Cultural Patterns of Trauma among 19th-Century-Born

Males in Cadaver Collections

Carlina de la Cova

ABSTRACT Comprehending violence among bioarchaeological and historical groups is a topic of recent interest
among biological anthropologists. This research examines trauma among African American and Euro-American males
of low socioeconomic status born between 1825 and 1877. A total of 651 male skeletons from the Cobb, Terry, and
Hamann-Todd anatomical collections were macroscopically evaluated for skeletal trauma, based on the presence
of fractures and weapon-related wounds, and statistically analyzed according to ancestry, birth (Antebellum, Civil
War, Reconstruction), combined ancestry–birth, and collection cohorts. Results indicated that African Americans
and Euro-Americans expressed ethnic differences in regard to interpersonal violence. To interpret these disparities,
documentary data were used to reconstruct the socioeconomic and cultural environment of these individuals. This
research emphasizes the importance of evaluating skeletal data within the context of class, culture, and environment
so that behavioral patterns observed in the skeleton can be better understood.

Keywords: interpersonal violence, trauma, African American history, 19th-century history, fisticuffs

T rauma patterning in archaeological and historical popu-

lations has been a topic of recent interest among biolog-
ical anthropologists (Brickley and Smith 2006; Martin and
Frayer 1997; Novak 2008; Walker 2001). Phillip Walker
(2001) emphasized the importance of skeletal trauma studies
in comprehending the complex relationship between culture
and environment. This is especially true when researching
documented groups from the recent past. Trauma analyses
can be paired with historical sources, such as diaries, news-
papers, and journals, to provide a better-contextualized un-
derstanding of fracture patterning. Skeletal remains, in turn,
can reveal tangible evidence of interpersonal violence that is
not influenced by the biases present in historical documents.
In this study, I examined trauma prevalence and pattern-
ing among 651 Euro-Americans and African Americans of
low socioeconomic status born between 1825 and 1877 to
determine if there were ethnic, temporal, and regional dif-
ferences. I hypothesized that African Americans would have
higher rates of trauma than Euro-Americans because of their
Antebellum experience in bondage and Reconstruction-era
discrimination. I argue that interpersonal violence exists
among both groups and that the patterns they display differ
because of their environments and cultural beliefs.
Trauma is defined as “an injury to living tissue that is
caused by a force or mechanism extrinsic to the body” and
includes broken bones, dislocations, ballistic wounds, or
sharp-force trauma (Lovell 1997:139). The World Health
Organization defines violence as the “intentional use of phys-
ical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself,
another person, or against a group or community, that ei-
ther results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury,
death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation”
(Krug and Dahlberg 2002:5). Violence in the paleopatho-
logical context is more difficult to define. The context of
injury is lost, especially if the trauma doesn’t occur at the
time of death. It is hard to discern when or why a healed
injury has happened, and the anthropologist must determine
if the observed trauma is accidental, occupational, or the
result of intentional human motivation. To account for this,
Walker (2001:576) suggested using the term violent injury
to define skeletal trauma with “strong circumstantial evi-
dence of malevolent intent” (i.e., gunshot and stab wounds)
and accidental injury to classify trauma that lacks evidence of
intentional harm.
Anthropological scholarship discussing trauma and vio-
lence in historical populations associated with the 19th and
early 20th centuries has primarily focused on small samples
(Davidson et al. 2002; Grauer et al. 1998; Kelley and An-
gel 1987; Novak 2008; Owsley 1994; Rankin-Hill 1997).
Few studies have done large-scale analyses or explored the

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. 112, Issue 4, pp. 589–606, ISSN 0002-7294 online ISSN 1548-1433. 
c 2010 by the American Anthropological
Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/j.1548-1433.2010.01278.x
590 American Anthropologist • Vol. 112, No. 4 • December 2010
comparative ethnic dimensions of trauma patterning in the
19th- and early-20th-century United States (Novak 2008;
Rathbun and Steckel 2002). This is perplexing, given the
availability of large anatomical collections that include the
documented skeletal remains of African Americans and
Euro-Americans born during the 19th and early 20th cen-
turies. Their time frame comprises several important pe-
riods in U.S. history including industrialization, the Civil
War, emancipation, Reconstruction, post-Reconstruction,
and World War I. The persons that form these collections
are a reflection of these eras and include black southern
migrants, former slaves, rural Euro-Americans, and urban
white northerners (Cobb 1935; Hunt and Albanese 2004;
Watkins 2003). This demographic profile can provide data
on life history and the progression of interpersonal violence
through time among different ethnic groups. Furthermore,
the relationships between culture, environment, and behav-
ior can be explored to comprehend how these groups coped
with their invisible status in society.
Comparative studies done on 19th-century-born en-
slaved and free African Americans and Euro-Americans im-
ply that blacks had higher rates of trauma than nonmilitary
whites (Rathbun and Steckel 2002). Numerous runaway-
slave newspaper notices also draw attention to the scars,
missing digits, and badly healed fractures of some bondsmen
(Libby 2004). A reward of $100 was offered for “Asa,” who
could be identified by his forefingers: “one being cut off, the
other stiff.”1 Sanford Lee had a “small tumor on his right
wrist, caused by an accident.”2 Mickle, a house servant, was
described as having a “slight scar on one of his cheek bones,
and is deficient of the tips of two of his fingers of his right
hand.”3
High trauma rates have also been observed in historic
Euro-Americans. Nineteenth-century Euro-American mil-
itary samples show evidence of battlefield injuries, but
some groups also have larger frequencies of healed cra-
nial trauma when compared to other 19th-century samples
(Sledzik and Sandberg 2002). Studies on the more recent
William M. Bass Donated Collection and the Hamann-
Todd Collection have also suggested that both contem-
porary and historic white males had higher rates of skull
fractures when compared to African Americans (McNulty
2009). Academic scholarship supports these findings by em-
phasizing the relationship between interpersonal violence
and defending one’s reputation and honor among 19th-
century Euro-American males (Bruce 1979; Gorn 1986;
Reidy 1998; Wyatt-Brown 1982). Edward Isham, a poor
white southerner found guilty of murdering his boss in North
Carolina, personified this ideology by frequently relying on
his fists to settle duels and insults (Bolton and Culclasure
1998).
THE SKELETAL SAMPLES
The individuals examined in this study came from three
urban-based anatomical collections: the Hamann-Todd Col-
lection, the Robert J. Terry Collection, and the William
Montague Cobb Collection. Hamann-Todd, located at the
Cleveland Museum of Natural History, contains the remains
of about 3,100 persons born from 1825 to 1910 who died
in Cleveland, Ohio, or neighboring areas. The Robert J.
Terry Collection, housed at the Smithsonian Institution’s
National Museum of Natural History, comprises 1,728 in-
dividuals from St. Louis, Missouri, who lived between 1837
and 1943 (Hunt and Albanese 2004). The William Mon-
tague Cobb Collection at Howard University consists of 987
skeletons of persons that lived during the mid–19th century
until the 1960s and died in Washington, D.C. (Rankin-
Hill and Blakey 1994; Watkins 2003). The collections have
documentation for each individual that includes, age, an-
cestry, cause of death, and place of death or source of
donation.
There are disadvantages to working with anatomical
collections. Most are skewed toward older individuals, in-
digent persons, and males, making them unrepresentative
of the general population. Their composition is also biased
by the research agendas and objectives of the physicians that
amassed them (Hunt and Albanese 2004). Dr. T. Wingate
Todd, who acquired most of Hamann-Todd, was interested
in skeletal aging and ensured that all ages were represented
in his sample (Todd 1920; Todd and Lyon 1924). Dr. Robert
J. Terry, founder of the Terry Collection, studied variation
and pathology and selected skeletons based on these criteria.
William Montague Cobb, the first African American biolog-
ical anthropologist, examined biological variation among his
brethren and created a sample that reflected this (Rankin-Hill
and Blakey 1994).
Despite these limitations, anatomical collections can
provide data on life history and trauma patterning among dif-
ferent ethnic groups and individuals of low socioeconomic
status. Previous studies of the Cobb, Hamann-Todd, and
Terry collections indicate that the 19th-century-born per-
sons within these collections were the poorest denizens of
Cleveland, Washington, D.C., and St. Louis. They died in
almshouses, public-health care institutions, and municipal
hospitals without friends or family claiming their remains
(Cobb 1935; Hunt and Albanese 2004; Watkins 2003).
Given their low socioeconomic status and inability to afford
a burial, state laws dictated that their unclaimed bodies be
offered to medical schools for dissection. After their corpses
conferred anatomical knowledge, their skeletons were cu-
rated for further study. This was common in the 19th and
early 20th centuries when the relationship between destitu-
tion and dissection played an important role in fulfilling the
needs of medical schools in the United States and Europe
(Blakely and Harrington 1997; Richardson 2001; Sappol
2002). Morgue records also indicated that both groups had
comparable occupations as unskilled laborers and lived in
urban settings during the last years of their lives. These
factors facilitated a comparison of trauma among African
Americans and Euro-Americans without being influenced
by socioeconomic status or occupation.
 de la Cova • Cultural Patterns of Trauma 591

TABLE 1. Collections and Sample Size HISTORICAL RESEARCH

Anatomical collections Hamann-Todd Terry Cobb
African American 171 117 73
Euro-American 19 258 13
Total 190 375 86
MATERIALS AND METHODS
A sample of African American and Euro-American male
skeletons (n = 651) from the Terry, Hamann-Todd, and
Cobb anatomical collections were macroscopically exam-
ined for trauma (see Table 1). Trauma was recorded as
present or absent by individual and the bone(s) affected.
The type of trauma (fracture or weapon wound) and its
status (healed or actively healing with new bone formation)
were also noted for each person. Trauma lacking evidence of
healing was excluded from statistical analyses unless morgue
records indicated it was pathological and not postmortem.
Fracture trauma consisted of broken bones. Weapon wounds
were defined as sharp-force trauma from a blade or bullet
wounds, with the projectile still lodged in the bone, discov-
ered at autopsy, or mentioned in morgue records. Skele-
tal elements comprised of more than one bone, including
the skull, ribs, carpals, metacarpals, phalanges, tarsals, and
metatarsals, were grouped together.
The sample was organized into cohorts defined by an-
cestry, birth period, combined ancestry–birth period, and
collection association (see Table 2). Year of birth and age at
death was recorded for each individual based on data pro-
vided in morgue records. The U.S. federal census was also
used to determine year of birth, age at death, and ensure
that most of the Euro-American sample comprised U.S.-
born whites. Descriptive statistics, frequency analyses, and
chi-square tests were performed to determine if differences
in trauma existed among the ethnic, temporal, and collection
cohorts.
TABLE 2. Cohorts Used in Data Analysis
Ancestry cohorts Birth cohorts (years of birth)
African American Antebellum (1832–1860)
Euro-American Civil War (1861–1865)
Reconstruction (1866–1877)
Leslie Rankin-Hill has indicated that information “generated
from skeletal biological analyses must be placed within the
context of a population’s lifeways and history to explain
the conditions that produced the disruptions” (1997:14).
This is especially true when examining skeletal samples that
have a recorded history. Therefore, I relied on historical
methodology and primary sources, which include newspa-
pers, letters, manuscripts, and pamphlets, to reconstruct
the socioeconomic and cultural contexts of the shifting en-
vironments that the persons examined lived in during the
Antebellum, Civil War, and Reconstruction eras. Basic age
and occupation data were gathered from morgue records
accompanying the remains. The U.S. federal censuses were
used for additional information on date and place of birth,
residence, and occupation. Previous demographic studies of
the collections were also consulted (Cobb 1935; Hunt and
Albanese 2004; Watkins 2003).
To better comprehend the environments in which the
persons analyzed lived, primary sources from Cleveland,
Washington, D.C., and St. Louis pertaining to the 19th and
early 20th centuries were examined in Washington, D.C., at
the National Archives and the Library of Congress. Contem-
porary newspapers were also scrutinized using several online
databases including “Americas Historical Newspapers” and
“19th Century Newspapers.”
RESULTS
The average age at death for the entire study was 65.51 (see
Figure 1). Age was skewed toward persons 60 and older,
with most of the sample comprising persons between 65 to
85 of age. African Americans and Euro-Americans shared
similar ages at death in all cohorts (see Table 3). However,
overall age at death decreased through time. Age averages of
the collections revealed that Hamann-Todd had the youngest
individuals and Cobb the oldest. This is more than likely a
reflection of Todd’s preference to create a representative
sample of skeletons of all ages.
Significant results of the chi-square analyses of frac-
ture prevalence are reported by cohort in Tables 4–7 and

Ancestry/birth Collection (location)

cohorts cohorts

Antebellum White Cobb (Washington, DC)

Antebellum Black
Civil War White Hamann-Todd (Cleveland, OH)
Civil War Black
Reconstruction White Terry Collection (St. Louis, MO)
Reconstruction Black
FIGURE 1. Age at death distribution.
592 American Anthropologist • Vol. 112, No. 4 • December 2010

TABLE 3. Average Ages of Cohorts metacarpals, left hand phalanges, right tibiae, right fibulae,
tarsals, and left foot phalanges (see Table 5). Results from the
Cohort N Mean combined ancestry–birth cohorts agreed with these findings
demonstrating that Civil War–born Euro-Americans had the
Entire sample 651 65.515 largest frequencies of fracture trauma. However, given the
low cell counts in relation to this test, the reported signifi-
African American 360 65.019
cance may be in error. Statistical analyses of the collection
Euro-American 291 64.127 cohorts indicated that Terry (p = .000) had the highest rates
of broken bones when compared to the other collections.
Antebellum 175 75.029
Significant results of the weapon-related trauma ana-
Civil War 133 68.000 lysis also indicated ethnic differences (see Table 6).
Reconstruction 343 59.697 Only nine individuals had weapon-related trauma; eight
were Reconstruction-born African Americans with gunshot
Antebellum White 91 75.077 wounds comprising buckshot or small-caliber ammunition
Antebellum Black 84 74.976 found at dissection or permanently lodged in their bones (see
Civil War White 60 67.917 Figures 6–7). In all cases except one, persons with bullet
Civil War Black 73 68.068 trauma survived their wounds. The injuries had healed as
Reconstruction White 140 59.543 indicated by the growth of new bone around the embed-
Reconstruction Black 203 59.803 ded projectiles, making it difficult to determine its trajec-
tory. The damaged bones and bullet locations are described
Terry 375 67.149 in Table 7. Collections analyses indicated that Hamann-
Hamann-Todd 189 58.545 Todd had the highest rates of persons with weapon-related
trauma. However, caution should be taken when interpret-
Cobb 87 73.609
ing these results because of the low cell counts present in both
tests.
Cranial fractures and nasal trauma were examined sep-
graphically displayed by skeletal element in Figures 2–5. arately because they are suggestive of interpersonal trauma.
The findings revealed that Euro-Americans had significantly Chi-square results indicated that the Hamann-Todd Collec-
higher fracture rates when compared to African Ameri- tion had significantly higher rates of cranial and nasal frac-
cans (see Table 4). When analyzed by skeletal elements, tures. Although not statistically significant, Euro-Americans
Euro-Americans exhibited significantly more traumatic in- also had the largest frequencies of nasal and cranial trauma
juries in the ribs, vertebrae, right clavicles, left humeri, left (see Tables 8–9).

TABLE 4. Chi-Squared Analyses of Cohorts and Trauma Prevalence

Cohort Absent (%) Present (%) Total χ2 Sig.

African American 44 (12.9) 296 (87.1) 340 25.85 .000∗
Euro-American 6 (2.1) 282 (97.9) 288

Antebellum 18 (10.5) 154 (89.5) 172 3.235 .198

Civil War 6 (4.8) 120 (95.2) 126
Reconstruction 26 (7.9) 304 (92.1) 330

Antebellum White 3 (3.3) 87 (96.7) 90 30.417 .000∗

Antebellum Black 15 (18.3) 67 (81.7) 82
Civil War White 0 (0.0) 60 (100) 60
Civil War Black 6 (9.1) 60 (90.9) 66
Reconstruction White 3 (2.2) 135 (97.8) 138
Reconstruction Black 23 (12.0) 169 (88.0) 192

Terry 13 (3.5) 361 (96.5) 374 49.014 .000∗

Hamann-Todd 18 (9.6) 169 (90.4) 187
Cobb 19 (28.4) 48 (71.6) 67
 de la Cova • Cultural Patterns of Trauma 593

TABLE 5. Chi-Square Analyses Results of Significant Differences by Skeletal Element

Euro-American Euro-American African American African American

Element present (%) absent (%) present (%) absent (%) χ2 Sig.
Overall ribs 183 (63.3) 106 (36.7) 105 (30.4) 240 (69.6) 68.610 .000
Vertebrae 210 (72.7) 79 (27.3) 125 (35.8) 224 (64.2) 86.075 .000
Right clavicles 22 (7.6) 266 (92.4) 11 (3.2) 335 (96.8) 6.335 .012
Left humeri 15 (5.2) 275 (94.8) 8 (2.3) 344 (97.7) 3.870 .049
Left metacarpals 19 (6.6) 269 (93.4) 9 (2.6) 338 (97.4) 5.985 .014
Left hand phalanges 25 (8.7) 263 (91.3) 11 (3.2) 333 (96.8) 8.773 .003
Right tibiae 39 (13.6) 248 (86.4) 24 (7.0) 320 (93.0) 7.611 .006
Right fibulae 47 (16.4) 240 (83.6) 28 (8.1) 316 (91.9) 10.136 .001
Overall tarsals 54 (19.4) 225 (80.6) 34 (9.9) 308 (90.1) 11.194 .001
Left tarsals 34 (12.0) 250 (88.0) 25 (7.2) 320 (92.8) 4.092 .043
Right farsals 39 (13.9) 241 (86.1) 14 (4.1) 329 (95.9) 19.204 .000
Left foot phalanges 22 (7.8) 261 (92.2) 14 (4.1) 330 (95.9) 3.936 .047

DISCUSSION
Ninety-two percent of the individuals examined in this re-
search had some form of trauma. These rates are higher
than previously studied 18th-, 19th-, or early-20th-century
skeletal series as illustrated in Table 10 (Davidson et al.
2002; Grauer et al. 1998; Owsley et al. 1987; Rankin-
Hill 1997; Rose 1985; Wilczak et al. 2004). The differ-
ences in trauma frequencies between the previous schol-
arship and the current research may be the result of the
smaller sample sizes found in earlier studies of 19th-century
groups.
At the onset of this study, I hypothesized that African
Americans would have more trauma than Euro-Americans
based on the experiences of slavery. However, Euro-
Americans had significantly higher rates of fracture trauma,
especially in the ribs, vertebrae, right clavicles, left humeri,
left metacarpals, left hand phalanges, right tibiae, right fibu-
lae, tarsals, and left foot phalanges (see Table 5; Figure 2).
Although not significant, Euro-Americans also had larger
percentages of cranial (50 percent vs. 48 percent) and nasal
(44.8 percent vs. 42.3 percent) fractures when compared
to African Americans. African Americans did not display
significantly higher frequencies of broken bones during any
of the time periods studied. However, they did have higher
rates of weapon-related trauma.
The largest percentages of cranial and weapon-related
trauma were in Hamann-Todd, suggesting that the Cleve-
land sample may have been exposed to more interper-
sonal violence. This was especially true for Reconstruction-
born African Americans from Cleveland, who bore
the evidence of bullets permanently embedded in their
bones.
Age analyses indicated that Euro-Americans and African
Americans were of comparable ages for all time periods. The
age differences observed in the birth and collection cohorts
are probably a reflection of the time frame in which the
samples were amassed. Body acquisition for these collections
began in the late 19th century and continued until the mid–
20th century. Persons born during the Antebellum era would
have been over 60 years old when they were included in
the collections. This best explains the longevity seen in the
Antebellum cohort. The shorter lifespan associated with
Reconstruction may be the result of surviving the stresses
of the postwar economy in the South, the financial panics in
the last quarter of the 19th century, the 1918 flu epidemic,
and finally the Great Depression.

TABLE 6. Chi-Squared and Fishers Exact Analyses of Weapon Trauma

Cohort Absent (%) Present (%) Total χ2 Sig. Fishers Exact Sig.
African American 331 (97.6) 8 (2.4) 339 4.458 .035∗ .043∗
Euro-American 287 (99.7) 1 (0.3) 288

Terry 372 (99.5) 2 (0.5) 374 10.146 .006∗

Hamann-Todd 180 (96.3) 7 (3.7) 187
Cobb 66 (100) 0 (0.0) 66
594 American Anthropologist • Vol. 112, No. 4 • December 2010

TABLE 7. Individuals with Weapon-Related Trauma

Individual∗ Ancestry Bone Location Status

HTH 666 African American (AA) Found in soft tissue at autopsy

HTH 2026 AA Right scapula Ventral surface, at axillary border Healed; bullet remodeled into bone
HTH 2655 AA Left ulna Proximal end, at medial surface ''
HTH 1977 AA Left humerus Head, at anterior inferior margin ''
HTH 2321 AA Left fibula Head, posterior surface ''
HTH 2662 AA Left tibia, left fibula Shaft Healed with shattering, osteomyelitis
HTH 3240 AA Right innominate Right ilium Healed, clear beveling, no bullet present
TC 61 AA Right Tibia Proximal end, medial surface Healed, buckshot remodeled into bone
TC 361 Euro-American Right radius Distal shaft Healed; shard of glass embedded in bone
∗ Hamann-Todd (HTH), Terry Collection (TC).

Ethnic Differences and Broken Bones
These results present significant ethnic differences in trauma
not previously published. Morgue and census documents
indicated that, despite their ancestry, the individuals ex-
amined shared numerous similarities. Many were laborers,
farmers, waiters, paper hangers, night watchmen, mechan-
ics, coal miners, or porters who lived in boarding houses.4
None owned property, and most were transient during the
decades between census enumerations pursuing menial jobs.
All died in poverty as wards of the charity hospitals in Cleve-
land, St. Louis, and Washington, D.C. This evidence sug-
gests that the males in this study were part of the fluidly
moving lower socioeconomic class of the late 19th and early
20th centuries. These similarities prompted questioning the
racial differences in trauma.
Fracture patterns among whites may have been the result
of a high workload. In modern clinical settings, many broken
bones are caused by a daily routine or occupation (Lovell
1997). For example, most trauma in males is the result
of work- or sports-related activities (Lovell 1997). Rigor-
ous employment such as farming, construction, mining, and
forestry carry high fracture risks that can be indistinguishable
from trauma caused by interpersonal violence (Smith 1996;
Wakely 1996). The males in this research had jobs that re-
quired hours of intensive manual labor and possible exposure
to industrial machinery. The high rates of hand, upper limb,

FIGURES 2–5. Significant distributions of trauma among the cohorts.


FIGURE 6. Small caliber bullet wound of the left ulna with bullet
extracted (HTH 2655).
rib, and foot fractures observed in Euro-Americans may have
been the result of labor-related accidental injuries. Usage of
draft animals and the advent of the automobile may have also
caused the significant trauma patterning observed in whites.
Draft animals, used into the 1920s, could startle and unin-
tentionally throw, head-butt, or buck their handlers. The
early automobile sometimes misfired the engine crank into
the hand or arm, and driving accidents prompted trauma.
Further occupational causes could be expounded on
to explain the distinctive fracture patterning among Euro-
Americans. However, all of the individuals examined held
similar jobs and therefore, regardless of race, had equal
chances for work-related accidents. If the observed fracture
patterns were occupational, then they should be present in
both groups at similar rates, but they were not. This suggests
FIGURE 7. Right scapula with bullet lodged in ventral surface (HTH
2026).
de la Cova • Cultural Patterns of Trauma 595
TABLE 8. Chi-Squared Analyses of Cranial Fractures (Ancestry and
Collection Cohorts)
Absent Present
Cohort (%) (%) Total χ2 Sig.
African American 170 (52.0) 157 (48.0) 327 .239 .625
Euro-American 140 (50.0) 140 (50.0) 280
Terry 186 (50.3) 184 (49.7) 370 11.728 .003∗
Hamann-Todd 86 (46.5) 99 (53.5) 185
Cobb 38 (73.1) 14 (26.9) 52
that the significantly higher frequencies of trauma in Euro-
Americans cannot solely be the result of accidental injuries.
A genetic predisposition to reduced bone density may
have resulted in the significant fracture differences observed
in Euro-Americans. Clinical studies indicate that individuals
of European ancestry have a much higher risk of develop-
ing osteoporosis and fragility fractures when compared to
persons of African descent (Anderson and Pollitzer 1994;
Pollitzer and Anderson 1989). In contrast, African Ameri-
cans suffer less from osteoporosis because they have greater
bone mass, denser cortical bone, and lower rates of bone
reabsorption (Anderson and Pollitzer 1994; Cho et al. 2006;
Nelson et al. 1991; Pollitzer and Anderson 1989). If occu-
pational stress and a genetic predisposition to osteoporosis
are combined, it is possible that these variables may have
caused the higher rates of broken bones observed in Euro-
Americans. Chi-square tests of osteoporosis prevalence on
the individuals examined in this study conformed to clini-
cal research with Euro-Americans having significantly higher
frequencies of osteoporosis (see Table 11). To determine if
there was a relationship between osteoporosis and fracture
prevalence, further chi-square tests on trauma and osteo-
porosis were performed. The results indicated there was
no relationship between the pathologies in the entire sample
nor among Euro-Americans (see Table 12). Age analyses also
revealed no significant differences in age at death between
blacks and whites, suggesting that osteoporosis could not
have solely contributed to the fracture patterning observed
among Euro-Americans (see Table 13).
An alternative explanation for the significantly higher
rates of fracture trauma and the distinctive patterning ob-
served among Euro-Americans is interpersonal violence.
The skull, ribs, vertebrae, right clavicles, left humeri, left
metacarpals, left hand phalanges, right tibiae, right fibu-
lae, right tarsals, and left foot phalanges are associated
with injuries related to interpersonal violence in the pa-
leopathological and clinical literature (Brickley and Smith
2006; Jurmain and Bellifemine 1997; Lovell 1997). This is
especially true in regard to rib and metacarpal fractures.
Broken ribs can be caused by blunt force or minor trauma
to the chest, assaults, falls, and accidents (Brickley 2006;
Galloway 1999; Kara et al. 2003; Sirmali et al. 2003;
596 American Anthropologist • Vol. 112, No. 4 • December 2010

TABLE 9. Chi-Squared Analyses of Nasal Trauma (Ancestry and Collection Cohorts)

Cohort Absent (%) Present (%) Total χ2 Sig.

African American 187 (57.7) 137 (42.3) 324 .400 .527
Euro-American 155 (55.2) 126 (44.8) 281

Terry 208 (56.1) 163 (43.9) 371 8.480 .014∗

Hamann-Todd 97 (52.4) 88 (47.6) 185
Cobb 37 (75.5) 12 (24.5) 49

Stawicki et al. 2004:807). Metacarpal fractures are the re- Williams and Jordan 1993). Chi-square analyses were done
sult of delivering direct blows or breaking a fall with out- on the rates of antemortem tooth loss (AMTL) in the anterior
stretched hands (Brickley and Smith 2006; Galloway 1999). dentition (incisors and canines) to determine if differences
In present-day groups, these fractures are caused by “strik- existed between African Americans and Euro-Americans
ing a solid object with a clenched fist” and are commonly that would mirror the observed fracture patterning and
known as boxer’s, brawler’s, or punch fractures (Brickley support the hypothesis of hand-to-hand combat in Euro-
and Smith 2006:164; Lovell 1997). Americans. If Euro-Americans in this sample were engaging
The significantly higher frequencies of left-hand frac- in similar behaviors, then higher rates of anterior tooth loss
tures and the trauma patterning observed in Figure 2 sug- would be expected. Results indicated that Euro-Americans
gest that the Euro-Americans studied possibly engaged in had significantly higher rates of AMTL, especially in regard
more activities related to hand-to-hand combat than African to the right side of the maxilla (see Table 14). When these
Americans. The fractured bones that exhibited significant findings are compared to the previously observed fracture
differences are those frequently associated with bare-knuckle patterns, it seems feasible that Euro-Americans in this sam-
boxing or street fighting: the nose, the ribs, metacarpals, ple were possibly engaging in fist fighting more frequently
and hand phalanges (Figures 8–10). Osteological and clin- than African Americans.
ical studies of boxers and street-fighters demonstrate that Two post-Reconstruction-born male boxers from the
injuries to the head and upper limb, including the hand and Hamann-Todd Collection (HTH 2372 and HTH 2961) stud-
wrist, are the most common (Bledsoe et al. 2005; Zazryn ied by Israel Hershkovitz and colleagues (1996) had skull and
et al. 2003). nose fractures, broken ribs, fractured metacarpals, and bro-
Trauma to the incisors and canines are also common ken metatarsals. HTH 2961 also had a healed fracture of the
among modern boxers and include subluxation, disloca- hyoid bone. The hyoid, a U-shaped bone located in the ante-
tion, displacement, avulsion, fracturing, and eventual tooth rior neck, supports the tongue and serves as an attachment
loss (Bechor and Zadik 2008; Tulunoglu and Özbek 2006; area for muscles that assist in swallowing and speech. Hyoid
fractures are rare and caused by manual strangulation or a di-
rect blow to the throat, usually associated with present-day
TABLE 10. Reported Trauma Frequencies from Other Historical Skeletal car accidents (Levine and Taub 2006).
The fracture patterning of these boxers mirrors what
Series
was observed among the white males examined in this study
(see Figure 2). Two particular individuals, TC 954 and TC
Males Females Total
234, both from the Terry Collection, provided plausible ev-
New York African Burial 23.5% 23.1% 23.5% idence of fracture patterns related to fist fighting and repeat
Ground trauma or recidivism (Judd 2002). Reconstruction-born TC
954 had a healed broken nose; two actively healing right
First African Baptist Church 27% 7.7% 17.3%
ribs; traumatic compression fractures of T8, L1, and L2;
Cemetery (Philadelphia) a healed avulsion of T12; healed compression fractures of
Urban New Orleans – – 18.8%
Cemetery
Cedar Grove Cemetery 53% 19% 33% TABLE 11. Chi-Squared Analysis of Ancestry Cohorts and Osteoporosis
(Arkansas)
Absent Present
Dunning Cemetery 24% 22% 23.1%
Cohort (%) (%) Total χ2 Sig.
(Chicago, IL)
Cross Family Homestead 0% 0% 0% African American 303 (91.5) 28 (8.5) 331 5.836 .016∗
Cemetery (Springfield, IL) Euro-American 245 (85.4) 42 (14.6) 287

TABLE 12. Chi-Squared Analysis of Osteoporosis and Trauma Prevalence
Absent (%) Present (%)
Trauma absent 42 (100)
Trauma present 494 (85.4)
Euro-American trauma absent 5 (100)
Euro-American trauma present 238 (85.3)
the distal left radius and ulna; healed fractures of the left
second-proximal hand phalanx and left fourth and fifth distal
hand phalanges; and healing trauma to tibiae and fibulae.
TC 954’s left tarsals also had traumatic injuries except the
talus and calcaneus. His left fifth metatarsal and first and
fifth proximal foot phalanges also had healed, malunited
fractures. Civil War–born TC 234 had a fractured hyoid,
healed broken nose, seven left and four right healed bro-
ken ribs, one healed right phalanx fracture, and one healed
right metatarsal fracture. His entire postcranial trauma con-
formed to a pattern related to violent injury. However,
his broken hyoid was the most telling, as it had a healed
fracture of the greater horn. This indicated that he was ei-
ther strangled or suffered direct trauma to the throat (see
Figure 11).
These case studies support the claim that Euro-
Americans may have been participating in activities related
to fistfighting. The unique fracture patterning, with signifi-
cantly higher rates of trauma located on the left upper arm,
left hand, ribs, right lower leg, and both feet, could be ex-
plained by traditional boxing or bare-knuckle fighting tech-
niques. Orthodox (right-handed) fighters usually use their
left hand to lead and jab as well as block (The Infinite Mind
2002; Withington 1922). In doing so, this appendage would
land blows on the right side of the opponent’s face, possibly
dislodging teeth. This stress would also make the left hand
more prone to fractures.
Fisticuffs and Firearms: Contextualizing Ethnic
Patterns of Trauma
Walker (1997) tied the high rates of nasal fractures in the
Hamann-Todd and Terry anatomical collections to interper-
sonal trauma—specifically, boxing. His comparative studies
on prehistoric Native American hunter-gatherers from the
Santa Barbara Chanel area revealed nasal trauma is “virtu-
TABLE 13. Independent Samples T-Test of Age and Ancestry
N Mean t df
African American 361 65.0111 −1.289 649
Euro-American 290 66.1276
de la Cova • Cultural Patterns of Trauma 597
Total χ2 Sig. Fisher’s Exact Sig.
0 (0) 42 5.894 .015∗ .010∗
70 (14.6) 564
0 (0) 5 .880 .348 1.00
42 (14.7) 285
ally nonexistent” in these early indigenous groups (Walker
1997:168). Given the terrain these individuals inhabited,
where accidental falls may have been more likely, Walker
(1997) suggested that higher rates of nasal fractures would be
expected. However, he found that the Terry and Hamann-
Todd collections had larger frequencies of broken noses.
Reported fracture rates for Native American remains from
Late Archaic and Late Prehistoric Ohio Valley groups were
also lower than the trauma frequencies observed in the cur-
rent study, with less than six percent of both groups being
affected (Sciulli and Oberly 2002).
Walker (1997) hypothesized that the large frequencies
of broken noses associated with the Hamann-Todd and Terry
collections were the result of males engaging in a form of rit-
ualized and socially acceptable violence that prevailed during
the 19th century. Pugilism was increasing in popularity in
United States during the mid–19th century and was often
used for recreation or as a cultural way to settle personal dis-
putes (Gorn 1986). What makes Walker’s concept unique is
that culture and history were utilized to comprehend trau-
matic patterns in U.S. anatomical collections not present in
other prehistoric and contemporary groups (Walker 1997).
Megan Brickley and Martin Smith (2006) applied Walker’s
hypothesis to 18th- and 19th-century remains from St. Mar-
tin’s Cemetery in Birmingham, England, and established that
this behavior was not limited to the United States. Brickley
and Smith (2006) built on Walker’s findings by stressing the
importance of skull trauma, hand fractures, and recidivism
Sig.
.198
FIGURE 8. Euro-American male with nasal and cranial fractures
(TC 855).
598 American Anthropologist • Vol. 112, No. 4 • December 2010
FIGURE 9. Euro-American male with healed left fifth metacarpal frac-
ture (TC 307).
in interpreting interpersonal violence related to fistfighting.
They also demonstrated with historical research that boxing
was used to settle disputes in Birmingham.
Do U.S. historical sources support Walker (1997) and
Brickely and Smith (2006) regarding the popularity and use
of fistfighting to settle disputes in the 19th- and 20th-century
United States? Primary documentation (personal letters, di-
aries, newspapers, and government documents) can pro-
vide important insights into the cultural practices, socioe-
conomic status, and environmental conditions of historical
skeletal populations. Biological anthropologists can use these
records to contextualize the groups they study and better
understand the pathologies, trauma, and ethnic differences
they may observe. In the case of this research, historians have
indicated that fistfighting among Euro-American males took
the place of dueling during the 19th and early 20th centuries
(Bruce 1979; Gorn 1986; Reidy 1998; Wyatt-Brown 1982).
According to historian Joseph Reidy, fighting “represented
the means whereby a man safeguarded what meant most to
him: his person, his family, his possessions and his honor.
Any man who shied away from physical contests . . . was a
coward” (1998:102).
Fighting occurred frequently in U.S. cities, including
St. Louis and Cleveland, where the males studied in this
research lived. In July 1878, two Euro-American youths in
FIGURE 10. Euro-American male with healed right third and fifth
metacarpal fractures.
Rochester, New York, began to duel over a young lady. The
contest turned into a fistfight and eventually “lover No. 1 lay
prostrated, with bleeding nose and other marks of punish-
ment, at the feet of his foe, who demanded immediate sur-
render of all claim to the cause of their strife.” A similar event
occurred in 1886 when two young Bostonian males called
on the same girl. Harsh words led to a fistfight in Cambridge
“where a ring was pitched” and they “went for each other
tooth and nail.”5 Cleveland also had its share of fisticuffs
among Euro-Americans. In July 1861, a bar brawl broke
out on St. Claire Street where a “saloon was attacked, and
considerable damage done.” The following month another
fracas occurred on River Street involving two “drivers who
hit and pounded each other in the most appropriate style,
till both were bespattered with blood and much bruised.” A
few weeks later, a row took place between two fruit vendors
after offensive words were exchanged. On August 27, 1881,
a dispute ensued in Canal Dover, Ohio, between butcher
John Myers and W. W. Scott, editor of the Iron Valley Re-
porter. Myers accused Scott of publishing a false statement
and accompanied his words with “a blow or two” before the
parties were separated.6 These men were not doing boxing
for sport but, rather, sporadic, unplanned fistfighting. In all
of these accounts, Euro-American males appear to be pro-
tecting their reputation and honor by physically defending it.
The significantly higher frequencies of fractures and unique
patterning among Euro-American males in this study may
be the result of interpersonal violence tied to cultural beliefs
about fistfighting and defending one’s honor.
 de la Cova • Cultural Patterns of Trauma 599

TABLE 14. Chi-Square Analyses of Antemortem Tooth Loss (AMTL) among the Ancestry Cohorts and Anterior Dentition

Cohort Absent (%) Present (%) Total χ2 Sig.

Left maxillary central
African American 173 (53.6) 150 (46.4) 323 3.051 .081
Euro-American 130 (46.4) 150 (53.6) 280
Left maxillary lateral incisor
African American 181 (55.5) 145 (44.5) 326 7.607 .006∗
Euro-American 124 (44.3) 156 (55.7) 280
Left maxillary canine
African American 205 (62.9) 121 (37.1) 326 6.922 .009∗
Euro-American 147 (52.3) 134 (47.7) 281
All left maxillary anterior teeth
African American 138 (42.3) 188 (57.7) 2.765 .096
Euro-American 100 (35.7) 180 (64.3)
Right maxillary central incisor
African American 181 (56.2) 141 (43.8) 322 5.739 .017∗
Euro-American 130 (46.4) 150 (53.6) 280
Right maxillary lateral incisor
African American 187 (58.1) 135 (41.9) 322 9.172 .002∗
Euro-American 128 (45.7) 152 (54.3) 280
Right maxillary canine incisor
African American 199 (61.8) 123 (38.2) 322 4.007 .045∗
Euro-American 151 (53.7) 130 (46.3) 281
All right maxillary anterior teeth
African American 149 (46.3) 173 (53.7) 322 6.885 .009∗
Euro-American 100 (35.7) 180 (64.3) 280

African Americans did not have high rates of fracture
trauma, but they did have more instances of gunshot wounds,
which were concentrated in the Reconstruction cohort. This
contrasted with Euro-Americans, whose fracture patterns
peaked among those born during the Civil War. Morgue
and census documentation indicated that the majority of
African Americans examined were southern born. Federal
census records demonstrated that this was true for African
Americans from the Terry Collection, originally located in
St. Louis. Given Missouri’s role as a strategic border state
during the Civil War, where slavery existed until 1865, it
is likely that the African Americans examined in Terry were
either slaves or their descendants.
Records for the Cobb Collection also revealed a mostly
southern-born African American group from Maryland, Vir-
ginia, and the District of Columbia, that were former slaves
or their descendants (Watkins 2003). A similar demographic
composition of black southerners was noted in Hamann-
Todd by Cobb (1935), who illustrated that a majority of
the African Americans in the collection were originally from
Georgia, Alabama, and South Carolina and probably part of
the Great Migration to Cleveland in search of better lives.
The Great Migration began in 1910, although south-
ern African Americans had begun trickling north before the
Civil War. Lynchings, Jim Crow laws, natural disasters, and
the harsh institution of sharecropping were major push fac-
tors for African American migration, causing a more than
20-percent increase in the movement of black southerners
to northern and midwestern cities between 1910 and 1930
(Kusmer 1976; Lemann 1991; Phillips 1999; Tolnay and
Beck 1990). Many were attracted by new job opportunities.
After the United States entered the World War I, a shortage
of workers in steel mills, foundries, and railroads in the ex-
panding wartime economy prompted industrial companies
to hire African American laborers. Recruiters even trav-
eled to southern states to entice black males and their kin
into taking jobs in urban cities like Cleveland and Chicago
with promises of higher wages and free housing (Phillips
1999). The stagnating southern economy and ethnic discrim-
ination pushed large numbers of African Americans north-
ward (Kusmer 1976; Mandle 1978; Phillips 1999; Tolnay
and Beck 1990). The arrival of black southerners in Cleve-
land was so dramatic in 1910 that the Cleveland Advocate, an
African American newspaper, indicated that 60,000 had left
600 American Anthropologist • Vol. 112, No. 4 • December 2010
FIGURE 11. Healed hyoid fracture (TC 234).
Alabama, 22,000 Tennessee, and 12,000 Florida in search
of better lives in Cleveland.7
This large influx of black immigrants increased ten-
sions with working-class Euro-Americans with both groups
competing for access to employment and housing (Bonacich
1972, 1975; Wilson 1978). African Americans, racially ex-
cluded from labor unions, were used as strikebreakers by
industrial companies. This exacerbated the animosities of
unionized Euro-Americans, who believed their jobs were
being threatened by the underpaid “scabs” (Kusmer 1976;
Phillips 1999). In consequence, many black southerners felt
the need to carry firearms for protection, especially while
working as strikebreakers (Kusmer 1976). Ethnic animosi-
ties erupted into violence during the summer of 1917 and
the Red Summer of 1919 when race riots flared up across
the United States. The East St. Louis Riots of 1917, con-
sidered the bloodiest ever, resulted in the deaths of 39
African Americans and nine Euro-Americans.8 The higher
frequencies of gunshot wounds observed in Reconstruction-
born African Americans may have been caused during
this era. This study found evidence in the Hamann-Todd
Collection of violent injuries among Reconstruction-born
blacks in Cleveland who had the highest rates of projectile
trauma. The recollections of African American strikebreak-
ers in Cleveland, who armed themselves against aggres-
sive Euro-Americans, would support these findings (Kusmer
1976).
Firearms were available to southern African Amer-
icans after Republican military rule rescinded the Black
Codes. Emily Elliott, a southern aristocrat residing near
Charleston, South Carolina, in the spring of 1866 wrote
to her mother that of the local Freedmen “nearly all carry
guns.”9 There were also thousands of veterans of the U.S.
Colored Troops who were familiar with weapons. Even
African American newspapers regularly advertised the sale
of firearms. In 1872, the Christian Recorder promoted “Rifles,
Shot-Guns, Revolvers” that were available by mail. An 1881
announcement in the same paper offered a “$15 Shot-Gun
For $5.50.”10
The higher rates of bullet trauma among African Ameri-
cans may have also been the result of intraracial fighting. Nu-
merous accounts from contemporary newspapers illustrate
examples of crimes committed by African Americans against
their brethren. In 1867, a discord between two black min-
strels began as “slanderous statements about business affairs”
with an attack on the opponent’s “private character.” Ver-
bal offenses escalated into a fistfight and the dispute ended
when one minstrel shot the other in the head.11 Another
conflict occurred in Philadelphia when an African American
male was murdered by his intoxicated aunt in 1873 after
quarrelling with his uncle.12 In 1881, a shooting was re-
ported between two South Carolinian black males because
one “John Brown had been taking improper liberties with
[Amos] Rae’s wife.”13 That same year, discord occurred
between an African American adult male and a boy over
five cents that ended when the “boy whipped out a knife”
and stabbed the man “just above the heart.” Another inci-
dent occurred in 1883 when an African American politician
was murdered by one of his constituents in Virginia over
“political excitement.” That same year, the “lynching” of a
black man by a mob of 65 African Americans for murder-
ing another black man was reported in Charlotte, North
Carolina.14
Both ethnicities also engaged in acts of violence against
each other, as indicated by contemporary African American
newspapers. The North Star reported the murder of Euro-
American J. Heggerson by a “negro man in his employ”
who “stabbed him in several places.” In 1894 an African
American stevedore working in Southport, Louisiana, was
shot 20 times by striking white laborers.15 The Cleveland
Advocate reported that a riot broke out at the Universal
Portland Cement Plant in Indiana Harbor, Indiana, and “a
union picket was shot by one of two armed Colored men”
who were attempting to return to work.16 The gunshot
wounds observed in this study could also be the result of
these violent injuries.
However, African Americans do not appear to have
engaged in fistfighting to the extent observed in Euro-
Americans. A search in the “19th Century U.S. News-
papers” database, which includes articles from more than
100 newspapers during that era, found less than five
incidences of fistfighting among blacks. A further ex-
amination of historic African American newspapers also
found few accounts of fisticuffs. This contrasted with
the more than 100 reports of street fighting among
 de la Cova • Cultural Patterns of Trauma 601

TABLE 15. Frequencies of Incarcerated African American and Euro-American Males in the United States during 1880∗

Breach of Disorderly Drunk and Carrying concealed Exhibiting a Homicide

the peace conduct disorderly deadly weapon deadly weapon (murder)
Euro-American 149 201 1,254 54 7 1,642
African American 39 91 111 64 22 1,246

Homicide Assault with Assault Assault Assault Assault and

(manslaughter) Assault intent to kill (weapon) (shooting) (stabbing) battery
Euro-American 352 573 585 154 5 5 645
African American 319 211 722 120 26 28 320
∗ There were a total of 57,958 individuals incarcerated in 1880.

Euro-Americans. Fisticuffs seems to have been such a com-
mon method of resolving tensions among whites that in
1857, 12 of the 63 homicides and murders reported for
New York City were the result of street fights or blunt-
force trauma. No African Americans were involved in these
quarrels.17
Criminal statistics from the 1880 (Wines 1888), 1890
(Wines 1896), and 1910 (U.S. Census Bureau 1918) U.S.
censuses of incarcerated African Americans and Euro-
Americans have patterns similar to those observed in this
study (see Tables 15–17). African Americans were associ-
ated with higher frequencies of weapon-related arrests. In
all three censuses, blacks had a greater rate of incarceration
for possessing, displaying, or using firearms or knives. Euro-
Americans differed by having more convictions for breaching
the peace, disorderly conduct, public drunkenness, battery,
and assault without a weapon. These violations, especially
assault, can be related to public fisticuffs and street fight-
ing. However, caution should be taken in interpreting these
statistics as the Census Bureau had a condescending attitude
toward African Americans, indicating that their “propen-
sity to murderous assaults and affrays may be attributed
partly to their strong emotional nature, and partly to the
fact that, in their new condition of personal freedom, they
have not yet learned to adjust their relations to the stronger
race.”18
Community Cohesiveness and Trauma
The different trauma patterns observed between African
Americans and Euro-Americans may also be the result of
cultural differences. When people migrate, they usually
transport their culture and settle in communities with a
similar belief system. New relationships can be forged based
on these mutual interests that will provide a support net-
work to buffer stresses and assist with adaptation to a new
environment. These affiliations can take the form of deep
friendships or the adoption of surrogate family comprising
biologically unrelated individuals. This concept of fictive or
symbolic kinship is common among African Americans and is
believed to have originated in Africa where cultural practices
defined social relationships (Mintz and Price 1976). Fictive
kin were important among enslaved African Americans and
assisted in surviving the stresses of slavery (Gutman 1976;
Huggins 1990; Watts-Jones 1997). Even today, these asso-
ciations are an integral part of black culture (Johnson 1999;
Watts-Jones 1997).
Kimberley Phillips (1999) has discussed the impor-
tance of symbolic kin and community cohesiveness among
Great Migration Alabamian African American in-migrants in
Cleveland, Ohio. On arriving, these newcomers were con-
signed to low-paying, unskilled, industrial wage-labor jobs
and service positions. They also encountered discrimination
from Euro-Americans and middle-class African Americans.

TABLE 17. Frequencies of Incarcerated African American and Euro-

TABLE 16. Frequencies of Incarcerated African American and Euro- American Males in the United States during 1910∗
American Males in the United States during 1890∗
Drunkenness
Breach Carrying Grave Lesser and disorderly
of the Disorderly concealed homicide homicide Assault conduct
peace conduct weapons Homicide Assaults
Euro-American 401 925 12,873 201,492
Euro-Americans 119 1,719 130 3, 157 3,199 African American 526 869 8,145 30,713
African Americans 152 577 347 2,730 3,393
∗ Number committed per 100,000 population of the same race out of 445,368 total
∗ There were a total of 82,329 total individuals incarcerated in 1890. incarcerated adults and juveniles.
602 American Anthropologist • Vol. 112, No. 4 • December 2010
The ethos of the working-class southern blacks contradicted
what the established northern-born, middle-class African
Americans expected of their brethren (Phillips 1999). These
tensions led to controversies over church activities, ways
of worship, social clubs, and traditional customs. Middle-
class black Clevelanders expected their transplanted south-
ern brethren to assimilate to northern customs. When this
did not happen, middle-class blacks distanced themselves
from the already marginalized African American migrants.
Regardless, black southerners forged ahead and “retained
religious values and an expressive culture rooted in their ex-
periences as migrants from the South” (Phillips 1999:188).
Cleveland’s black in-migrants maintained their southern cul-
ture, drew on their collective identity, and established their
own communities comprised of real and fictive kin. This
empowered them in the face of white and middle-class black
opposition to organize churches, fraternal organizations, and
social clubs.
This community cohesiveness forged among black
southerners in Cleveland, and possibly St. Louis and Wash-
ington, D.C., provides an alternative explanation as to
why African Americans in this study may have fewer
bone-related fractures than Euro-Americans. Creating en-
emies by turning to violence would have caused friction
in a community that relied on strong bonds for survival
in the face of adversity. Their best strategy would have
been to coalesce, form their own social-support networks,
and empower themselves in the face of class and race
discrimination. However, this does not imply that there
was not dissention or upheaval within Cleveland’s black
community. Previously cited newspaper articles attest to
the propensity for violence within the African American
community.
Poor Euro-Americans would have also experienced class
discrimination, but their skin color gave them slightly better
access to jobs and resources. Euro-Americans, like African
Americans, found ways to cope with their stressful environ-
ments. Disadvantaged whites had social and familial net-
works and shared certain cultural beliefs that were also
tied to migration. There were numerous ethnic societies
in Cleveland and St. Louis that provided assistance and a
sense of community for Irish, German, Italian, and Jewish
Americans. According to Elliott Gorn (1986), saloons and
prizefighting also played important roles among the pre-
dominantly working-class U.S. white male ethos. Saloons
were at the heart of working-class life. Men connected with
friends in these dives, creating their own brotherhoods and
community connections. Barkeepers were “the caretakers of
a cultural style that emphasized camaraderie and reciprocity
among peers” (Gorn 1986:133). Within this environment,
Euro-American laborers, whose daily regimes were dictated
by their middle-class employers, could be in control of their
own lives, enjoy the company of their friends, and most
importantly cement their ties to their “brothers,” thus creat-
ing their own community cohesiveness in the form of male
bonding.
Bars also served as headquarters for organizing local
boxing matches and pugilistic activities. Fistfighting, like
symbolic kin, was a cultural product of migration trans-
ferred from Great Britain when settlers attempted to recre-
ate British forms of entertainment (Mee 2001). The culture
and rules of pugilism were also transferred across the At-
lantic, and many of the first “American” champions were
English, Irish, or descendants of both. However, fistfight-
ing did not become popular in the United States until the
mid–19th century. This delay has been attributed to the
struggle of the United States to assert its independence from
Great Britain and spurn Anglophilia, including fighting (Gorn
1986). As pugilism rose in popularity during the 1850s, it
was very much a working-class sport, usually organized in
saloons. Gorn has indicated that many “battles grew out of
financial incentives, personal honor, neighborhood pride,
and ethnic antagonisms” (1986:40). Fighting thus became a
method of empowering a community against outsiders (such
as the increasing numbers of Irish immigrants not welcomed
in many Euro-American nativist communities), coping with
social conflicts, demonstrating prowess, and defending one’s
honor and integrity.
CONCLUSION
This study has examined the cultural patterns of trauma
in 651 male skeletons from the Hamann-Todd, Terry, and
Cobb collections. Results indicated that Euro-Americans had
significantly higher rates of bone fractures and African Amer-
icans had greater percentages of weapon-related trauma.
These higher frequencies of fractures and unique patterning
observed in Euro-Americans conformed to violent injuries
associated with modern street fighting and fisticuffing and in-
cluded trauma to the skull, ribs, right clavicle, left humerus,
left metacarpals, left hand phalanges, and left foot phalanges,
as well as significantly higher rates of anterior tooth loss with
a strong focus on the right side. Historical sources demon-
strated the prevalence and importance of pugilism among
19th-century Euro-American males, who reinforced their
beliefs about honor with fighting. Numerous contemporary
newspaper articles described these men as becoming violent
when they were insulted or their reputations were tarnished
by other white males. New York City murder statistics for
1857 indicated that out of 63 homicides, 12 Euro-American
deaths resulted from assault. Criminal statistics from the
1880, 1890, and 1910 U.S. censuses also illustrate this pat-
tern with higher rates of Euro-Americans incarcerated for
assault, battery, and breach of the peace when compared to
African Americans.
African Americans had significantly lower rates of frac-
tures but had more instances of weapon-related trauma.
Newspaper articles suggested that these higher rates of injury
may have been the result of interpersonal or intrapersonal
violence. Tensions between black and white males over jobs
in St. Louis and Cleveland may have resulted in discrimina-
tory attacks. Many working-class Euro-Americans felt the
large numbers of southern blacks entering midwestern and

northern cities were a threat to their job security. Employ-
ing African Americans as strike breakers increased tensions
between the ethnic groups. These hostilities finally erupted
into violence with the East St. Louis Riot of 1917 and the
Red Summer of 1919.
African Americans and Euro-Americans found ways to
adapt to their stressful environments and low socioeconomic
status through community support and cohesiveness, which
not only empowered both groups but also allowed them to
draw on shared cultural experiences and beliefs. For African
Americans, their struggles as black southern in-migrants and
their creation of symbolic kin united them in the face of
discrimination. Euro-American males found community co-
hesiveness in saloons and pugilistic activities in which they
defended their honor and their turf from outsiders. By cou-
pling historical documents with skeletal data, this research
has provided credible explanations of these differences and
how they are linked to culture and environment. Finally,
this study has illustrated how biological anthropology and
historical sources can be combined to provide better insights
into our past.
Carlina de la Cova Department of Anthropology, Univer-
sity of North Carolina at Greensboro, Greensboro, NC 27402;
cmdelaco@uncg.edu
NOTES
Acknowledgments. I wish to thank the Smithsonian Institution
Fellowship Program and the Department of Anthropology at Indiana
University Bloomington for funding this research. I am especially
appreciative to my reviewers who offered constructive comments
and suggestions.
1. Georgia Journal and Messenger, December 19, 1849.
2. Washington Intelligencer, June 10, 1850.
3. Charleston Mercury, November 6, 1862, p. 2.
4. Bureau of the Census, Record Group 29, National Archives
and Records Administration (NARA).
5. “How Two Youths Went out to Fight with Pistols and Ended
at Fisticuffs,” St. Louis Globe-Democrat, July 25, 1878, p. 2;
“Fighting over a Girl Two Young Boston Follows Settle Their
Claims by Fisticuffs,” Philadelphia North American, July 17, 1886,
p. 2.
6. “Fight on St. Clair Street,” the Daily Cleveland Herald, July 6,
1861; “Street Fight,” the Daily Cleveland Herald, August 3, 1861;
“Street Fight between Two Citizens of Canal Dover,” the Daily
Cleveland Herald, August 28, 1881.
7. “Here’s Figures on the Exodus,” Cleveland Advocate, December
2, 1916, p. 1.
8. Carlos F. Hurd, “E. St. Louis Riot,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July
3, 1917.
9. Emily Elliott to Mama, April 15 [1866], Elliott-Gonzales Family
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill.
de la Cova • Cultural Patterns of Trauma 603
10. “Rifles, Shot-Guns, Revolvers,” the Christian Recorder, August
10, 1872; “A $15 Shot-Gun for $5.50,” the Christian Recorder,
October 20, 1881.
11. “Street Fight between Negro Minstrels,” Frank Leslie’s Illustrated
Newspaper, December 28, 1867, p. 234.
12. “The Recent Murder by a Drunken Woman in Philadelphia,”
New York Times, May 26, 1873, p. 1.
13. “A Jealous Negro Shot,” Charleston News and Courier, November
2, 1881, p. 1.
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FOR FURTHER READING
(These selections were made by the AA editorial interns as examples of
research related in some way to this article. They do not necessarily reflect
the views of the author.)
Bell, Michael E.
2006 Vampires and Death in New England, 1784–1892. Anthro-
pology and Humanism 31(2):124–140.
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474.
Young, Amy L., Michael Tuma, and Cliff Jenkins
2001 The Role of Hunting to Cope with Risk at Saragossa
Plantation Natchez Mississippi. American Anthropologist
103(3):692–704.