augusta).80 The coin was struck to commemorate the
Pia Felix Augusta." On the reverse is a representation of an elevation of Fausta and Fausta's sons to the rank of augusti
enthroned female figure holding a scepter, which has been in 324. Through association to a childbearing goddess the
identified as the goddess Cybele, the great mother goddess solidus celebrates Fausta's fecundity, and through the virtue
of Anatolia. The inscription above this image reads "ivlia of piety it emphasizes Fausta's sense of duty, fulfilled by pro
DOMNA MAT(ER) AVG(VSTORUM)MAT(ER) SEN(ATVS) MAT(ER) ducing heirs to the throne.81 Similarly, a bronze follis of 325
patr(iae)" (mother of
the augusti, mother of
the Senate, celebrates the empress as the "spes rei pvblicae" (hope of
mother of the fatherland). The coin inaugurates Julia Domna, the state) and features her holding two children, who hold on
a cofounder of the Severan dynasty, as a new Cybele and a to her breasts as if about to nurse (Fig. 10).82
matriarch of the Roman people. Julia's maternity is celebrated A panegyric from 307, the year when Maximian made
as the sacred source of the major political institution in Rome Constantine augustus and betrothed his daughter Fausta to
and the whole empire. him in marriage, places a different emphasis in the portrayal
The fecundity of the augusta forges another important of this empress.83 The poem drew its audience's attention to
connection in female ideology in Rome: her implication in a picture in the palace inAquileia, which presumably featured
imperial victory. The intersection of dynasty and victory is Fausta offering to Constantine a plumed helmet adorned with
best seen with Venus, the ancestral goddess of the Julii via gold and jewels.84 The orator argued that this image demon
the Trojan Aeneas, in her two closely related aspects as Ge strated Maximian's early intentions to elevate Constantine
netrix and Victrix.14 On coins of Augustus from about 31-29 to that "sacred pinnacle of divine power."85 In the painting,
B.c., she appears with a shield at her feet, baring a sinuous Fausta seems to have been likened to Venus Victrix. Fausta,
back, holding a long scepter, and carrying a helmet in her like Venus, was therefore investing the emperor with an
outstretched hand.75 The helmet seems intended for Octavian, instrument necessary for the accomplishment of victory and
shown on the obverse. There is no identifying inscription for the imperium. The gift alluded to the origins of Constantine's
the goddess, only for Octavian (placed on the reverse), who power, which the orator presented as being ensured through
is referred to as the son of the deified. Thus the image by its marrying into the imperial family. The text explicitly states
iconography and inscription clearly delineates Venus' role as that as a son-in-law, Constantine receives both Maximi
both the progenitor of the future Augustus and his victory an's daughter and his "fortune most outstanding," that is, the
bringer. Although less common than assimilations tomother imperium.86
goddesses, the Roman empress was conceived as a bringer of The legitimization of Constantine's power through an
victory in her assimilations to Venus Victrix and Nikephoros, imperial daughter recalls much earlier instances where a
or Nea Nikephoros.16 The deified imperial virtue of Victory woman, by virtue of her position and family links, strength
and the virtues that were connected to the consequences of ened a man's claim to power or his political alliances. The
imperial victory, such as Pax (peace), Securitas (security), and beginning of the principate is particularly informative, as it
Salus (well-being, health), should also be included in this seems to have established the precedents through which a
category.77 woman could participate in and influence the dynamics of
In the second century this close connection between the power. For instance, Livia's marriage to Octavian reinforced
empress' dynastic role and imperial victory was recognized his power base by allying him with her family, the Claudii;
in the title mater castrorum, mother of the military camps. Octavia's marriage toMark Antony ensured, at least tempo
Just over half of the empresses from Faustina the Younger rarily, the peace between her husband and her brother; and
(147-175) to Helena received this title.78 Visually, this title Livia's maternity of Tiberius ultimately secured his succes
translated into images depicting the empress enthroned as a sion.87 The marriages of Julia, the princeps' daughter, to
goddess with a scepter and a globe, with the imperial stan Agrippa and Tiberius were intended to strengthen the men's
dards. Through a symbolic motherhood of the troops, the association to Augustus as his designated successors. Family
empress was, therefore, presented as the begetter of imperial ties, particularly
as a
daughter, consort, or mother of an

victory. emperor, to play a role in imperial politics in the

continued
The traditional Roman practice of assimilating empresses Christian period.88 Galeria Valeria was daughter of the em
to goddesses and the deified virtues to highlight their signif peror Diocletian, wife of the emperor Galerius, augusta (305
icance for the dynasty and imperial victory continued into the 315), and mater castrorum. After the death of Galerius, she
first decades of Christianization of the Roman Empire. Coins must have been perceived as a serious impediment to the bal
of the women of Constantine's family clearly illustrate this ance of power, for she was exiled by Maximin Daia and later
phenomenon. The obverse of a double solidus of Fausta shows condemned to death by Licinius, who executed her and her
a bust of the empress, while the reverse depicts a seated fe mother in 315.89
male figure wearing a halo and holding a child on her lap.79 Helena, of course, was the most important mother
The iconography of this image is styled after a nursing Isis, empress in the early Christian period. Like Livia before her,

7
 she became amodel for the imperial women who followed.90 raphy of this coin follows the type used on the vota coinage,
Helena's elevated position is celebrated on her coinage, which celebrated vows for the emperor at the beginning of
where she is assimilated to both imperial piety and imperial imperial journeys, anniversaries of his reign, and marriages,
victory. The obverse of a medallion and a follis from about and usually represented the goddess Victory recording the
325 feature her head in profile. On the reverse of the medal nature of the vows.97 Vota for the emperor were considered acts
lion, a standing woman holds a child in her left hand and of piety in exchange for which the gods granted the emperor
gives an apple to another; the bronze follis (Fig. 3) shows a their blessings.98 In the bronze coin shown in Figure 4, the
woman with a laurel or olive branch in her right hand. The reverse associates the empress to Salus and Victory, whose
inscription of the former reads "pietas avgvstes," while the hairstyle mimics those of Flaccilla.99 The augusta is thus simul
latter makes of Helena the "secvritas rei pvblice" (security taneously assimilated toVictory and Salus. Both the well-being
of the state).91 Helena is depicted on the medallion, holding of the state and imperial victory are personified and guaran
the end of her dress in one hand and an apple with the other, teed by the pious empress who pledges the emperor's shield,
reminiscent of the Venus Victrix last used on the aureus of a metaphor for military victory, to Christ.100
Valeria of 308.92 The iconography of the medallion construes The image on this coin compares with the triumphal re
Helena, like Fausta, as having fulfilled her imperial duty lief of Septimius Severus (205-209) in Leptis Magna, where
through her fecundity, while the coin makes her the security the Victory crowning the emperor was given the features of
of the state personified.93 Julia Domna, or with Fausta endowing Constantine with a
The practice of linking empresses to deities and virtues helmet from the Panegyric of 307.101 But there are differ
allowed the empress to participate in the imperial ideology ences. The image conveys Christian ideas, and, more spe
of earthly rule through association to mother-goddesses, be cifically, Flaccilla's coinage does not celebrate her fecundity
cause her ability to bear children assured the continuation as do the portrayals of Julia Domna or Fausta. The obverse
of the dynasty. As a consequence of these associations, the shows her depicted very much like her consort on a solidus
iconography of the divine shaped the image of the augusta. minted in Milan by his Western colleague (Fig. 5). Theo
Furthermore, because the empress secured new bearers of the dosios I wears the diadem and the paludamentum. The re
imperium either through her children or herself, she was verse of the same coin features the Eastern and Western
eventually imaged as the source of imperial victory. augusti dressed in paludamenta with embroidered tablia,
sporting diadems and haloes, and holding a globe together.
The Christian and the Imperium
The inscription reads "Victory of the augusti." In this con
Augusta
text, the attire and attributes of Flaccilla imply a degree of
The empresses on the Florence and Vienna ivories con partnership between her and Theodosios I similar to that
vey a different message from that seen in the Roman period. existing between Theodosios I and his Western colleague.102
On the ivory panels, the Roman emphasis on the sacred fe This shift in the conception of the empress' role is fundamen
cundity of the augusta and the blessed conditions of imperial tal and is reinforced by the simultaneous refashioning of the
victory give way to images that advertised the authority of the portrayal on the reverse of the coins. Traditionally, Flaccilla's
empress and almost completely obliterate her identity as a childbearing would have been conveyed through association
woman.94 From a
symbolic mother of victory the empress has with a mother-goddess. But an image reminiscent of Venus,
turned into a victorious sovereign. Dynastic
concerns were for instance, would have been inconsistent with Theodosios'
obviously equally important in the Christian era. Why, then, commitment to the Christian faith. The Christian message on
portray the empress as a sovereign rather than a childbearer? the reverse draws on the traditional iconography of Victory
The first augusta whose portrayal did not explicitly em and the vota. This mixture of tradition and innovation reflects
phasize childbearing was Flaccilla, consort of the founder of the ideological complexities of the late fourth century as well
the Theodosian dynasty. As was noted earlier, Flaccilla was as Theodosios' own policy of toleration for the pagan aris
the first augusta to wear a diadem of precious stones together tocracy, which lasted up to February 391, when he banned all
with the imperial paludamentum fastened over the right shoul sacrifice to the pagan gods and the use of their temples.103
der with a bejeweled fibula (Fig. 4). This portrayal occurs on Thus, the Christianization of the empire may account for this
her coinage issued in 383 to celebrate an important dynastic shift in the representations of empresses.
occasion?Flaccilla's elevation to the rank of augusta, which The novel iconography of the reverse, showing the
occurred simultaneously with her son Arkadios' promotion to empress adorned with the attributes of the imperium, can
the rank of augustus.95 Yet the image created for Flaccilla on therefore only be understood in light of Ambrose's funerary
this coin is quite different from the image minted for Fausta, oration for Theodosios I in 395. Ambrose elaborated on the
even though the occasions were similar. The reverse of Fausta's god-inspired beginnings of the Christian monarchy by locat
coinage and intriguing: it depicts a winged Victory
is novel ing them, not, as we might expect, in the actions of Constan
writing the monogram of Christ on a shield.96 Its legend reads tine the Great, but in those of his mother, the empress Helena,
"salvs rei pvblicae" (well-being of the state). The iconog and her discovery of the True Cross. Ambrose reported that

8
 the empress found the nails with which the Lord was cruci
fied.104 From one nail she ordered a bridle to be made, from
the other a diadem. She sent both of these items to Con
stantine, who through their use made the monarchy Christian.
Helena placed the cross on the head of sovereigns and single
handedly allowed for the Christian faith to be practiced by
emperors. Helena also compared with Mary: "Maria was vis "*H^Bpr
ited, so that Eva might be liberated, Helena was visited, so
that the emperors might be redeemed."105 Thus Ambrose
presented Helena as a partner of Constantine in forging the
Christian monarchy through putting the nail of the cross on
his diadem and ensuring his victory in Christ by the bridle for
his horse.106 In the process the bishop associates the augusta
with Mary.
This passage in Ambrose's oration helps explain why an
empress would be portrayed as an emperor and not as a dy
nastic matriarch. The bishop made Helena an active partner
of Constantine in the forging of the Christian state and ele
vated her to a position of authority comparable to that of the
emperor. This new status necessarily implied participation in
the imperium. This is a markedly different vision from that of
the genealogy of Livia and her adornments. Instead of jew
elry, Helena passed to future empresses the imperium. Augus FIGURE 12. Ae//?7 Vferi/ui, solidus,
FIGURE 11. Aelia Pulcheria, soli
tae from Flaccilla onward derived this authority through their dus, gold coin, mint of Constanti gold coin, mint of Constantinople,
symbolic descent from Helena, whose actions were funda nople, 450-453, Dumbarton Oaks, ca. 457-474, Arthur M. Sackler

mental to the establishment of the Christian monarchy and Byzantine Collection, 48.17.1183 Museum, 1951.31.4.182 (photo:

The letter of Paulinus of which Con (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzan courtesy of the Arthur M. Sackler
victory. Nola, envisaged Art
tine Collection, Washington, D.C.). Museum, Harvard University
stantine's imperium coming as much through Helena's faith Thomas
Museums, Bequest of
as through the emperor's, echoes this formulation.107 Whittemore).
Late Antiquity offers a number of instances in which an
empress, performing in fact what Ambrose's Helena had done
in faith, bestowed imperial authority on a new emperor. These ficult to sustain when we examine the reverses of the solidi
include Pulcheria's role in the accession of Marcian, Ariadne's with Victoria augustorum of Verina (Fig. 12), Zenonis (475
in the accession of Anastasios, or Verina's (457-484) coro 476), Euphemia (467-472), and Ariadne.112 In all these cases
nation of the pretender Leontios.108 Building on the innova the three G's are perfectly explicable once the empress is
tions introduced for Flaccilla, the elevated position of the added into the equation. But even if by that time the number
empress was reflected in her gradual appropriation of the of the final letters had lost its significance, the plural form
emperor's insignia. and the placement of the inscription clearly made the empress
Starting with Pulcheria (414-453), certain empresses part of the imperial victory in the same way as the emperor
began to be included in victory along with their male coun was on his coinage.

terparts.109 The reverses of Pulcheria's solidi from 450-453 The participation of the augusta in imperial victory was
show a Victory carrying a long cross and the inscription "vic indeed revolutionary in view of Roman practices. The closest
toria avggg" (Victoria augustorum; victory of the augusti), parallels in the Roman period are Tacitus' account of Agrip
where the three G's refer to the number of augusti recognized pina's sitting on a dais like the emperor in front of the im
by the Eastern court (Fig. 11). These included Pulcheria's perial standards or Julia Mamaea's bronze medallion with the
et au
husband, Marcian, and their Western colleague, Valentinian imperial standards, of about 230, as mater castrorum

III.110 The third G must be for Pulcheria, who was thus rec gustorum.113 The scarcity of Roman examples demonstrates
ognized as a member of the imperial college and a victorious how innovative and transformative the early Christian devel
sovereign. The use of the G's on coins to indicate the number opments in female imperial portrayal were.
of the augusti has been one of the most useful criteria for The parity of costume, the parity of imagery, and the
dating coinage struck in the late fourth century. It has been parity of designation between the Christian emperor and the
argued, however, that the accuracy of this method decreases Christian empress were results of their collaboration in forg
with the fifth century and that the inclusion of women in the ing imperial victory, which they achieved through their faith
imperial college seemed unlikely.111 This interpretation is dif and divine favor. The partnership of the augusti is visualized

9
explicitly on the coins of Leo I and Verina, the now-lost mo conceived as a
partnership of a male and a female sovereign.
saics in the Chalke Gate depicting Justinian and Theodora Therefore, it is very
likely that each of the so-called ivories
celebrating military victories together, and the coinage of of Ariadne originally belonged to two diptychs of five parts.
Justin and Sophia seated together on the same throne.114 In One of the leaves of these diptychs showed an empress, the
the last instance the visual parity and the shared throne cor other an emperor, completing in images as well as ideas the
respond forcefully to parts of Corippus' description of Jus joint character of their rule, rule rooted in Christian victory
tin's succession. Corippus narrates that on entering the palace rather than fecundity.116
the imperial guards wished a happy reign to the rulers (impe The so-called ivories of Ariadne were a product of the
rium felix dominis), and that later the citizenry addressed the specific late Antique synthesis of Roman ideas of rulership
pair together, exclaiming, "Regnate pares in saecula!" (Rule with Christian ideology. In this synthesis the augusta lost
together in eternity!).115 This word choice and the previous some of her sacred aura but gained earthly power.117
examples indicate that by the sixth century the imperium was

NOTES

* This is part of a larger project on female imperial iconography. 3. The most on Helena,
article important recent work includes, J. W. Drijvers,
It is basedon ideas I developed in my master's thesis, "The Ivories of Helena The Mother
Augusta: of Constantine the Great and the Legend
Ariadne and the Construction of the Image of the Empress and the of Her Finding of the True Cross (Leiden, 1992), esp. 9-73; on the
Theotokos in Late Antiquity" (Thesis, Southern Methodist University, Theodosian period, K. Holum, Theodosian Empresses: Women and
Dallas, 1998). Since then I have presented revised versions of the Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 1982); on the whole
thesis at the Byzantine Studies Conference (Harvard University, 2000) period, L. James, Empresses and Power in Early (London,
Byzantium
and the symposium "Byzantine Women: New Perspectives" (Andrew 2001); with a primary focus on the empresses Ariadne, Theodora, and
M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, MA, 2003). I would like to extend Sophia, but not neglecting fourth- and fifth-century developments, A.
my warm thanks and appreciation to the individuals who have encour McClanan, Representations of Early Byzantine Empresses (New York,
aged, advised, read, and critiqued various drafts of this study. They 2002). Of these studies McClanan's is most attentive to the legacy of
include Annemarie Weyl Carr, Ioli Kalavrezou, Michael McCormick, the Roman era.
Rabun Taylor, William Babcock, John Duffy, Brian DeLay, and Gesta's
4. All dates in parentheses are regnal.
two anonymous readers. For their invaluable editorial guidance I thank
Gesta's editor Anne D. Hedeman and her assistant, Charlotte Bauer 5. R. Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen und verwandte Denkm?ler (Ber
Smith. A Haakon travel grant from Southern Methodist University lin, 1929), Nos. 51 and 52; W. F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der
(1998) and a Mellon summer
grant from Harvard
travel University Sp?tantike und des fr?hen Mittelalters, 3rd ed. (Mainz, 1976), Nos. 51
enabled me to examine in person many of the monuments and objects and 52, with a detailed bibliography on the two ivories; and, most re
mentioned in this text, including the two ivories. I am indebted to cently, the catalogue entry in Rome, Palazzo delle Esposizioni, Aurea
Ermanno Arslan, who on very short notice showed me the empresses' Roma: Dalla citt? pagana alla citt? cristiana (Rome, 2000), ed. S. En
coins in the Castello Sforzesco collection inMilan, and to the curators soli and E. La Rocca, No. 268, 580-581. See also James, Empresses,
at the Kunsthistorisches Museum arranged for me to
in Vienna, who 136-145; McClanan, Byzantine Empresses, 168-178. On Ariadne, see
see the ivory panel. I am grateful to Carmen Arnold-Biucchi for her J. R. Martindale, PLRE, II, s.v. "Aelia Ariadne."
assistance in obtaining photographs from the Andrew M. Sackler
6. Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen, 206; compare with other portraits
Museum. I also would like to thank C?cile Morrisson and Jean-Michel
of empresses, for instance, the Vienna panel or sculpted heads in
Spieser for offering
challenging on my work, and for alert
comments
Aurea Roma, Nos. 270 and 271, 582-583.
ing me to Professor
Spieser's "Imp?ratrices romaines et chr?tiennes,"
Travaux et M?moires, XIV (M?langes Gilbert Dagron) (2002), 593 E. Bartman, Portraits
7. of Livia: Imaging the Imperial Woman in Au
604.1 regret that their counsel arrived too late to be completely incor
gustan Rome (Cambridge, Eng., 1999), 46 and 72.
porated into this article.
8. Ibid., 72.
1. "lam mu?era nuptae praeparat et pulchros, Mariae sed luce minores,
nurus
9. For modesty: Eusebia in Julian, Oratio, III, 123a, ed. LCL, trans. W. C.
eligit ornatus, quicquid uenerabilis olim Liuia diuorumque
IX (Epithalamium), Wright (Cambridge, MA, 1913; rpt. 1962), 327; and A. St. Clair, "Im
gessere superbae." Claudian, Carmina, 10-13, ed.
perial Virtue: Questions of Form and Function in the Case of Four
and trans. J.-L. Charlet (Paris, 2000), II, 59-60. Jean-Loius Charlet
Late Antique Statuettes," DOP, L (1996), 147-163. For childbear
notes that a similar story appears in Tacitus, Annales, XIII, 13, 4, ibid.,
ing: Claudian, Carmina, IX (Epithalamium), 340-341; Holum, Theo
60 note a.
dosian Empresses, 28 and 53-54; D. Missiou, "?ber die institutionelle
2. Ambrose, De obitu Theodosii, 47; see note 104 below. Rolle der byzantinischen Kaiserin," JOEB, XXXII/2 (1982), 489-498;

10
 St. Maslev, "Die staatrechtliche Stellung der byzantinischen Kaiserin 20. For Claudius' marriages, Suetonius, Diuus Claudius, XXVI-XXVII.
nen," Byzantinoslavica, XXII/2 (1966), 308-343. For a different view
21. Tacitus, Annales, XII, 56-57, ed. T. E. Page, trans. J. Jackson, LCL
on childbearing, see James, Empresses, 60-65. There is no good evi
(Cambridge, MA, 1937; rpt. 1963), IV, 398-399; for commentary, see
dence that the emperor on the pea-size medallion on the tablion of the
M. Kaplan, 'Agrippina semper atrox: A Study
in Tacitus' Character
empress in Florence represents a minor and the empress as a regent.
ization of Women," in Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History,
For instance, see K. Wessel, "Wer ist der Consul auf der florentiner
ed. C. Deroux (Brussels, 1979), I, 413-414, and note 12.
Kaiserinnen-Tafel?" BZ, LVII (1964), 378. It is more likely that the
in the same way as the 22. XII, 37, ed. Page, trans. Jackson, Ka
image of the emperor on the tablion functioned Tacitus, Annales, IV, 366-367;
representation of the emperor Justin "in true purple portrait medallion" plan, "Agrippina," 413.
on a chlamys of white silk, which Justin gave to the ruler of Laz,
23. Tacitus, Annales, XIV, 11, ed. Page, trans. Jackson, V, 124-125. On
Malalas, Chronographia, 135, trans. E. Jeffreys, M. Jeffreys,
L, XVII, ambition for sovereignty, see R. Baumann, Women
Agrippina's and
and R. Scott (Melbourne, 1986), 233. This present along with the gift Politics in Ancient Rome (London, 1992), 181-189.
of a crown signified the subordinate position of the king of the Lazi in
of the portrait on 24. J. Gag?, "La th?ologie de la victoire Revue
respect to the Byzantine emperor. The significance imp?riale," Historique,
the tablion is complicated 1.
by the observation made above that the out CLXXI(1933),
lines of the figure on the chlamys of the Vienna empress may represent
25. A. Alf?ldi, "Insignien und Tracht der r?mischen Kaiser," in Die mo
an augusta.
narchische Repr?sentation im r?mischen Kaiserreiche: mit Register
10. "Ivories of Ariadne," for a similar see von Elisabeth Alf?ldi-Rosenbaum (Darmstadt, 1970), 263, first pub
Angelova, 26-44; conclusion,
James, Empresses, 139-140. lished in Mitteilungen des Deutschen Arch?ologischen Instituts,
R?mische Abteilung, L (1935), 3-158.
11. Fig. 3: Byzantine Women, No. 16; for the type: RIC, VII, No. 465, 206.
On the coinage of Helena with the diadem, see A. Robertson, Roman 26. Virgil, Aeneid, IV, 262-264.

Imperial Coins in the Hunter Coin Cabinet, University of Glasgow 27. Constantine: Latini, VI, 8, 3, ed. Mynors, trans. C. E.
Panegyrici
(Oxford, 1982), V, Pis. 61.H.3-H.17, 255-257. A bronze coin minted Nixon 228 note 31; Justin II: Corippus, In laudem
(Berkeley, 1994),
in Thessalonica between 318 and 319, before she assumed the rank of Iustini Augusti Minoris, II, 118-120; for the text in Latin and a French
augusta shows Helena without a diadem, see ibid., No. 1, 255. Exam see Corippe:
translation, ?loge de l'empereur Justin 11, ed. and trans.
ples of Fausta diademed are much rarer, see RIC, VII, No. 482, 209. S. Antes (Paris, 1981), 37-38. See also the extensive commentary in
12. Decoration: M.
R. Alf?ldi, Die Constantinische Unter In laudem Iustini Augusti minoris, Libri IV, ed. and trans A. Cameron
Goldpr?gung:
suchungen zu ihrer Bedeutung f?r Kaiserpolitik und Hofkunst (Mainz, (London, 1976). For another example of the significance of the impe
33 note 100. Imperial rial purple, see Ammianus Marcellinus' of Julian's eleva
1963), 144-145; Holum, Theodosian Empresses, description
attributes: R. Delbrueck, von Constantinus tion to the rank of Caesar, Histories, XV, 8, 15.
Sp?tantike Kaiserportr?ts
Magnus bis zum Ende des Westreichs (Berlin, 1933), 58-66. James 28. John Chrysostom, Homil?a, II, ed. Migne, PG, LXIII, in Holum, Theo
avoids taking a stand on this question in Empresses, 105. See also sodian Empresses, 57; also ibid., 34 note 102 on similar evidence for
Drijvers, Helena Augusta, 42-43, with bibliography. Flaccilla.
13. Drijvers, Helena Augusta, 41. The precise date might be 8 November 29. Grierson and Mays, LRC, no. 273; Cambridge, MA, Sackler Museum,
324, when Constantius became Caesar. See T. Barnes, The New Empire Women and Their World
Byzantine (Cambridge, MA, 2003), ed. I. Ka
of Diocletian and Constantine (Cambridge, MA, 1982), 9 and note 39. No. 29.
lavrezou,
14. Paulinus of Nola,
Epistolae, XXXI, 4; for the text in Latin and a Ger 30. For a different view, C. Barber, "The Imperial Panels in San Vitale: A
man translation, refer to Paulinus von Nola: Epistulae; Briefe, ed. and Reconsideration," BMGS, XIV (1990), 22 and 36-37.
trans. M. Skeb Obs (Freiburg, 1998), II, 736-737. On the relation
in a similar language, see 31. In my examination of the Vienna ivory I saw traces of gilding on the
ship, expressed reflecting Nola's writing,
baldachin and the garment, but I could not detect any remains of pur
Sulpicius Severus, Chronicles, II, 33. For commentary and a French
translation, see G. de Senneville-Grave, Sulpice S?v?re: Chroniques ple paint, though there were traces of black paint in the eyes. Looking
through the display glass, I was not able to discern any traces of paint
(Sources Chr?tiennes, CDXLI) (Paris, 1999), 435.
or gilding on the Florence ivory.
15. Holum first drew attention to this formulation in Themistios' oration
for Theodosios I (ca. 384), Oratio, 32. Alf?ldi, "Insignien und Tracht," Pis. 6.1, 6.4, 12.15, and 14.7, respec
XIX, 228b, ed. W. Dindorf
1832), and Gregory of Nyssa's tively.
(Leipzig, funerary oration for Flaccilla
from the year 386, Oratio Funebris in Flacillam ed.
Imperatricem, 33. Ibid., 230-233.
Migne, PG, XLVI, 877-891, in Theodosian Empresses, 41, including
34. Agapetos, Ekthesis, ed. Migne, PG, LXXXVI/1, 1164.
note 106, and 44.
35. Corippus, In laudem Iustini, III, 130-131.
16. Julian, Oratio, III, 114c. This formulation is all the more important be
cause Eusebia was not given the title "augusta." For the date of the 36. Grierson and Mays,
LRC, Nos. 582-586. A few years earlier a contem
S. Tougher, "In Praise of an Empress: Julian's 'Speech of
oration, porary historian remarked that Valentinian deprived his sister, the em
Thanks' to Eusebia," in The Propaganda of Power: The Role of Pane press Justa Grata Honoria, of the "scepter of the empire"; see Holum,
gyric in Late Antiquity, ed. M. Whitby (Mnemosyne Supplement, Theodosian Empresses, 1.
CLXXXIII) (Leiden, 1998), 109 and note 19.
37. Corippus, In laudem Iustini, IV, 270-273.
17. Holum, Theodosian Empresses, 32-34.
38. Grierson and Mays, LRC, 13, Nos. 359-360 and 364-369.
18. RIC, IX, Nos.48 and 49, 225; throughout the text I refer to the excel
39. Alf?ldi, "Insignien und Tracht," 235-237, PI. 8.6; coin of Hadrian
lent photographs by M. Hirmer and A. Hirmer in J. P. C. Kent, Roman
a globe
receiving from Jupiter, RIC, II, No. 109, 353; aureus of
Coins (New York, 1978), Nos. 718-720.
Hadrian with Trajan handing him the globe, RIC, II, No. 2, 338 and
19. Holum, Theosodian Empresses, 34. 302.

11
40. Globe only: Constantius I (PI. 10.3-4), Valens (Pis. 15.1, 16.1, and we can consider those
representations as well as the portrayals of the
16.3). With the scepter: medallions of Probus (PI. 3.16), Constantine Vienna and the Florence ivories as portraits, let alone different in the
(PI. 7.17), in F. Gnecchi, / Medaglioni Romani (Milan, 1912; rpt. Bo latter case, is arguable. Since stylistically and iconographically the panels
logna, 1972), I. with an empress compare most comfortably with late-fifth- to early

sixth-century iconography, this is the date I adopt for them, but I keep
41. For the type of solidus
reproduced, RIC, IX, No. 5d, 76; No. 8b, 78,
the name by which they are commonly known for convenience.
and No. 20b, 80; for other examples, Grierson and Mays, LRC, No. 70
(Arkadios) and Nos. 901-925 (Anthemios). 45. For examples and discussion, see R. Brilliant, Gesture and Rank in Ro
man Art: The Use of Gestures to Denote Status in Roman Sculpture
42. Prokopios, De aedificiis, I, 2, 11-12, ed. LCL, trans. H. Dewing (Cam
and Coinage (New Haven, 1963), 170-172, Fig. 4.21. For Constantius,
bridge, MA, 1940; rpt. 1961), 35.
see New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Age of Spirituality: Late
43. A. Bellinger, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton and Early to Seventh
Antique Christian Art, Third Century (New
Oaks and the Whittemore Collection, Anastasius to Maurice (491 ed. K. Weitzmann, No.
York, 1979), 67, 78-79.
602), ed. A. Bellinger and P. Grierson (Washington, D.C., 1966), I,
Nos. 195-262. 46. S. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (The Transfor
mation of the Classical Heritage, I) (Berkeley, 1981), 37; idem,
44. James, Empresses, 140. Anne McClanan argues that the empress on
"Change and Continuity in Late Antiquity: The Ceremony of Adven
the panels is most likely Sophia. The major points of her argument are
tus," Historia, XXI (1972), 721-752.
the partnership between Justin and Sophia, powerfully conveyed on
47. For the women to Euerget?s,
assimilated see U. Hahn, Die Frauen des
their follis coinage, where they are represented sharing the same
throne, and the "form of the imperial portrait" of the emperor from the r?mischen Kaiserhausesund ihre Ehrungen im griechischen Osten an
tablion on the Florence Andr? Grabar, she argues for hand epigraphischer und numismatischer Zeugnisse von Livia bis Sa
ivory. Following
similarities between the emperor from the tablion and the coinage of bina (Saarbr?cker Studien zur Arch?ologie und alten Geschichte, VIII)
Tiberios and Maurice Tiberios (Byzantine Empresses, 176-178). How (Saarbr?cken, 1994), 403.
ever, she disagrees with Grabar's identification of the empress on the
48. Holum, Theodosian Empresses, 26-27; James, Empresses, 156;
ivories as Constantina, wife of Maurice Tiberios, and suggests instead
A. McClanan, "The Empress Theodora and the Tradition of Women's
Sophia as the most likely candidate for this period. In my view, the
Patronage in the Early Byzantine Empire," in The Cultural Patronage
shared throne and imperial authority between Justin II and Sophia
were of Medieval Women, ed. J. H. McCash (Athens, GA, 1996), 50-67.
simply stages in the development of the iconography and idea of
shared rule. As I demonstrate in this paper, it was preceded by a grad 49. Eusebius, Vita Constantini, III, 44-45, trans. A. Cameron and S. Hall
ual assimilation of other attributes and ideas associated with the em (Oxford, 1999), 138; Julian, Oratio, III, 129c,ed. LCL, 344; Julian
peror. In this development the shared throne was perhaps one of the comments that Eusebia was welcomed according to the custom, imply
most explicit manifestations of partnership between the augusti, but ing that there was in place a special protocol for the greeting of an em
the idea of partnership itself had a longer history. By contrast, the ico press. See also Holum's interpretation of Eudokia's visit in the Holy
nography of the emperor on the tablion fits well into a late-fifth- to Land as an adventus, in Theodosian Empresses, 186 and note 46.
early-sixth-century date. The emperor on the tablion is shown wearing
50. Although the ivory of Ariadne in Vienna is not included in the writings
a consular loros (a long scarf wrapped in an X over the upper body),
about the lyre-back throne, it should be counted in this category. The
holding a mappa
(a handkerchief) in his lifted right hand and a scepter
design of the back is reminiscent of the one on the seat of Christ in the
topped by a bust (presumably his own image) in his left hand. Three
narthex mosaic of Hagia Sophia. On the throne, see J. Breckenridge,
points project up from the middle of his diadem. Two single-string
"Christ on the Lyre-Back Throne," DOP, XXXIV-XXXV (1980
pendants, terminating in a larger stone, attach to the crown on left and
1981), 247-260; and A. Cutler, Transfigurations: Studies in the Dy
right. There are frontal representations of an emperor-consul with the
namics of Byzantine Iconography (University Park, 1975), 5-52.
loros, holding a mappa and a scepter before the reign of Maurice Tibe
rios that are similar to that on the tablion, for instance, the consular 51. Alf?ldi, und Tracht," 248-249, PI. 14.1.
"Insignien
solidi of Theodosios II from 430, of Leo I from 458(?), and of Valen
III from seated on the 52. "Nobilitat medios sedes Augusta penates, quattuor eximiis circu
tinian 435, all of which show the emperors
obverse in this characteristic posture (Grierson and Mays, LRC, Nos.
muallata columnis, quas super ex solido praefulgens cymbius auro im
and 856 respectively). On these three, only Valentinian modico, simulans conuexi climata caeli, immortale caput soliumque
391, 530-531,
sedentis obumbrat, ornatum gemmis, auroque ostroque superbum. Quat
wears pendants on his diadem, but they are seen only on the reverse.
and Justinian from the upper tuor in sese nexos curuauerat arcus." Corippus, In laudem Iustini, III,
Further, medallion portraits of Anastasios
191-200, ed. and trans. S. Antes, 60-61. My English translation is
registers of consular diptychs (Anastasios: Volbach, Elfenbeinarbei
informed by the French translation and the English translation by A.
ten, Nos. 15, 16, and 21; and Justinian: ibid., No. 33) show the emperor's
some of these Cameron (London, 1976). For commentary on the passage, see Cam
diadem with short pendants. On the headbands of Anas
tasios and Justinian exhibit the characteristic three projections seen on eron, 188; for a different interpretation, especially the last sentence in

regard to the seat of the emperor, see T. Mathews, The Clash of Gods:
the diadem of the tablion emperor (Nos. 15 and 16). In comparison,
the crown in a cross. Maurice's A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art (Princeton, 1993), 106.
of Maurice terminates diadem is also
decorated with two strings of pendants on either side, whereas the pen Mathews believes that seat must
the be the sella curulis, not the

of throne. But it is difficult to imagine how the four arches of the text
dants the tablion emperor and that of Valentinian, Anastasios, and
are single-stranded. would correspond to the legs of the sella curulis in terms of structure.
Justinian Thus, the emperor on the tablion could
potentially be identified as any of these three. Finally, it is possible that
53. Alf?ldi, "Insignien und Tracht," 243-244.
the two panels represent a different empress. Arguments in favor of
different empresses include James, Empresses, 139; and A. Christo 54. Gnecchi, / Medaglioni, No. 1, PI. 25.1, 50; for a better photograph,
filopoulou, "Wer ist die Kaiserin auf der Elfenbeintafel im Bargello?" Kent, Roman Coins, No. 474.
Deltion, V (1969), 148. Stylistically the panels are very similar to rep
55. Alf?ldi, "Insignien und Tracht," 243, Pis. 6.1 and 8.18.
resentations of Ariadne on a number of early-sixth-century consular

diptychs, Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, Nos. 15-21. But to what extent 56. Ibid., 243.

12
57. See also a colossal statue of Constantine I from the Basilica Nova (ca. T. Mikocki, Sub speciae deae: Les imp?ratrices et princesses romaines
315-330), where the emperor was depicted seated, D. Kleiner, Roman assimil?es ? d?esses. ?tude iconologique (Rome, 1995), 125; and S.
Sculpture (New Haven, 1992), 438, Figs. 399-401, and a medallion of Matheson, "The Divine Claudia: Women as Goddesses in Roman Art,"
Constantine with his sons celebrating the founding of Constantinople, in /, Claudia: Women in Ancient Rome, ed. D. Kleiner and S. Matheson
Alf?ldi, "Insignien und Tracht," PL 16.1-2. (New Haven, 1996), 182-193.

58. Valentinian I and Gratian: RIC, IX, No. 16.a, 16; Gratian, ibid., No. 70. According to T. Mikocki's calculation, there are 185 assimilations to
9.a, 159; Arkadios: Grierson and Mays, LRC, Nos. 61 and 70; Leo I: Ceres, 105 to Juno, and 81 to Venus: see Sub speciae deae, 125. See
ibid., 533; ivory diptych: Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, No. 35. also Hahn, Die Frauen, 399-403.

59. Prokopios, De bello Vand?lico, IV, 9, 4, ed. LCL, trans. H. Dewing 71. Mikocki, Sub speciae deae, 56 and 116-118; Angelova, "The Ivories

(Cambridge, MA, 1916; rpt. 1968), 279; Corippus, In laudem Iustini, I, of Ariadne," 54.
269-271.
72. Mikocki, Sub speciae deae, 17.
60. Galla Placidia: and Mays,
Grierson LRC, Nos. 291-294; RIC, X, No. 73. H. Mattingly, BMCRE, V, 2nd ed. (London, 1975), PI. 67.13-14, xl.
2009, 365, although J. Kent interprets the figure as an emperor; Licinia
Eudoxia: Grierson and Mays, LRC, No. 870. 74. Weinstock, Divus Julius, 83-86.

trans. E. 75. BMCRE, I, Nos. 599-601, 98-99, PI. 14.16-17; for a photograph of
61. Malalas, Chronographia, Jeffreys et al. (Melbourne, 1986),
this is a passage found only in the Tusculan Fragments. the type, Kent, Roman Coins, No. 121.
194-195;

62. J. R. Fears, "The Cult of Jupiter and Roman 76. J. Aymard, "V?nus et les imp?ratrices sous les derniers Antonins,"
Imperial Ideology," Auf
und Niedergang der r?mischen Welt, II, XVII/1 M?langes d'arch?ologie et d'histoire, XLI (1934), 178-196; Gag?,
stieg (1981), 3-141,
"La th?ologie de la victoire," 21; for assimilations to Venus Victrix:
esp. 36; and P. Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus,
trans. A. 44-53. Julia Domna: RIC, IV/1, No. 581, 171; Plautilla :RIC, IV/1, No. 368,
Shapiro (Ann Arbor, 1999),
270; Magnia Urbica: RIC, V/2, No. 342, 184; Galer?a Valeria, RIC, VI,
63. The pioneering work on the emperor's association with the gods is
No. 67, 673; for photographs not necessarily of the same examples, see
L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor (Middletown, CT,
Kent, Roman Coins, Julia Domna, No. 381; Magnia Urbica, No. 560;
1931; rpt. Philadelphia, 1975), esp. 162-180. In the West, the divinity
and Galeria Valeria, No. 601. It should be noted that Aymard and Gag?
of the Roman emperor was decided by the Senate after his death. In his
do not distinguish between Venus Genetrix and Victrix. Iconographi
lifetime he emphasized his divine ancestry, starting with Augustus,
cally, there is no consistency in the representation of the two types, al
divi filius, the son of the deified Julius, who claimed Venus as his
though Victrix seems to be most often represented holding armor. An
ancestor. The an important new interpretation
latest book with on how
example of the fluidity in the iconography is the coin of Julia Domna
the divinity the emperor was negotiated
of in the West is I. Gradel,
cited above (No. 381), which combines elements of both Genetrix and
Emperor Worship and Roman Religion (Oxford, 2002), esp. 25-26. In
Victrix. Weinstock, Divus Julius, 83-87. Nikephoros is an epithet in
the East, the emphasis was on assimilation to the traditional gods in
troduced for deities holding a Victory, for example, Athena or Venus,
the emperor's lifetime. See the excellent discussion on this very com
see Weinstock, Divus Julius, 100; the following empresses were Nike
plex question in the following works by S. R. F. Price: "Between Man
phoros: Livia, Iulia (Livilla), and Drusilla the Younger, see Hahn, Die
and God," Journal of Roman Studies, LXX (1980), 28-43; Rituals and
Frauen, 44, 171, 398, and 403.
Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 1984),
"Gods and Emperors: The Greek of the Roman 77. The to Victory
assimilation probably began with Ful via during her
133-248; Language
Cult," Journal of Hellenic CIV (1984), 79-95, marriage to Mark Antony when she was presented with wings on an
Imperial Studies, esp.
94-95. aureus from about 42-40 b.c., S. Wood, Imperial Women: A Study
in Public Images (Leiden, 1999), 41-44 and Fig. 1. It includes Anto
64. On Jupiter's role, see J. R. Fears, Princeps a diis electus: The Divine
the Younger,
nia, Agrippina Domitia, Poppaea Sabina, Faustina the
Election of the Emperor as a Political Concept at Rome (Papers and
Younger, and Julia Domna, see Mikocki, Sub speciae deae, 125; Hahn,
Monographs of the American Academy in Rome, XXVI) (Rome, Die Frauen, 401. Imperial victory was seen as the prerequisite for the
1977); and idem, "The Cult of Jupiter," 3-141.
preservation of the social order and its desirable states; see Fears,
65. Gag?, "La th?ologie de la victoire," 1-44, esp. 1-2 and 19. A more re "Theology of Victory," 812-813.
cent review with bibliography is J. R. Fears, "The Theology of Victory
78. For the first coin with this title, minted posthumously for Faustina the
of Rome: Approaches and Problems," Aufstieg und Niedergang der
Younger, see BMCRE, IV, PI. 67.15. The other women bestowed with
r?mischen Welt, II, XVII/2 (1981), 736-826.
this title are Julia Domna, Julia Maesa, Julia Soaemias, Otacilia
66. M. McCormick, Eternal
Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiq Severa, Herennia Etruscilla, Ulpia Severina, and Magnia Urbica. See
uity, Byzantium, and the Early Medieval West (Cambridge, Eng., E. Heimbach, "The Titles of Imperial Women in the First, Second, and
1986), 35-79; F. Dvornik, Early Christian and Byzantine Political Phi Third Centuries A.D." (Thesis, The Ohio State University, Columbus,
losophy: Origins and Background (Washington, D.C., 1966), II, 611? 1973), 55-57. To Heimbach's list should be added Julia Mamaea
638. (Mikocki, Sub speciae deae, 125) and Galeria Valeria (PLRE, I, s.v.
"Galeria Valeria").
67. Inscription on the obverse: "imp caesar traianvs hadrianvs avg";
on the reverse: "pont max tr pot cosiii," RIC, II, No. 142, 357; Kent, 79. RIC, VII, No. 443, 203; Kent, Roman Coins, No. 641.
Roman Coins, No. 281.
80. This iconography draws on the iconography of Isis; see A. Alf?ldi, "A
68. For the history of a deity granting victory to the emperor, see S. Wein Festival of Isis in Roma under the Christian Emperors of the Fourth
stock, Divus Julius (Oxford, 1971), 100-103, PL 11.2-3. Depictions of Century," a lecture given at the International Congress of the Numis
Victory bestowing a laurel wreath on the emperor in recognition of his matics, London, 1937 (Dissertationes Pannonicae, Ser. II, fase. 7)
victory become frequent in the reign of Commodus, Gag?, "La th?ol (Budapest, 1937), PI. XII. 1-22. The examples include coins of Julian
ogie de la victoire," 23. (1), Valens (4), Valentinian II (and Gratian), and anonymous.

69. For the first associations, see G. Grether, "Livia and the Roman Impe 81. The between the fecundity of the empress and her pivotal
relationship
rial Cult," American Journal of Philology, XLVII (1946), 3, 222-252; role in the continuation of the dynasty is also related in Claudian, De

13
 consulatu Stilichionis, II, 239, ed. LCL (Cambridge, MA, 1922), II, 103. J.Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364-425
18-21. (Oxford, 1975; rpt. 1990), 232-237.

82. Byzantine Women, No. 17. 104. "Quaesiuit clauos, quibus crucifixus est dominus, et inuenit. De uno

83. Constantine was

clauo frenum fieri preacepit, de altero diadema intexuit; unum ad deco
proclaimed Imperator in 306. The marriage and the
rem, alterum ad deuotionem uertit. Visitata est Maria, ut Euam liber
investiture as Augustus occurred in September 307; see Barnes, The
aret, uisitata est Helena, ut redimerentur imperatores. Misit itaque filio
New Empire, 43.
suo Constantino diadema gemmis insignitum, quas pretiosior ferro in
84. Panegyrici Latini, VII, 6, ed. Mynors, trans. Nixon, 200. The orator nexa crucis redemptionis diuinae gemma conecteret, misit et frenum.
interpreted the gift as a betrothal present. Barnes sees it as a "happy usus est Constantinus et fidem transmisit ad posteros
Vtroque reges."
invention of the orator"; The New Empire, 41 note 58. De Obitu Theodosii, 47, ed. O. Faller with an Italian transla
Ambrose,
tion by G. Banterle, Sant'Ambrogio. Discorsi e Letter e. Le Orazioni
85. "sacrum istud fastigium diuinae potestatis," Panegyrici Latini, VII, 6,
ed. Mynors, trans. Nixon, 198. Funebri (Sancti Ambrosii episcopi mediolanensis opera, XVIII) (Mi
lan, 1985), I, 244-245.
86. Panegyrici Latini, VII, 7, 4, ed. Mynors, trans. Nixon, 200 note 24.
105. See note 104.
87. R. Syme, The Roman Revolution
(Oxford, 1952; rpt. Oxford, 1960),
229 (Octavian's association to the Claudii by marriage), 217 (alliance 106. Signs for the significance of horse trappings and other armor-related

between Octavian and Mark Antony 345 and 430 accessories and their relation to military achievements, the troops, and
through Octavia),
(Livia's role in Tiberius' succession). On Livia's role in Tiberius' the empress possibly go back to Livia and a large number of bronze
see Bartman, Portraits and Wood, plaques, which probably represent her with her sons, Tiberius and
reign, of Livia, 108-114; Imperial
108-124. For Julia's dynastic Drusus: see Bartman, Portraits of Livia, 82-86 and Fig. 67. Serena
Women, role, ibid., 64-65.
presenting her son-in-law Honorios with a horse bridle should also be
88. On the importance of mothers, esp. Helena, see L. Brubaker and H.
noted here; see Claudian, De zona equi regii missa Honorio Augusto a
Tobler, "The Gender of Money: Byzantine (324
Empresses on Coins
Serena, XLVIII (LXX), ed. LCL
(Cambridge, MA, 1922), II, 275-277.
802)," Gender and History, XII/3 (November 2000), 578-580; on mar
See also the miliarense of Constantine depicting him on the obverse
riage, see James, Empresses, 60-65; on dynastic connections in gen
with a plumed helmet with the Chi-Rho, the reins of his horse,
holding
eral for this period, see M. McCormick, "The Byzantine Emperor and while the reverse shows him addressing the cavalry, RIC, VII, No. 36,
His Court," in Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors, A.D. 425-600,
PI. 9, 364; Kent, Roman Coins, No. 648.
ed. A. Cameron, B. Ward-Perkins, and M. Whitby (Cambridge, Eng.,
other cases in which 107. On Christian piety of the emperor and victory, see Holum, Theodosian
2000), 146-148; imperial daughters played
Empresses, 50-51.
important dynastic roles include Galla Placidia (daughter of Theodo
sios I), Justa Grata Honoria (daughter of Constantius III), Pulcheria 108. Pulcheria chose Marcian as the successor of Theodosios, PLRE, II, s.v.
(daughter of Arkadios), Ariadne (daughter of Leo I). "Aelia Pulcheria." For arguments in support of the actual coronation by
Pulcheria: M. Borowski, "Pulcheria, Empress of Byzantium: An Inves
89. A. H. M. Jones, PLRE, I, s.v. "Galeria Valeria."
tigation of the Political and Religious Aspects of Her Reign (414
90. L. Brubaker, "Memories of Helena: Patterns of Imperial Female Ma
453)" (Dissertation, University of Kansas, Lawrence, 1974). For argu
tronage in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries," in Women, Men and Eu
ments against: R. Burgess, "The Accession of Marcian in the Light of
nuchs: Gender in Byzantium, ed. L. James (London, 1997), 52-75.
Chalcedonian Apologetic and Monophysite BZ, LXXXVI
Polemic,"
RIC, VII, No. 250, 323 and note 323 for another LXXXVII 47-68. For Ariadne: of Gaza, Pan
91. Medallion: reading of (1993-1994), Prokopios
the final word; and Kent, Roman Coins, No. 640, 330 with an explana egyricus in Anastasium, V, 5, 20; for the text in Greek and a translation
tion for the form. Follis: see note 11 above. and commentary in French, A. Chauvot, Procope de Gaza, Priscien de
Cesaree. Paneqyriques de l'empereur Anastase 1er (Abhandlungen zur
92. RIC, VI, No. 196, 478; Kent, Roman Coins, No. 601.
alten Geschichte, XXXV) (Bonn, 1986), 31; for other references, see
93. For the security of the state as preconditioned by the empress' fecun PLRE, II, s.v. "Aelia Ariadne." For Verina: Malalas, Chronographia,
dity, see Brubaker and Tobler, "Gender of Money," 576. XV, 387.

94. Angelova, "Ivories of Ariadne," 26-44. James reaches a similar con in imperial victory
109. Pulcheria's implication through the "Long-Cross
clusion in Empresses, 139-140. Solidi"has been lucidly argued by K. Holum in "Pulcheria's Crusade,

95. RIC, IX, No. 55, 226, and Nos. 48 and 49, 225 Theo
A.D. 421-22, and the Ideology of Imperial Victory," Greek, Roman
(gold); Holum,
and Byzantine Studies, XVIII (1977), 153-172. I emphasize not so
dosian Empresses, 34 and note 102.
much the augusta's sharing of an identical reverse with the emperor
96. Holum, Theodosian Empresses, 32, does not deal with the reverse, but the inclusion of the empress in the imperial
(Holum's argument),
deeming it as "distinct but trivial." on the solidi from 450
college and victory through the inscription
97. H. Mattingly, "The Imperial vota," Proceedings of the British Acad 453; idem, Theodosian Empresses, 109-111.

emy (1950), 155. 110. A similar suggestion, but for the inclusion of Pulcheria in Concordia

98. Fears, of Victory," 815. Augustorum, was made by J.W. E. Pearce, RIC, IX, 206, n. *. Grierson
"Theology
and Mays also indicate that Pulcheria might have been responsible for
99. For the type: RIC, IX, No. 55, 226; Kent, Roman Coins, No. 720.
it (LRC, 152) but elsewhere (ibid., 86) deem that possibility "out of the
100. That the shield was intended for the emperor can be deduced from question: augustae were never treated as augusti in such computations."

imperial ideas about victory and representations on coins showing em

111. J. Lafaurie, "Le
tr?sor de Ch?cy (Loiret)," in Tr?sors mon?taires et
perors' shields decorated with the Chi-Rho: Grierson and Mays, LRC,
plaques-boucles de
la Gaule romaine: Bavai, Montbouy, Ch?cy, ed.
Nos. 743, 859.
J. Gricourt et al. (Paris, 1958), 280-290; Grierson and Mays, LRC,
101. Leptis Magna relief: Mikocki, Sub speciae deae, No. 446. 85-86.

102. For the coin, see note 41; for a different view, see Holum, Theodosian 112. Solidus of Verina (augusta 457-494, wife of Leo I): Grierson and

Empresses, 34. Mays, LRC, No. 593 and 170-171; Byzantine Women, No. 33. Given

14
 that coins were usually struck on the elevation to the title of augusta, McClanan's excellent discussion in Byzantine Empresses, 163-168,
that is, in this case in the beginning of Leo's reign in 457, and that Figs. 7.4 and 7.5.

minting of Verina's coins after his death in 474 was unlikely, the other
115. Corippus, In laudem Iustini, I, 203 and II, 172. It is probable that the
two augusti in this computation should be Leo I and either Majorian
prominence of Sophia in the poem can be attributed to her commis
(457-461) or Anthemios (467-472); solidus of Euphemia (467-472,
sioning of the poem, as A. Cameron has argued, but I doubt that the
daughter of Marcian and wife of Anthemios): Grierson and Mays, LRC,
empress could have influenced the wording of her relationship with
No. 933. The three G's probably referred to Euphemia, Anthemios, the emperor, or that the flattery could have trespassed the status quo to
and Leo I, their colleague in the East; solidus of Zenonis (475-476, the offense of the court. See A. Cameron, "The Empress Sophia," Byzan
wife of Basilikos): Jean Tolsto?, Monnaies Byzantines (Chicago, 1967), tion, XLV (1975), 9. Here should be included Justinian's Novel 8.1 of
No. 94, 167; Kent, Roman Coins, No. 781. The augusti included be
535, requiring governors to swear an oath of loyalty to both Justinian
sides Euphemia were her husband, Basilikos, and their son Markos; and Theodora, see C. Pazdernik, "Our Most Pious Consort Given Us
solidus of Ariadne (4747-513/515): the dating of Ariadne's coinage
by God," Classical Antiquity, XIII/2 (October 1994), 266-267.
to the second reign of her first husband, Zeno (476-491), and possibly
116. Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen, No. 48. C. Delvoye has suggested
to the beginning of the reign of her second husband, Anastasios (491
this without offering any support for it, in "Les ateliers d'arts somp
518), complicate the computation. In both cases, the imperial line passed
tuaires ? Constantinople," Corsi di cultura sull 'arte ravennata e bizan
to Zeno and Anastasios through association with her. But the only rec
in this period was Julius Nepos tina, XII (1965), 171-189.
ognized emperor in theWest (474-480),
so Ariadne's coinage was most likely minted about 476, and it served 117. See A. St. Clair's
argument for the use of statuettes of early Chris
to strengthen Zeno's claim to imperial power after the usurpation by tian empresses in lararia, "Imperial Virtues," 147-163. The empress'
Basilikos. visual transformation from a goddess incarnate to a cornier of the

113. Tacitus, Annales, trans. Jackson, empire, shown through the ivories of an empress, revives disputes con
XII, 37, ed. Page, IV, 366; and Gnec
cerning the origins of Christian images, especially of Christ and Mary
chi, / Medaglioni, II, PL 100.9.
enthroned. So far the discussion has been polarized. The traditional
114. Coins of Leo I and Verina: see note 36; Chalke mosaics: Prokopios, De view, espoused by A. Grabar and others, contends that these images
aedificiis, I, 10, 5; coins of Justin and Sophia: see note 43. To these can derive from imperial iconography. In contrast, T. Mathews argues that
be added the consular diptych of Clementius from 513 with Anastasios the figure of Christ enthroned was patterned after a much older source,
and Ariadne flanking a cross and the diptych of Justin with Justinian images of Zeus/Jupiter. But as the analysis of the ivories with an em
and Theodora on either side of Christ, Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, press has revealed, male and female imperial iconography in the early
Nos. 15 and 33. We can also include the now-lost apse mosaics of San Christian period derived many of its core elements from the Greco
Giovanni Evangelista in Ravenna with Arkadios and Eudoxia and The Roman gods. Thus, Christ and Mary enthroned emerged out of a more
odosios II and Eudokia flanking the bishop Peter Chrysologus, C. Riz complex process than either the traditional view or the revisionist inter
zardi, "The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia," in The Mausoleum of Galla pretation suggests. Enthroned Christ and Mary appear, for instance, on
Placidia, ed. C. Rizzardi (Modena, 1996), Fig. 13, 120; the curtains in the mosaics of Sant'Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, where Christ is seated
Hagia Sophia with Justinian I and Theodora: Paulus Silentarius, Descr. on a lyre-back throne, which resembles that of the Vienna empress, see
S. Sophiae, in Art of the Byzantine Empire, 312-1453: Sources and F. W. Deichmann, Fr?hchristliche Bauten und Mosaiken von Ravenna
Documents, trans. C. Mango (Toronto, 1986), 81; the cross of Justin (Baden-Baden, 1958), Nos. 112, 113. For the traditional view: A. Gra
and Sophia: Cleveland, The Cleveland Museum of Art, Vatican Trea bar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins (Princeton, 1968), 77.
sures: Early Christian, Renaissance and Baroque Art from the Papal See also discussion in Angelova, "The Ivories of Ariadne," 39-44; and
Collections (Cleveland, 1998), ed. R. Bergman et al., No. la; and Mathews, The Clash of Gods, 109.

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