ABSTRACT

MUSICIEN FRAN AIS: NATIONALISM AND TRADITION IN CLAUDE

DEBUSSY’S VIOLIN SONATA

By

Nicolette Maria Madeleine van den

Bogerd May 2014

This paper investigates how Debussy redefined French nationalism and

tradition in music by drawing a connection between nationality and authenticity using

World War I and the German oppression to justify his ethnocentrism in music.

Debussy’s last work, the violin sonata, is used as an example to demonstrate these

changes. The first chapter surveys the cultural context in relationship to Debussy in

his late years before and after World War I. Chapter 2 provides an analysis of

Debussy’s late works, and includes the sonata for cello and piano and the sonata for

viola, flute, and harp. An analysis of the violin sonata is provided in chapter 3. The

following chapter is a critical study of nationalism in relationship to Debussy and his

music. The focus is on his musical and political preferences. The final chapter reveals

the concept of nationalism redefined by Debussy as he uses it in the violin sonata

MUSICIEN FRAN)AIS: NATIONALISM AND TRADITION IN CLAUDE

DEBUSSY’S VIOLIN SONATA

A PROJECT REPORT

Presented to the Bob Cole Conservatory of

Music California State University, Long Beach

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Music

Concentration in Instrumental Performance

Committee Members

Johannes Miiller-Stosch, D.M.A (Chair)

Roger Hickman, Ph.D.
Lorenz Gamma, D.M.A

College Designee:

Carolyn Bremer, Ph D

By Nicolette Maria Madeleine van den Bogerd

B.M., 2012, California State University, Long

Beach

May 2014
 UMI Number: 1526967

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 Copyright 2014

Nicolette Maria Madeleine van den Bogerd

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This Project report is dedicated to Elaine Kinkel without whom I would not

have been able to come to the United States and study music. There are no words to

express my gratitude for her generosity. Her kindness, patience, and devotion have

been of utmost importance to my development as a musician, scholar, and person.

A special thanks goes to my family for allowing me to go on this journey and

move to the other side of the world to pursue my studies in music. Thank you to my

mother, Peter and Noelle for putting up with my shenanigans. Also thank you

Grandpa for everything that you have done. Grandma, you are still remembered.

Lastly, to my niece Vienna: you are the light of the world at only three years old.

I would like to thank Cathryn Tortell for her loving support throughout my

studies. Her guidance and continuous support were immensely valued. She had faith

in me when I did not, and I am very grateful for her presence in my life. She has

been, and will always be, an inspiration in my life.

Thank you Dr. Mñller-Stosch for the many opportunities I have received at

the Bob Cole Conservatory. I have grown tremendously as an orchestral musician.

Lastly, I would like to thank my teacher Dr. Lorenz Gamma for guiding me

during my Graduate Studies. His musicality and profound knowledge have

contributed to my growth as a musician. I am most grateful for his dedication and

patience in working with me.

111
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... ........................................................ iii

LIST OF FIGURES....................................................................... v

PREFACE.................................................................................. vi

CHAPTER

1. CULTURAL CONTEXT.................................................... 1

2. CLAUDE DEBUSSY’S LATE WORKS.................................. 5

Sonata for Cello and Piano............................................. 6

Sonata for Flute, Viola, and Harp..................................... 7

3. AN ANALYSIS OF DEBUSSY’S VIOLIN SONATA................. 9

First Movement.......................................................... 9
Second Movement....................................................... 11
Third Movement......................................................... 15

4. NATIONALISM AND DEBUSSY........................................ 19

5. CONCLUSIONS: NATIONALISM IN DEBUSSY’S VIOLIN

SONATA................................................................. 30

APPENDIX: RECITAL PROGRAM NICOLETTE VAN DEN BOGERD..... 33

BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................ 35

iV
 LIST OF
FIGURES
FIGURE Page

1. Analysis Debussy Violin Sonata Movement 1........................... . .. 9

2. Analysis Debussy Violin Sonata Movement 2..................................................12

3. Analysis Debussy Violin Sonata Movement 3.................................................17

V
 PREFACE

Claude Debussy (1862-1918) is generally regarded as one of the most

influential composers in the in the history of twentieth century music. As a young

music student, Debussy showed great promise but he felt that his compositions

needed to move away from the conventional harmonies and tonality of the time.

Influenced by both Richard Wagner and love for contemporary art, Debussy created

his own distinctive style. This new style was later labeled as impressionism, which

was taken from the impressionist movement in the visual arts. Debussy never agreed

with this label, arguing that he was “simply trying to do something new.”' For most

of his life Debussy composed in this style, but towards the end of his life he returned

to tonalities and structures that were more reminiscent of the classical era.

In 1914, World War I broke out, and with the German army advancing

throughout Europe, Debussy drew a parallel to music aesthetics, arguing that the

popularity of the Germanic musical tradition overshadowed the French tradition. The

composer showed a great concern for the fate of French tradition in music. With this

concern for French music and an aversion to the war, I propose that Debussy

developed his own definition of nationalism in music. With the war in full gear,

Debussy’s views against German music were welcomed and French patriotism was in

its hey-day. While many scholars have

' Francois Lesure and Roy Howat, "Debussy, Claude," Grove Music
Online, Oxford Music Online, Oxford University Press, accessed March 10,
2014,http://www.oxfordmusicon1ine.com.mcc1.library.csulb.edu/subscriber/article/grove/
music/07353.
examined Debussy’s return to classicism near the end of his life, very few have

considered World War I as a catalyst for this stylistic change. Of the works in this era,

the Violin Sonata is the last work Debussy wrote before he passed away, and it clearly

exhibits a return to a classical style. Highlighting the change in compositional style in

the Violin Sonata, this paper attempts to demonstrate how Debussy redefined French

nationalism and tradition in music by drawing a connection between nationality and

authenticity, using World War I and the German oppression to justify his

ethnocentrism in music.

Debussy’s special position in music history makes it difficult to compare him

with his contemporaries. A thorough investigation of his style and influences is

therefore warranted. In this paper, I focus on Debussy’s late style as demonstrated in

the Sonata for Violin and Piano in G minor. Debussy originally planned to compose

the violin sonata as part of Sis morales poor instruments divers. The Sonatas were

published with a

copper-plate engraving, reminiscent of the seventeenth century publication style, with

this title.2 This set of six sonatas was unfinished when he passed away, and the works

only include the Sonata for Cello and Piano in D Major (1915), the Sonata for Flute,

Viola and Harp in D minor (1915), and the Sonata for Violin and Piano in G minor

(1917).

With this paper, I seek to investigate the forces that were behind the change in

Debussy’s compositional style of his later works compared to his earlier works. This

requires a complete harmonic and structural analysis of the violin sonata, as well as a

comparison with earlier works, including the two other sonatas. Additionally, a

VH
complete

2Deanne Walker, “An Analysis of Debussy’s Sonata for Flute Violin and
Harp” (PhD diss., Rice University, 1987), 17.

VH
investigation of the contemporaneous political and cultural events in Europe, related

to World War I and as relevant to Debussy, is also necessary. Finally, a comparison

to the music of Debussy’s contemporary composers who shared his musical and

political ideas will also be included.

The focus of this paper is on the elements of classicism, which are evident in

the last work he wrote: the Violin Sonata in G minor. This paper investigates the

relationship between the return to classicism and the influence of World War I,

ethnocentrism, and the concept of Nationalism. Twentieth century composers such as

Igor Stravinsky (1882-1971), and composers from the classical era such as Jean-

Philippe Rameau (1683-1764), and Francois Couperin (1668-1733), both of whom

influenced Debussy, will also be included. Lastly, I attempt to discover the precise

reasons why Debussy, who once made great effort to break away from classical

traditions, moved to a classicist style towards the end of his career and life.

viii
 CHAPTER 1

CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Claude Debussy (1862-1918) was an influential composer of the nineteenth

and early twentieth centuries. During his childhood he was recognized as a promising

musician, and was accepted at the Paris Conservatoire at the age of ten. Because of his

intensive musical studies, he never attended a regular school. Debussy’s greatest

desire was to become a concert pianist, but after failing to win prestigious

competitions, he decided to further develop his compositional skills and enrolled in

harmony and composition classes. His talent for solfege and sight reading was

immediately discovered, and impressive prizes soon followed.3 Although he was a

promising student and was groomed for success, he had little interest in maintaining

the status quo of music and wished to pursue something new, something that had not

been done before.4 In 1883 he placed second in the Prix de Rome with his cantata Le

gladiateur. He won the competition in 1884 with the cantata I ’enfant prodigue and,

as part of the reward, spent three years in Italy at the Villa Medici to devote his life to

composition. Unfortunately, Debussy was not productive during this time and he even

resented staying in Italy, resulting in his return to France after only two years. After

his return from Italy in 1887,

3Walker, 17.
4
Elie Robert Schmitz, The Piano Works of Claude Debussy (Mineola, NY:
1
Dover, 1950), 13.

2
he struggled to make a name for himself as a composer.5 This period is also known as

his Symbolist and “Bohemian” period, as he formed close friendships with Paul Dukas

and Robert Gaudet, both Symbolist poets and both of whom influenced Debussy in his

compositions. 6 During this time he produced many works including the Cioq poémes

de Baudelaire and many Ariettes oubliées, some of the latter were performed by the

Société Nationale de Musique.7 After a trip to Bayreuth for the Universal Exposition

in late1889, he was introduced to Javanese Gamelan music and he was intrigued.

This provided

him with a different perspective on music, and a new source of inspiration. Until now,

Debussy’s composition reflected great influence of Wagner.9 At the turn of the

century, however, Debussy displayed an aversion of Wagner and his music.

Music should humbly seek to please; within these limits great beauty may
perhaps be found. Extreme complication is contrary to art. Beauty must appeal
to the senses, must provide us with immediate enjoyment, must impress us or
insinuate itself into us without any effort on our part.10

In an effort to move away from the influence of Wagner, Debussy made a name for

himself within Paris.' 1 His musical output grew significantly, and peaked with the

opera Pelléas ct Mélisande. Debussy even established himself as a music critic,

writing for the

Lesure and Howat. “Debussy, Claude.”

6
Ibid.

7
Ibid.

Ibid.
9
Ibid.
 ' 0 Robin Holloway, Debussy and Wagner (Cambridge MA: Da Capo Press,
1979), 207.

'' Lesure and Howat. “Debussy, Claude.”

Revue blanche in Paris.' With his newfound authority, Debussy had indeed made a

mark in the musical world. He was not only gaining a reputation with his

compositions, he was now also an established music critic.

Although the music of Wagner was extremely popular, Debussy feared that

the influence of German music stood in the way of the development of French

music.13 Through his writing for the Revue blanche, he often expressed these ideas

and openly attacked German music, noting that the true French composers such as

Rameau and Couperin were neglected in this current sea of German composers.’ 4

When World War I broke out in 1914, Debussy was extremely saddened and became

depressed. This depression was so significant that there were barely any new

compositions besides the Berceuse héroi‘que which was a commission.' 5 In addition

to the aversion to German composers and Wagner in particular, there was an aversion

towards the German army.

This issue of domination, both musically and militarily, provided a great reason for

Debussy to advance his musical ideas. In an effort to clear his mind from the tragedies

of the war, Debussy went on vacation and spent some time in a villa on the coast at

Pourville.' 6 His mental health quickly improved, and Debussy composed numerous

works. It was around this time when the first ideas regarding the Six sonates pour

' 2 Ibid.
' 3 Ibid.
14
Carlo Caballero, "Patriotism or Nationalism: Fauré and the Great War,"
Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 3 (Autumn 1999): 605.

'6
Ibid.
3
' 5 Lesure and Howat. “Debussy, Claude.”

'7
Ibid.
3
instruments divers started to emerge, and the Cello Sonata was composed during his

vacation. 17 With the sonatas, he attempted to compose real French music, regardless

of the fact that these are German forms. The war and Debussy’s aversion to German

music, however, prompted him to redefine the origin of the sonata, even if only for

himself.

Upon return to France his health quickly declined as he was diagnosed with cancer.

He remained active with composing, producing the Sonata for Flute, Viola, and Harp,

and the Sonata for Violin and Piano, the latter was his last composition.

' 7 Ibid.
4
' 7 Ibid.
4
 CHAPTER 2

CLAUDE DEBUSSY’S LATE WORKS

When Debussy died in 1918, he left a large collection of musical compositions.

While all works by Debussy are significant in the history of music, for the purpose of

my study, I am solely focusing on his last works. As mentioned above, during the last

years of his life, Debussy made a significant shift in his compositional style. The very

last of Debussy’s works was the Violin Sonata in G major which he composed in

1917. The first three sonatas of the set of six include a Sonata for Cello and Piano in D

Major, L.135 (1915), a Sonata for Flute, Viola, and Harp, in d minor, L. 137 (1915),

and the Sonata for Violin and Piano in g minor, L.140 (1917). Sonata No. 4 was

intended to be composed for oboe, horn and harp, Sonata No. 5 for trumpet, bassoon,

and clarinet, and the final sonata would serve to combine “all the instruments in the

previous five sonatas. ' 8

The Sonatas hold a unique position in his compositional output because

Debussy was not known to confine himself to such a traditional classical genre. He

always looked for ways to escape conventional practices in life as well as in music. It

is therefore warranted to examine all these works. In these latter works, Debussy

exhibits traits from the French classical composers Couperin and Rameau, and silently

defies German musical influences. Although the forms utilized in these works are

originally German, and therefore should have been rejected by Debussy. He is

especially defending the

5
 ’8 Matthew Brown, Debussy Redux: The Impact ofHis Music on Popular Culture
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2012), 3.

6
positions of classic composers Rameau and Couperin as “true” French composers;

both composed sonatas as well as other typical “German” genres.’9 In addition,

Debussy regarded only some classical forms to be a French tradition. The symphony,

for instance, was highly criticized by Debussy.20

Sonata for Cello and Piano

The sonata for Cello and Piano is the first of the Six sonates pour instruments

divers. The Sonata is in three movements, and composed in the eighteenth century

monothematic sonata style. The work is largely based on the Lutheran hymn “Ein’

feste Burg,” which is heard throughout the whole work. In addition, Debussy also

weaves in “La Marseillaise,” the French national anthem. In the early twentieth

century, a return to French classicism was promoted, and abstractation and modernism

were seen as primarily German, and therefore to be avoided.°l “Although the two

outer movements of the Cello Sonata are considered stylistically classical, it also

contains some elements of motivic development. °2 The first movement of the sonata,

“Prologue: Lent, sostenuto e molto risoluto,” and the last movement, “Finale: Animé,

leger et nerveux,” Debussy uses the “Ein’ feste Burg” in a stylistically classical

approach, whereas in the middle

19
Jane F. Fulcher, Debussy and His World(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press, 2001), 212.

Ibid.
21
Janelle Suzanne Ragno, “The Lutheran Hymn ‘Ein’ feste Burg’ in Claude
Debussy’s Cello Sonata (1915): Motivic Variation and Structure” (PhD diss.,
University of Texas at Austin, 2005), 52.
22 Ibid.
movement, “Serenade: Modérément animé,” the melody is more abstract. 23 *It is

possible that Debussy used these beliefs to structure the use of “Ein’ feste Burg” and

“La Marseillaise” in the Cello Sonata so that the contrast between the classical and

abstract use of the melodies could help strengthen his depiction of the battles between
24
France and Germany. The motives in the first movement are set in a classical style,

representing a period in France where music and art were heavily influenced by the

German styles.2’ In addition, the treatment of the hymn in the middle movement is so

different from the outer movements which “may be Debussy's depiction of the war in

which he felt the Germans were taking over not only the country of France but the
26
French style as well. Although Debussy was not in favor of German music, it is

likely that the use of a hymn was therefore carefully planned and intended to prove a

point.

Sonata for Flute, Viola, and Harp.

The Sonata for Flute, Viola, and Harp is in three movements. Like the Sonata

for Cello and Piano, this work is composed as a monothematic sonata cycle. 27 The first

movement, a “Pastorale,” is in ABA form, and the key signature indicates F major.

This key signature, as in most of Debussy’s works, should only be taken as a point of

reference, and F major is not a functional key in this work. The three main sections of

23Ibid.
24Ibid.
2s
Ibid., 53.

°6 Ibid.
27
Walker, 17.
the work are marked by the time signature changes in the work. When the A-section

returns of a second time, it is almost an exact copy of the first occurrence.

The second movement is titled “Tempo di Minuetto,” and this title is

reminiscent of a Baroque dance.28 Although the tonal center in this movement is hard

to find, the f minor key signature is supported by the presence of the C, which

confirms the f minor key.2’ In addition to the title of the movement, Debussy also

utilizes other concepts of the Baroque period. There are many instances of

counterpoint, both in rhythm and melody.

The third movement is in a ternary form as well. Like the other movements,

the tonal center of this movement is F major. Much of the material found in the

previous movements are also present here, making this a cyclic sonata.

Although each sonata is composed slightly differently it seems that, aside from

a musical statement, they make a political statement as well. With the Cello Sonata’s

use of a German hymn, also retaining the cyclic feature we have seen in all three of his

last works, this may lead one to presume that this feature is something that he had

planned for all sonatas. Since Debussy was attempting to demonstrate what pure

French music was, this may very well have been part of it.

2
' Ibid., 44.
2
’ Ibid., 46.
 CHAPTER 3

AN ANALYSIS OF DEBUSSY’S VIOLIN SONATA

Like Debussy’s other sonatas, also the Violin Sonata in G minor has three

movements: “Allegro Vivo, Intercede: fantasque et leger,” and “Finale: tres anime.”

The first movement opens with serene chords in the key of G minor in the piano part.

The key signature also reflects G minor, but because the tonal centers move away

from this quickly, this is merely meant as a point of reference.

First Movement

The form of the first movement is not clear. Harmonically, there are no clear

identified sections as found in a more traditional classical structure of the sonata form.

Judged by the tonal centers in this work, it could be considered that this work is in

ABA’ form. From measure 1-63, the music revolves around the tonal center of G

minor. In measure 88 we are presented with material in the key of E, quickly moving

to C in measure 106, and Eb minor in measure 133. In measure 150 the tonal center

returns to g minor which remains until the end of the work. This is outlined in figure

1.
 Section Measure Numbers Key

1-63 G minor (transition)

74-149 E major /C major (transition) W E Flat

minor
A’ 150-end G minor

FIGURE 1. Analysis Violin Sonata Movement I

Between measure 64 and 87, the music suddenly slows down, and becomes

reflective in tone. Debussy’s marks in the score reflect a slower tempo,

expressiveness, and later also rubato. Because this music differs greatly from the

previous material, I believe it serves as a transition to travel to the key of E major.

While Debussy marks the key change in measure 84, I believe it is still part of this

transitional section. Until the time signature change in measure 88, we see very little

activity in the violin part. This changes in measure 88, and therefore I marked it as the

start of section B.

A section reminiscent of the transition between the A and the B-section is

found in measure 102. While the tonal center has now moved to C major and also the

time signature has changed to the original time signature, I believe it is still part of

the B- section because in measure 110 the music returns to similar material as we

found in measure 88. In measure 133 we are presented with another transition. The

quiet nature of this section reminds the listener of the transition between the first A

and B-section.

The musical activity slows down, becomes more improvisatory, and there is frequent

use of rubaro. This transition ends in measure 150 where we are presented with an
10
alteration of the first theme. The tonal center has also returned to g minor. The score

reveals that the tempo has returned to tempo one, reiterating that we are returning to

familiar grounds.

11
 The piano states the first theme accompanied by the violin, and this is later

reversed. Other material from the opening section is seen in this section as well,

suggesting an A’ section. For instance, measure 18 is directly related to measure 173.

In measure 196, we return to a passage similar to the transitions, and the listener is

anticipating the end of the movement. The material slows down significantly, and

markings such as smorzando signify that the end of the work is near. In measure 215,

however, Debussy marks an movement, and is clearly not ready to finish this

movement yet. Measure 215 until the end can therefore be regarded as a coda. The

tempo speeds up considerably, and the final chords are a strong statement in G minor.

Second Movement

The second movement is not confined to a conventional form. The title of the

movement, “Fantasque et leger,” translates to “fantastic and light.” This is

exemplified by Debussy giving equal parts to both the violin and the piano,

alternating rhythmic and melodic sections. The different sections are linked together

by transitional moments, creating a unified work rather than a collection of random

sections.

Debussy was very specific of what he wanted to do in this movement in terms

of tempo. Throughout the movement, he was very careful to mark all the tempo

changes. This helps the analysis, because those changes also coincide with changes in

the rhythm, and the mood. Therefore, each of those sections could be considered

individual sections within this movement. While the harmonic progression does not

support this analysis, it is important to remember that Debussy’s music was rarely

tonal or confined to the conventional rules of harmony. Although the key signature
indicates G major, this is merely a formality, and we can disregard the harmonies in

analyzing this movement.

 Instead, Debussy makes use of color and mood to highlight important moments in the

work, as is typical in Debussy’s style, and the harmony is not functional. Figure 2

below provides an analysis.

Section Measure Numbers

A 1-18 (13-18 G minor (not functional) with G sharp minor

introduction
transition)

B 19-26 An movement (No functional key)

C 27-45 Scherzando (No functional key)

B 46-59 An movement (No functional key)

A’ 60-71 Scherzando iflo functional key)

D 72-82 Meno Mosso (No functional key)

B 83-100 An movement (No functional key)

D 101-111 Meno Mosso lflo functional key)

B 112-end An movement (No functional key)

FIGURE 2. Analysis Debussy Violin Sonata Movement II

Strictly judging by the tempo markings, the first section starts at measure 1 and

ends in measure 18. The opening theme is played twice, albeit slightly altered the

second time it appears. The chord, reminiscent of g sharp major chord, opens the work.

This certainly does not suggest the key signature of G major, but it does demand the

listener’s immediate attention. The cadenza that he presents us with is unusual for a
sonata, but it
will prove to be important at the end of the movement. In measure 9 the opening

phrase is repeated one octave lower. The harmonies are the same, but instead of a

cadenza, Debussy transitions into the next section by repeating 16* notes, slower

each time.

Measures 13 through 19, which are identical in the violin part, serve as the transition.

The idea that this is a transition is further supported by the fact that Debussy marks

Cedez in measure 17. Debussy clearly wanted to draw attention to this moment in the

movement. In addition, he also slows down the harmonic speed as there are only two

chords in the last two measures.

In measure 19 the second section starts, marked au movement in the score. Just

as Debussy prepared us for this section, he slowly introduces the listener to the new

idea by similar 16" notes with a different pitch. Because these transition moments will

be seen throughout the piece, they unify the work. This section lasts for a short time as

in measure 26 we are presented with new material.

In measure 27 we are presented with a third section, marked in the score as

scherzando. This is clearly a new section as the repeating 16 t' notes have now been

replaced with pizzicato. Interesting to note is that the piano part and violin part have

reversed. In the previous section the violin had the moving line, in this section it is the

piano that has the line and the violin is providing accompaniment. In measure 40

Debussy marks a change in the music, and it is also the beginning of a transition to the

fourth section of the piece. In measure 45 Debussy indicates to slow down once more,

to highlight the beginning of the new section in measure 46.

In measure 46 we are presented with a section similar to what was heard once
before. Marked “au movement,” it strongly resembles the first occurrence in measure

19.
The end of the section is another example where the piano and violin parts have

switched. In the previous section, it was the violin having the l6 'h notes, transitioning

to a new section. In measures 56-59, the piano has that role.

The next section is found in measure 60 and is indicated in the score by

scherzando. This section is different in that it is much more relaxed than the other

sections. The leggiero moments, however, that we we see in measure 63. 67, and 68,

do remind us of previous material heard in the first section of the piece.

In measure 72, Meno Mosso, is presented. The piano part indicates a slow

return to the end as it has the moving line with 16° notes. We will see this later in

another Meno Mosso section, but then reversed and the violin has that moving line.

This moving line does remind us of previous material, which exemplifies the

unification of this piece. It also brings us back to the an movement section in measure

83.

In measure 83, Debussy clearly writes that this an movement is supposed to be

played like the first time. The moving line from the previous section slowly

transitioned into the new one, but it still lingers. This is similar to the beginning of

the piece. The pizzicato in the violin is similar to the piano part of the au movement

section in measure 46.

The measures leading up to the Meno Mosso in measure 101 transition into this

new section. The moving line is now found in both instruments, suggesting that the

end of the movement is near. In addition, the lyrical melody heard in the violin part

of the previous Meno Mosso section, is now heard in the piano part. These moving

lines transition the piece to the last an movement section in measure 112.
 This last section is about transitioning the piece back to the way it started.

The moving line is found in the piano part, and the violin part retreats to similar

passages heard in the opening of the piece. Measure 123 and 127 are examples of

previously heard material. The part that is missing from the opening section is the

cadenza-like figure. Debussy solved that problem by having a very free-flowing

violin line, supported by harmonically slow moving chords until both instruments

eventually die out.

Overall, we can argue that this movement is in nine sections of which some

are repeated in some capacity. We can clearly identify those sections, and when

sorted according to musical material, it would be A, B, C, A, D.

Third Movement

The third movement contains material from all the previous movements, and is

therefore responsible for the cyclic nature of the entire sonata. The movement has

eight sections, each with their own tonal center. The opening of this movement is

reminiscent of the first movement, and is in G Major. Although it does not have the

serenity of the first movement, it is clear that similar material is used here. This

material is only used in the beginning and because of the slow nature of this section

compared to the rest of the movement that is quite fast, one could analyze it as a slow

introduction. While the first movement was in 3/4, this movement opens in 3/8. The

music is quickly driven to a faster tempo, (more fitting for a trés anime tempo

marking) in a driving transition section in measures 24-28. The first section is

therefore analyzed from measure I to 28, with a transitional section from 24-28. The

change in time signature to 9/16 and the increased tempo in measure 29 marks the
start of this new section. The tonal center remains in G major, but the material is new

and the music is spirited. In measure 85 the key signature

changes, and the tonal center is now B minor. This marks the start of a new section.

It is a slow and short passage. In measure 100, Debussy marks au movement,

indicating a new section, but the tonal center remains the same. This section is

reminiscent of the second movement with the scale in measures 106 and 107. In

measure 110 Debussy’s typical impressionist style with the lingering tremolos is

present. This continues until the start of the next section in measure 116. The key

signature changes once again to C major but this key signature is just a formality due

to the many accidentals. We hear material reminiscent of the B-section in a lower

register on the g string. In measure 134 we are slowly transitioning into the new

section in measure 146. This is the B section again, but it lasts for only a short time.

The key signature has returned to G major. In measure 155 there occurs a new section

with material in E major, later repeated in G major. Measure 172 marks the start of the

last section, and a return to the B’-section.

The theme is once again in the lower register on the g string. It ends with a grand

statement in the key of G major.

Overall there are many key changes in the entire sonatas. Yet none of these

harmonies are functional. None of the keys belong in a conventional structure of the

sonata form, and neither are they developed in a way that one would expect in a

sonata form. Debussy, however, was not concerned with conventionalities. He sought

to do something different.Although this sonata is not unified in tonal centers, it is

unified by the cyclic nature of the work. In figure 3 I provided the analysis.
 Section Measure Numbers Keys

A 1-28 (transition to B measure 23- G major

28) (Intoduction)
B 29-84 G major

85-99 B Minor

D 100-115 G minor

B’ 116-145 G major

B 146-153 G major

E 154-171 E Major/G Major

B 172-end G Major

F IGURE 3. Analysis Debussy Violin Sonata Movement III

 CHAPTER 4

NATIONALISM AND DEBUSSY

As a proud French man, Debussy had strong opinions about politics and did

not shy away from voicing those opinions. He was also a music critic, contributing

articles to Revue Blanche and Musica in the early 1900’s. Debussy, along with other

French composers, worried that German music was taking over, and stressed that

French music in its purest form should return to the music scene of France.30 He

expressed this before World War I, but became especially adamant during the war,

favoring a national French identity in music. To mention Nationalism and Debussy in

one sentence is perhaps unexpected. His music is not generally known to reflect overt

nationalistic features in the traditional sense of the word.” I propose that Debussy

redefined French nationalism and tradition in music by drawing a connection between

nationality and authenticity, using World War I and the German oppression to justify

his ethnocentrism in music.

In the early 1900’s, Debussy started to express his concerns regarding the future

of tradition and custom in French music.32 He argued that the abundance of German

3
’ Fulcher, Jane F. Debussy and His World. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 2001), 210.
3
' Nationalism in music is concert art music that reflects national or regional
rather than universal characteristics. The music may describe something derived from
the folk or popular traditions of a nation; its history, tales, or legends; its cultural
characteristics; or a place that is important to the nation or region.
32
Lesure and Howat, “Debussy, Claude.”
 influences in music was preventing traditional French music from developing.
3
* In his opinion, Germanic music was threatening the existence of French music.

Debussy thought that there was a lack of pure and authentic French music. As

translated by Carlo Cabellero in “Patriotism or Nationalism: Faure and the Great

War,” Debussy said:

For many years now, I have not ceased to repeat the fact: we have been
unfaithful to the musical tradition of our people for a century and a half. In
fact, since
Rameau, we no longer have had a distinctly French tradition. His death broke
the Ariadne’s thread that guided us in to labyrinth of the past. Then we ceased
to cultivate our garden and instead shook hands with traveling salesmen from
all around the world. We listened respectfully to their claptrap and bought
their rubbish.'4

Debussy is arguing that the French musical tradition did not take advantage of the

national heritage that Rameau had left them. Instead, music from other countries was

incorporated, and it influenced French musicians. Debussy always admired Rameau

for his perfect taste and strict elegance, as found in the classical tradition. 35 By losing

Rameau, French music had suffered a great loss.

During the early 20“ century, Wagner’s popularity was immense. Debussy did

not like Wagner’s dramatic music as he called it the “exact opposite of what music
36
demands. In an effort to define what music demands, he composed his opera

Pelléas et Melisande. This opera is a setting of a love triangle, and it is a work full of

symbolism

3
' Ibid.

34 Caballero, 605.
 35 Fulcher, Jane F. Debussy and His World. 163.

’ 6 Debussy, Claude. Debussy Letters, (Camebridge, MA: Hardvard University

Press, 1987), 172.
and references to nature.37 Debussy is clear about the purpose of this opera in his

article “Pourqoui j’ai écrit Pelléas.” He claims that he “tried to open up a way others

could follow, presenting alternatives that will rid dramatic music from the heavy

constraint in which it has lived for so long.” ' Essentially, Debussy was trying to pave

a path for current and future musicians to compose “real” French music. He is setting

an example for what French music is about, and is clear that the dramatic music as

practiced by German composers does not fit within the realm of French music. If this

was his true intention, it can be interpreted in two ways: Debussy is either extremely

arrogant in thinking that he alone can make a determination about what true French

music is, or it can be regarded as a heroic and patriotic deed, a desperate attempt to

save French music, or both. Regardless of how this may be interpreted, Debussy

created a successful French counterexample to Wagner’s operas.39 If this

counterexample was to provide an accurate example of French music, French music

is full of Symbolism and nature. In a way, by using natural references in his music,

one could argue that French music is the natural music. “I tried to obey a law of

beautify that seems notably ignored when it comes to dramatic music: the characters

of this opera try to sing like real people, and not in an arbitrary language made up of

wom-out cliches. 4’

' 7 Barbara L. Kelly. French Music Culture and Identity: 1870-1939,

(Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2008), 60.
3
’ Ibid.

’ 9 Ibid.

20
40
Fulcher, Debussy and His World, 150.

20
Debussy did not share the opinions with the leading musical societies regarding the

definition of French music. The Société Nationale Nationale de Musique Franpaise,

and the Conservatoire Nationale de Musique were the main societies, and they were

expected to regulate the meaning of true French music in the country. However,

Debussy disagreed with them on several points because they were supporting Germanic

tradition in France, and because they monopolized French music with their views.4'

Even when he was a student at the Conservatoire, he was fighting to find his own voice

and have his voice be heard. He did not fit in the world that the Conservatoire had

created, not because of the Conservatoire, but because Debussy had his own definition

of true music. Not surprisingly, he initially welcomed the Schola Cantorum, a fairly

new organization established in 1894 by Vincent d’Indy. 42 Debussy supported d’Indy

because he was concerned about the future of French music, and the Schola Cantorum

set clear guidelines as to what the future of that music should be. Like d’Indy, Debussy

favored the pre- classical tradition, highlighting the importance of composers such as

Jean-Philippe Rameau who he considered to be the last example of a “purely French

43
tradition.

Affected by the Dreyfus Affair, d’Indy lost his trust in the French government

and the Société Nationale, because they no longer represented his political views

regarding

4i
Ibid., 153.
42
Schola Cantorum is an educational institution founded in Paris in 1894 by
Vincente d'Indy, Charles Bordes, and the organistAlexandre Guilmant to foster the
continuation of the church music tradition. The curriculum had a strong antiquarian
and musicological bias, encouraging the study of late Baroque and early Classical

21
works, Gregorian chant, and Renaissance polyphony. A solid grounding in technique
was encouraged, rather than originality.
43
Fulcher, Debussy and His World, 212.

22
the military and its role.’4 With the Schola Cantorum, d’Indy attempted to create a

nationalistic view on music with a political undertone, essentially merging his political

views with his musical views4’ This is important because the Schola Cantorum

became a leading music organization, influencing many composers. It not only

attempted to define the meaning of nationalistic music in France, but also provided a

“code of conduct” regarding appropriate techniques, styles, and genres the music

should exhibit.46 After the Dreyfus Affair, Debussy could no longer justify supporting

d’Indy because he pointed out the importance of Wagner on the development of

French music.47 This exemplified that the most important thing to Debussy was still

the search of authentic French music.

Since Debussy and the Schola Cantorum no longer shared those views, he also no

longer supported them. More importantly, it points out that politics were infiltrated in

all levels of society, and music was not excluded. With the Dreyfus Affair dividing

France, and with the First World War looming, the effect of politics in French music

cannot be underestimated.

44
The Dreyfus Affair was a scandal in France at the end of the nineteenth
century involving a Jewish army officer, Alfred Dreyfus. Dreyfus was falsely
convicted of betraying French military secrets and was sentenced to life of
imprisonment. French society was deeply divided over Dreyfus, with liberals,
including Emile Zola and Georges Clemenceau, arguing that he was innocent, and
conservatives defending
the French military authorities. Dislike of Jews also affected the opinions of many in
France about the incident.
45
Jane F. Fulcher, The Composer as Intellectual. Music and Ideology in
France, 1914-1940. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 10.
46
Ibid., 11.
47
Fulcher, Debussy and His World, 212.
 During this critical time in anticipation of the war, Debussy continued to

search for his ideal in French music. He already argued that Rameau’s style

exemplified true French music, but he also claimed that French composers were at the

Genesis of Music.4' “Let us recover our liberty, our forms: having invented them for

the most part. ...” The claim that French musicians were responsible for most of music

history relates back to the symbolism and references of nature in Pelléas et Melisande.

Although he does not provide any arguments to support this claim, it does explain why

he would consider French music to be the source of all music. This statement is also a

pivotal moment for his compositions because, not only does he make a point of

addressing musical forms, but he also starts incorporating new forms in his own

works. He never composed Sonatas or etudes before, yet he started composing them

because he believed they were part of the French tradition. A crucial factor to note is

that, although there were many French composers using these genres, by no means

were those genres associated specifically as a

French genre.49 Still, those genres were traditionally classical, and a style which he

admired in Rameau. “I have actually written nothing but “pure” music,” he said after

writing his sonatas.50 Perhaps when he wrote “Claude Debusssy, Musicien Franpais”

on the cover of his sonatas, it was an attempt to redefine true French music.

Especially his Cello sonata and the violin sonata exhibit classical features. This could

arguably be related to his efforts of trying to move towards the music of Rameau and

the 18th

4
’ Ibid., 210.
49
Marianne Wheeldon. Debussy’s Late Style. (Bloomington, IN:
Indiana University Press,2009), 10.
5
’ Debussy, 309.
century. In addition, he attached a nationalistic meaning to these works by making a

point of attaching French nationality to the music. By calling it pure, he conceived

that for which he so desperately looked. The traditional meaning of nationalism in

music is that the music reflects certain national characteristics, perhaps a setting of a

national tail, or the usage of folk songs. This is not present in Debussy’s music, but

Debussy gave a different meaning to nationalism by attaching specific musical genres

to nationality.

Until now, nationalistic music was a feature of the music itself. Nationalism in music

was not merely defined by the nationality of a composer or using specific musical

forms.

After World War I began in 1914, Debussy started to show an increasing

amount of ethnocentrism. He wrote Igor Stravinsky a concerning note dated in 1915.

Referring to the issues preserving the “purity” of French music, he said that it “would

be necessary to cleanse the world of bad seeds. 5' What these bad seeds were exactly

is unknown, but it can be inferred that he meant composers other than French

composers. It is not unexpected that, of all people, Debussy would write Stravinsky.

Debussy considered Stravinsky an “ally as he was equally hostile to German post-

romanticism. 52 Up until this moment he had only talked about searching for true

French musical identity in the 18th-century tradition. Now, in the middle of World

War I, he shows hostility towards music from anyone who did not posses the French

nationality. He argued that Grieg was too superficial, Liszt’s works were vulgar, and

Schubert’s music was offensive 53 He

24
 51
Fulcher, Debussy and his World, 212.

’2 Ibid.

’3 Thompson, Oscar. Debussy: Man and Artist. (New York: Dover

Publications, 1965), 185.

24
made these claims without providing reasons other than the fact that they were not

French and had no interest creating authentic French music. He had voiced his

opinions about Wagner and the Germanic tradition for years, but it was not until this

moment that he started to attack other established composers as well. Out of the three,

Grieg was probably the one with the most overtly nationalistic traits in his music.

Although Debussy was looking to preserve French music, he should at least appreciate

those

composers who were doing the same for their country. French music, he said, “there is

none more beautiful.”” This is important because it exemplifies the view that French

music is superior. A few years before the war, he stated that he could appreciate some

of Bach’s music, and even some of Beethoven’s music.’5

Composers that had a strong connection with France were affected by this

ethnocentrism. Christoff Willibald Gluck was German but was very successful in

writing French operas, including Les pélerins de la Mecque ou La rencontre imprévue

and Le cadi dupé. Debussy questioned his authenticity by stating that his music was

Germanic regardless of his accomplishments with the French opera. 56 Debussy felt that

Gluck’s French words exemplified Germanic tradition, and his influence on France

was catastrophic for its music.57 He concluded that French composers such Massenet

and Saint-Saens, were influenced by Wagner too much and their music was therefore

not

’4 Fulscher, Debussy and His World, 210.

55
Thompson, 191.

25
’6 Ibid., 191.
57
Ibid„ 191.

26
authentically French.” This not only illustrates his aversion of the Germanic influence

in France, but also shows that he no longer associates the nationality of a French

composer if he did not feel they were competent enough to carry that responsibility as

a composer. Therefore Debussy awards authenticity of true French music only to

those who were French, and, more importantly, only to those who exhibited no

influence from another source. Outsiders who came to France influenced its

musicians, and ruined French tradition; French music was suffering from

“importations singulieres. 59 Rameau’s music ought to have protected us against Gluck

deceitful grandiloquence, Wagner’s bombastic metaphysics and the old Begian’s

angel’s false mysticism; all of which we have clumsily adapted to a manner of

understanding the exact opposite of what the music demands, while we continue to

ignore the perfect taste and strict elegance which make up the consummate beauty of

Rameau’s music. 6'

It is likely that the war prompted Debussy to become more aggressive in his

views about his love for France and French music. During a time of war, people

become more aware of their national heritage in an effort to preserve their cultural

identity. In one of his essays, Debussy refers to ancestral blood and natural feeling:
61
“Let us know how to heed the eloquence of the enemy’s guns. This indicates that the

war was affecting his views on other nationalities, and it also reflects true nationalism.

Like d’Indy during Dreyfus Affair, Debussy was not immune to political influence, in

fact; it allowed

58
Ibid.

59
Fulcher, Debussy and His world, 209.
60 Debussy, 172.

61 Caballero, 606.
Debussy to display an extreme sense of ethnocentrism. He had always favored a

traditional style, but now he took it a step further. He not only attacked composers

with different nationalities, but also took it upon himself to determine the authenticity

of French music. Perhaps he considered it was justified because the country was at

war.

This is implied when he says that “French art needs to take revenge quite as seriously
62
as the French army does!” The war had now infiltrated in music, and Debussy

considered the struggle for authentic French music just as much of a war as World

War I.

For Debussy, it was necessary to fight this musical war. He was astonished that

he did not see that the German attack on French music coming as they did the attack on

France in the war.63 This shows that he regarded the political war as important as the

musical war. Initially he was uncomfortable with writing war-like marches while in the

comfort of his own home, but he eventually decided that it was the only way to fight

back.64 This is exemplified in Berceuse Héro’i’que, a piece he wrote after Germany

invaded Belgium. “I wouldn’t know how to use a gun,” he said.6’ He was implying that

this is all he knew how to react. While he may not have been fighting in the war zone

with guns, he intended to do just as much damage with his music as a gun would have

done, with his music. He agreed that the Germans were destroying Europe from a

62
Debussy, 293.

65 Ibid., 295.

27
63
Debussy, 208.
64
Ibid., 295.

66 Ibid., 295.

27
political point of view, but musically the serious damage that had already been

done could, although difficult, still be repaired.66

The pure and true French music that Debussy was pursuing was a search for

something he would never be able to find. He certainly moved towards a more

classical tradition of the 18“ century, but the classical forms he claimed to be French

were by no means an original French tradition. In an effort to provide an example of

pure French music, he created Pelléas et Melisande. By offering symbolism and

providing references to nature in this work, he also attached that to the definition of

pure French music.

Essentially, true French music was defined by the composer himself with exactly those

compositions that he created. The war became a convenient vehicle for him to attack

anything that was not French, and it allowed him to legitimately display overt

ethnocentrism. Debussy’s music did not exhibit Nationalism in the traditional sense of

the word. Yet, by creating a new French tradition and by attaching a nationality to

works that he considered authentically French, he gave the term nationalism a new

meaning.

66
Ibid., 306.
28
66
Ibid., 306.
28
 CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSIONS: NATIONALISM IN DEBUSSY’S VIOLIN SONATA

The traditional definition of Nationalism does not come to mind when one

listens to Debussy’s Violin Sonata. There are no references to traditional French folk

music, and there is no specific French element that on‹• would easily recognize.

Debussy’s idea of Nationalism differed considerably from the common definition of

nationalism.

Influenced by the political situation of the time, his output is more ethnocentrism

than nationalism. In the violin sonata, the evidence of his nationalism is found in the

title of the work and the cyclic nature of the work.

One of the most striking pieces of evidence linking the violin sonata to

nationalism is the title, as Debussy called this work a sonata. Debussy was known to

break away from traditions early on, and attaching a conventional classical form to one

of his works would contradict everything that he has fought so hard for to escape.

During the war, Debussy wanted to return to more traditional music, or “pure” music,

as he saw fit. It was mostly French music that he was aiming to emulate, often

reminiscing of the better times during Rameau and Couperin’s time. Although

Debussy called this work a sonata, none of the movements reflect a true sonata

form. There is no development, and also the structure of keys are not typical in a true

sonata form. However, he argued that French composers “invented the classical forms,

29
and were responsible for the history of

30
 Western music.67 'Let us recover our liberty, our forms: having invented them

for the most part, it is right that we conserve them; there are none more beautiful. 6'

Both Rameau and Couperin used classical structures. If he indeed believed that the

French were the cause for all of music history, then returning to classical forms such as

the sonata does not seem unusual at all.

The violin sonata, as well as his other late works, are the first since the String

Quartet to receive a classical title.69 With the violin sonata, as well as the other sonatas

in the set, Debussy set an example to what he meant with a return to true French music.
70
This music was composed by a French composer, written according to the styles set

by Rameau and Couperin, and had no trace of the dramatic elements as found in

German music. In addition, Debussy was turning to the sonata in “its earliest or still

amorphous state. 7' This exemplifies once more how Debussy felt about the origins of

music, and how he felt that it was altered by Germanic influences. “Unlike the

Germanic conceptions of the sonata, he would reappropriate the Genre as “French” by

72
attempting to utilize French material, and thus redefining an appropriate form.

The cyclic nature of the violin sonata is striking but not unusual. This is evident

in the violin sonata as analyzed in chapter 2. Material from the first movement and the

67
Fulcher, Debussy and His world, 210
6
' Ibid.
69
Marianne Wheeldon “Debussy and La Sonata Cyclique” Journal ofMusicology
22, no. 4 (Autumn, 2005), 644.
7
’ Ibid.
7
' Fulcher, Debussy and His world, 210
72 Ibid.
second movement are used in the third movement. While some are direct quotations,

most are altered either in rhythm or given a different time signature. The concept of a

cyclic work was already explored by Cesar Franck when he composed his Sonata for

Violin and Piano in A Major, in 1886. In addition, during the first decade of the 20'h

century, Vincent d'Indy argued that a cyclic sonata was typically French. 73 This is

supported by scholar Carlo Caballero when he says that “within the French musical

world of the first decade of the 20“ century, form had a much more than merely formal

meaning: cyclical forms carried a political charge. 74 Debussy may not always have

agreed with d’Indy, but given the ethnocentrism that Debussy displayed regarding the

position of French composers and their music, it can be argued that he shared this

opinion.

Debussy did not write overtly nationalistic music during his career. He used

the French national Anthem in his cello sonata, but it is a rare instance. T he violin

sonata does not contain such examples, but considering that this work was composed

in the midst of his music-political arguments regarding the true identity of French

music, the cyclic nature of the work and the reference to a classical structure

suggests that it is nationalism at a different level.

73 Marianne Wheeldon. Debussy’s Late Style, 95.

74 Ibid.
 APPENDIX

RECITAL PROGRAM NICOLETTE VAN DEN BOGERD

32
 PROGRAM

Sonata for Violin and Piano in G Minor Claude Debussy

(1862-1918)
Allegro vivo
Interméde: Fantasque et leger
Finale: Tres animé

The Lark Ascending Ralph Vaughan Williams

(1872-1958)

INTERMISSION

Theme and Variations Oliver Messiaen

(1908-1992)

Sonata for Violin and Piano No. 2, in G Maurice Ravel

Major (1875-1937)

Allegretto
Blues.
Moderato
Perpetuum mobile
BIBLIOGRAPHY
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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