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Articulate Vol 12 June 2021
Articulate Vol 12 June 2021
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Despite myriad of challenges, Pakistan’s economy is moving progressively on higher inclusive and
sustainable growth path on the back of various measures and achievements during the year. Major
achievements highlighting the economic performance during FY2021 are mentioned below:
1) Pakistan was implementing stabilization policy post crisis of 2017-18 and the economy was
recovering from macroeconomic imbalances but COVID-19 slowed down the pace which was
recovered initially but the advent of 2nd and 3rd wave brought significant challenges which were
met by the timely prudent policies.
2) Pandemics like COVID-19 are once-in-a-century event that devastate global economies. Pakistan
did much better in coping up with the pandemic compared to many countries.
3) Government took several important policy decisions: monetary and fiscal measures, smart
lockdowns, rapid vaccination etc. National Command and Operating Centre (NCOC) as a single
organization was made responsible to take key decisions in collaboration with the provinces.
Situation was put under control due to government’s timely decision making, numbers of daily
COVID-19 cases are presently on declining trend.
4) Prior to COVID-19, the working population was 55.74 million. This number declined to 35.04
million which indicates people either lost their jobs or were not able to work. Due to prudent
decisions by the government, working population reached 52.56 million till October, 2020.
5) Economy has witnessed a V - shaped recovery. The current economic recovery has been achieved
without compromising internal and external stability.
6) Manufacturing has witnessed broad-based growth as major sectors of LSM have shown
significant improvement i.e., Textile, Food Beverages & Tobacco, Non-Metallic Mineral Products
and Automobile. First nine months of FY2021 recorded highest period wise growth of 8.99
percent since FY2007.
7) Current account posted a surplus of $ 0.8 billion, during July-April, FY2021 for the first time in 17
years.
8) Inflows of foreign exchange through the Roshan Digital Account (RDA) crossed the $1 billion
mark. During July-April FY2021, workers’ remittances posted historically high growth of 29
percent and reached to $ 24.2 billion.
9) SBP’s foreign exchange reserves rose to $16 billion, four-years high.
10) Keeping in view the significant performance pertaining to FATF conditions, potential of exports
and e-commerce, Pakistan has been added into the Amazon’s seller list.
11) FBR tax collection has witnessed a significant growth of around 18 percent during July-May
FY2021 owing to the revival of domestic economic activity and ongoing comprehensive tax policy
and administrative reforms.
12) Primary balance remained in surplus at 1.0 percent of GDP, highest level through the first three
quarters in 12 years.
13) On 27th May 2021, PSX witnessed an all-time high daily trading volume with 2.21 billion shares
traded in a single session.
Good governance has been defined in a myriad way since it became an essential prerequisite for the
approval of aid from donor countries. Exceeding from the demand of seeing a democratic government
elected through ballots, the institutions like the World Bank and the UNDP desired to see developing
countries enable a political environment where power and authority were exercised in a pluralistic
manner, where the relationship between the ruler and the ruled was defined in terms of equality and
justice, where the resolution of conflicts was made through a nonpartisan process of accountability,
and where interests were articulated, and rights were exercised without fetters. So, governance meant
government plus something else, such as political and economic reforms for capacity enhancement. It
is unlikely for any country to progress and grow if its political leaders act arbitrarily and corruptly,
and exclude all interests other than their own. To many experts, a country fails to grow if it cannot use
its resources efficiently and indiscriminately. In a nutshell, for a country to progress and grow, its
governance principles should be aligned to specific benchmarks.
The concept of good governance has evolved over the years. In the first phase of good governance,
emphasis was laid on the role of the institution to practise check and balance on the power of various
organs of the state so that a stable, predictable, and non-arbitrary state is created to achieve economic
development and prosperity. The second phase relied on civic participation and social inclusion from
the so-called civil society. Since they operated “outside” politics, they could bypass the competitive
political system and bureaucratic hurdles to improve government effectiveness and develop a legal
framework for market-based development. Finally, in the third phase, new thinking about governance
emerged called political economy of governance. It viewed good governance from the lens of wealth
creation and its distribution to eliminate inequality that leaves a substantial segment of the
population deprived of the economic pie that only serves the top 10 or even lesser percentage of
people.
Does this discussion leave us with an assumption that development or economic growth is accessible
if specific parameters of good governance are achieved or practiced? Certainly not. In the recent past,
the PTI government and even earlier during the Musharraf regime and also for a brief period during
the last PML-N government, Pakistan even touched the growth prospects measured in Gross
Domestic Products to 7%. However, by the yardstick of the Human Development Index the people of
Pakistan were actually living a life unfettered from the chains of hunger, poverty, and
under-resourced health and education sectors. In fact, when Musharraf left and the PPP came to
power and subsequently other governments till PTI in 2018, they all went to the IMF to borrow
money to meet their expenditures. So, the growth in real terms was just an expression of development
in numbers. The money did come but was not invested in improving the quality of life of those who
constitute 70% of the rural class population.
Many indicators have since been developed to measure good governance. The World Bank indicators
have been one of them. However, according to experts, there is no one-size-fits-all meaning to good
governance. The only anchor that could tie the varying ideas associated with good governance is
sustainability. In this regard, the Chinese experiment has been of remarkable success. It built good
governance on the foundation of sustained economic development. Rather than reconstructing
institutions or attempting to meddle the system with technocratic measures, it focused on developing
the economy first. This long-term vision of change transformed the role of its citizens from being
patronage- or rent-seekers to the ones with rights, entitlement, and responsibilities.
This article dispels following perceptual fallacies about this vital project of Sino-Pakistan national
importance. First, that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with CPEC as its flagship project, is a tool of
Chinese neo-imperialism. That China is using BRI/CPEC for advancing its global power and influence.
True partially. No super power offers free lunches, but the Chinese mode generally and CPEC
particularly is not exploitative; it offers a win-win situation for participating nations and is extensively
sensitive to social development. BRI/CPEC is not about economy alone; it’s about geo-economics, and
establishing a parallel non-exploitative economic system… and that makes the West uncomfortable.
The 129 or so mainly under-developed and developing nations on board will benefit from the regional
development projects and enhanced connectivity under BRI. Most of these nations have no access to
otherwise affordable capital. CPEC in particular has a strong component of social development,
poverty alleviation and demographic uplift, unlike similar programmes under other international
donors. For full-scale socio-economic development, CPEC is Pakistan’s only choice, having tried
others. Chinese conditionalities are comparatively milder and mostly without political caveats.
Detractors refer to China using Gwadar as a strategic naval base in its ‘string of pearls strategy’, to
alter global/regional geo-strategic status-quo, through its rising influence. This — critics cite — is a
threat to global commerce passing through international sea lines of communications (SLOCs) closer
to Gwadar. However, to the contrary, Gwadar is not leased, sold and/or surrendered to China or its
companies. It firmly remains part of Pakistan, which has every right to develop it, as it pleases.
Gwadar’s comparison with the Hambantota Port financing model in Sri Lanka is also erroneous and
not applicable; because CPEC as a proof of concept (POC) pilot project, is pivotal to the success of the
more significant and global BRI.
Second, that CPEC lacks transparency. Not true, as all available information about the project is
open-sourced and available on the CPEC Authority website. Project modalities, like terms and
conditions for Chinese companies, investment options, availability of local partners/investors,
international financing and profit repatriation, etc are amply covered in each contract. If there are
Of the many reasons why civil service, as it is, qualifies to be a national security threat, here are the
main three. Firstly, it has held siege to the entire national resources as being policy chieftains through
the instruments of rules and regulations and plans and policies for every sector of the state which may
be able to contribute something or anything to national prosperity. Every policy that is framed is
merely a brainchild of some stellar generalist civil servant lacking sound professional impeccability
requirements with results in marginal benefits to some vested groups disbranching the larger public
segment. The sectoral professionals cannot disagree with the civil servant as their captain and are
compelled to host the nonsense and even whimsical wills of the Saheb Bahadur in the policies and
plans for the large ‘public interest’. Professionals who dare disagree are sacked swiftly to keep up
décor and discipline. Thus, jacks of all trades and masters of none drive the state no matter it be a
drive in a blind alley or a cul-de-sac. The important thing is that Saheb Bahadur drives.
Secondly, due to status quo compulsions, the public-state animosity is a recurrent feature and has
become a tangible reality with the passage of time. Now, it is neither the public that owns the
government nor the government that owns the public and the result is everyone for and by himself.
This has created an outraging citizenry which so far recently could be silenced through colonial tools
of power and repressions but with time, having taken a great tide, this citizenry can no more be
effectively silenced by Saheb Bahadur. This has intensified the citizenry in finding state machinery
being irresponsive and irresponsible to their needs and demands. This can crack the society and the
state together as predicted in the US Global Trends 2040 report. What the entire civil service is doing
now is safeguarding this status quo in collusion with the elected junta against a common enemy which
is the citizenry of the state. This is when and how the savior becomes the terminator.
Thirdly, since the civil services will never compromise on anything that tends to break off the status
quo so it becomes inevitable to disallow any professionalism to grow up as this would both question
and challenge their justifiable existence. Any talent that comes from outside the vicious civil services
circle is deemed alien and is given a lethal antibiotic doze which is completely efficacious. The system
is so well controlled that professionalism in running the state affairs has become a persona non grata
and civil services has proved itself as the most immediate reason of excessive brain drain.
Now let’s add salt to the injury. Whenever attempted to reform our civil service, after every reform
effort, strangely it has worsened than improved. It is so because every reform effort has been done in
oblivion of the system diagnosis that makes up the sick structure of civil services. Also, all these
reforms were directly linked with being responsive to meeting the present day challenges without first
As the budget session draws near there is a flood of articles on the economy in newspapers, the
subject is discussed at length on television and remains the main topic of webinars. There is nothing
unusual about it as individuals, various segments of society and power centres would be deeply
interested in the impact of the budget on their businesses, professions and quality of life. For the
ordinary citizen keeping the inflation low and not making their life more difficult that matters the
most. But in certain cases, external factors determine inflation in which the government has limited
control. For the finance minister, presenting a budget of a country whose economy has remained
mostly anaemic and where there are conflicting interests is no easy task. Besides, being under the IMF
programme, the government has to comply with their broad and specific parameters and of other
international donor agencies restricting the scope for manoeuver. The question that our leaders need
to ask is: how long are we going to remain jacketed by these external forces? Clearly, it is time that we
earnestly resolved as a nation to liberate ourselves from this heavy economic dependence on outside
sources. A dependency that dwarfs our national achievements and constrains our freedom of
policymaking. Even it undermines the strategic and political significance of our conventional and
nuclear capability. And above all, hurts the national ego and self-esteem. All the big talk of our leaders
sounds shallow when we have to stretch the nation’s hand to borrow year after year. It is not that it is
unusual for nations to borrow or seek assistance from the IMF for they are meant to assist developing
nations specifically those facing serious financial crunch. But not as a prolonged or frequent source of
call. At times one wonders given the scale and enormity of problems that have piled up over the years
whether PTI or any future government can solve them. Especially if our politics remains as
confrontational and polarised that building consensus in parliament on major national issues
becomes very difficult. Besides, there is the increasing liability of pensions and loans and the defence
budget in which there is hardly any flexibility unless the threat scenario changes on the eastern and
western borders. It is however encouraging that the present finance minister is planning towards
achieving self-reliance. Merely blaming the previous governments for their follies is neither a solution
of our financial challenges nor gives the country freedom of action or boosts its self-image in the
comity of nations.
Similarly, if the opposition fails to give viable alternatives for improving the economy and moving
toward self-reliance then its criticism of government economic policies has no value. In the past PPP,
PML-N and military-led governments have all been financially rescued by the IMF and their
performance generally remained at par or marginally better. So, the question is: what alternate course
of action are the opposition parties offering that is new and workable that the government should
seriously consider? The best course for the opposition would be to support the programmes or areas
that will boost the growth trajectory. Broadly these have been identified to include — textiles, tourism,
The value of peace is invaluable and cannot be measured, sought through sacrifices of the generations,
and yet is not guaranteed. Ask the people of Palestine, Kashmir, Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria, Iraq,
Libya, and Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar. Peace cannot be achieved by becoming a nuclear state, by
reaching space, or by getting a resolution passed in the United Nations. However, peace can be
achieved through dispute resolution by means of diplomacy and deterrence. Let me remind you of the
impact of effective diplomacy in the words of Winston Churchill, “Diplomacy is an art of telling people
to go to hell in such a way that they ask for the direction.” Though this quote has been debated for its
veracity, but it makes a lot of sense. If policy defines ends, diplomacy finds ways, and strategy
achieves those ends utilizing the available means. In South Asian context, if cross-domain deterrence
is avoiding an all-out conventional war between the archrivals: India and Pakistan, then it is the job of
Ahead ofthe 26th UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties(COP 26) scheduled at the end of the
year in Glasgow, manycountries have been upping the ante on the ‘green agenda’ to deliver new
ambitious commitments. Pakistan has also expressed strong support for advancing renewable energy
and fast-tracking energy transition, which is certainly an admirable, and necessary, pathway. This
support could be tracked in multiple policies and political statements including the Nationally
Determined Contribution (NDCs), Net Metering Regulation 2015, National Energy Efficiency and
Conservation Act 2016,Pakistan 2025: One Nation, One Vision,National SDG 7 Framework, and most
notably the Alternative Renewable Energy Policy (AREP, 2019) which set a target of reaching 30
percent of non-hydro renewable energy by 2030. Let’s theorise compatibility of thesecommitments,
policies, visions and inter-linked broader political economic landscape.Evena cursory look at themost
recent policies and statementsalone indicates major misalignments.For instance, the National SDG
Framework targets to increase share of renewable energy to 25 percent in the total final energy
consumption.The AREP targets 30 percentof power generation capacity from non-hydro renewables
by 2030.Whereas the recently revised Indicative Generation Capacity Expansion Plan (IGCEP) for the
period 2021 to 2030 envisage the share of solar and wind at 10 percentin the overall energy mixby
2030. The stated differences in mandates, goals and targetshave created widespread confusion and
scepticism toward a uniform decarbonisation strategy and roadmap.
It is important to note here that the very idea of having aplanned power sector expansion trajectory
was to avoid misbalanced growth and misaligned systemic institutional logics.The plan itself states its
overall purpose to be “fulfillment of outlines, actions, and strategies as stipulated in the relevant
policies and decisions of Government of Pakistan”.To this note, IGCEP hence raises several questions,
notably its misalignment with ARE Policy, and its blatant disregard for the 30 percent non-hydro RE
target. What is difficult to comprehend here is not only the paradox of policy and planning, but also
the paradox of rationality. For the power sector of Pakistan, a long-standing objective has been
reducing reliance on imported fossil-fuels and improving energy security. And although Pakistan
always had abundant solar and wind energy resources yet till recently, competing counterclaims
associated with the economic and technical constraints ofthese technologies held back its growth.
However, withmajor technological breakthroughs, recently renewable energy technologies have
undergone a dramatic downward shift in terms of cost, reaching grid parity. The cheaper and widely
accessible solar and wind energy hence has the potential to bring down generation cost. Where
intermittency of these resources remains a key challenge, but in the specific case of government’s 30
percent VRE target, the recent World Bank commissioned studies have concluded that a large and
sustained expansion of solar PV and wind power, alongside hydropower and substantial investments
in the grid, are both achievable and desirable. And that a substantial and immediate scaling up of
solar and wind capacity could assure several advantages including lowering GHG emissions over the
long term and reducing externalities. With these established techno-economic environmental
efficiency gains, the only problem still not addressed is fragmented state oversight, planning and
coordination; absence of innovative organisation, business and finance models; as well as grid related
constraints-consequently making the renewable transition highly resistant despite promising
potential while the reliance on fossil-fuels continues unabated. The skepticism surrounding
renewables is another key impediment undermining the entire process.The real challenge therefore
remains- complementing policy tools with creating an environment for transition. If done so, this
could effectively unleash a renewable revolution in the country.
The window of opportunity to achieve the 1.5°C Paris Agreement goal is closing fast. We need to
timely head in the right direction. For Pakistan, renewable energy does not only offer an ‘irresistible
alternative’ for advancing indigenous sustainable energy but a ‘necessary prescription’ for addressing
In a period of less than one month (May 6, 2021 to June 4, 2021) there have been two major cases of
Uranium theft in India. In the first case, Indian police arrested two men in western Maharashtra State
with over seven kilogrammes of natural uranium. These two Indian nationals were “illegally
possessing” the highly radioactive Uranium. In the second case 6.4 kilogrammes of uranium was
seized from the possession of seven persons in the eastern Indian State of Jharkhand in Bokaro
district on June 4, 2021. These two incidents are only recent in the history of Indian uranium theft
cases. These uranium theft cases have exposed the Indian State control over the highly sensitive
radioactive and sensitive material. The founding institute of the Indian nuclear energy programme,
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) of India has also confirmed that seized uranium from these
two theft cases is ‘highly radioactive and pure’. In the history of Indian nuclear programme, there
have been hundreds of such incidents both at individual and the collective theft and smuggling cases
which questioned the very security and control of radioactive material by the State. The nuclear
experts believe that such incidents are very serious from the perspective of nuclear terrorism.
These nuclear smugglers may be the people of Hindu terrorist gangs: Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP)
and Bajrang Dal which have already declared as terrorist organisations by Central Intelligence Agency
of the United States in 2018. These are two sub-organizations of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
the founding organization of ruling BJP. Nuclear experts believe that these terrorist organizations can
detonate radioactive material by combining it with any conventional weapon, which called “dirty
bomb”. In a way, if not prevented, such cases of the theft of radioactive material may lead towards
nuclear terrorism in India or its neighbourhood. Indeed, tracing the history of Indian nuclear
programme, there have been continuous incidents of the theft of radioactive material. So far over 153
such cases have taken place ever since 1980s.
Besides, there are dozens of cases of the uranium theft which were not reported in the press. Owing to
the continuous leakage of information, incidents of stealing sensitive nuclear material, seizing of
depleted Uranium and hundreds of cases of nuclear proliferation, the nuclear experts believe that
Indian nuclear program has become the most hazardous for the mankind or at least for the people of
South Asia. The outcome of the investigations of all these thefts and proliferations is still unknown. In
2016, there was a seizure of 8.861 Kilograms of Depleted Uranium by police in India’s Economic
capital, Mumbai, which cost approximately 24 crore rupees (Indian rupees). The Indian police
arrested two people, who possessed this Depleted Uranium. One of them, Mr Prajapati has been
named as Director of an unlisted company that deals with manufacturing of metals, chemicals and
related products. The most hazardous aspect of this seizure was that it contained 0.3 % Fissile Isotope
U-235 which could be used both for military and civilian purposes as reported by BARC. The worrying
aspect was that this was sourced from outside India which means that these smuggling and theft cases
Precise targets and long-term vision: The scope of information technology or digitisation
continues to be discussed in a rather limited manner in mainstream discourse. Reducing it to apps,
online portals, start-ups or software houses is a costly injustice. The absence of a broad,
comprehensive definition has prevented the development of an overarching, long-term vision for
sustainable change. The parochial view has instead allowed policymakers to pat themselves on the
back for small, isolated projects and give an illusive impression of real progress. For example, in the
past several years, flashy schemes involving distribution of laptops in colleges or grants to start-ups
have popped up in various parts of the country. In the moment, they are deemed praiseworthy; it’s
understandable why that’s the case though — given the sheer dearth of resources, any small initiative
that solves a problem temporarily for a few people is a welcome ‘change’. However, we now have
evidence that such disparate schemes do not contribute to any meaningful, sustainable change.
Distribution of grants and creation of fancy incubation spaces (by a debt-ridden government) for
entrepreneurs won’t help grow the start-up ecosystem unless it is accompanied by bold reforms by the
State Bank, the Securities & Exchange Commission of Pakistan and the Federal Board of Revenue.
Investors must be able to repatriate their funds. Entrepreneurs should neither have to spend three