Crianza en Jovenes Deportistas. Balanza Entre El Cuidado y Las Expectativas

FATHERHOOD AND YOUTH SPORTS: A Balancing Act between Care and Expectations
Author(s): LUCAS GOTTZÉN and TAMAR KREMER-SADLIK

Source: Gender and Society, Vol. 26, No. 4 (August 2012), pp. 639-664
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
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FATHERHOOD AND YOUTH SPORTS:
A Balancing Act between

Care and Expectations
LUCAS GOTTZÉN
Linköping University ; Linköping, Sweden
TAMAR KREMER-SADLIK
University of California , Los Angeles, Los Angeles , CA, USA
Youth sports have been recognized as an arena for men to meet increased cultural expec
tions of being involved in their children s lives. Indeed, in contrast to other child
practices, many men are eager to take part in their children s organized sports. Drawi
on an ethnographic study of middle-class families in the United States, this study exam
how men juggle two contrasting cultural models of masculinity when fathering throu
sports - a performance-oriented orthodox masculinity that historically has been ass
ated with sports and a caring, inclusive masculinity that promotes the nurturing of o
children. Through a detailed analysis of how fathers ' sports involvement unfolds on t
ground, we show how men, in order to portray themselves as "good" fathers, attempt
strike a balance between pushing their children to excel and supporting them regard
of their performance. We propose that although men may value inclusive masculinity w
fathering through youth sports, at the same time they exercise orthodox masculinity
other domestic domains.
Keywords: adolescence/children; family; men/masculinity; sport/leisure
AUTHORS' NOTE: This research has been generously supported by a Swedish Council
for Working Life and Social Research Postdoctoral grant (no. 2008-1462) and an Alfred
P. Sloan Foundation grant (no. 2007-3-16) as part of an interdisciplinary, collaborative
research endeavor conducted by members of the UCLA Center on the Everyday Lives of
Families (CELF) under the direction of Elinor Ochs. We are indebted to the working
families who participated in this study for opening their homes and sharing their lives. We
are also grateful for the comments on earlier drafts provided by the anonymous reviewers.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lucas Gottzén, Department
of Social and Welfare Studies, Linköping University, SE-581 83 Linköping, Sweden;
e-mail: lucas.gottzen@liu.se.
GENDER & SOCIETY, Vol. 26 No. 4, August 2012 639-664
DOI: 10.1177/0891243212446370
© 2012 by The Author(s)
639
640 GENDER & SOCIETY /August 2012
INTRODUCTION
While parent involvement has been associated historically with "

sive mothering" (Hays 1996), the rise of dual-earner families and w
increased participation in the paid labor force has contributed to
expectations that men take greater responsibility for childrearing
and Barclay 1997). Even though "good" fatherhood is still connect
breadwinning, men are expected to be emotionally present and invo
their children's everyday lives (Marks and Palkovitz 2004; Tow
2002). Many American middle-class men seem to adhere to these
notions of a caring fatherhood; they value their families more tha
careers and expect to do their fair share of housework and ch
(Pieck and Masciadrelli 2003). Yet their contribution to child care
small compared to that of mothers (Coltrane 2000; Gottzén 20
area, however, where men appear eager to assume responsibility is
sports (Root and Perry 2008; Shows and Gerstel 2009).
Organized youth sports constitute a unique arena because of its
trasting inclusive and competitive aspects. On one hand, youth spo
supposed to be open to all children regardless of their athletic ab
This is particularly true in the earlier years when being active and
fun are emphasized (Messner 2009). On the other hand, there are i
and, with age, increasingly explicit expectations that children ex
succeed in their sports activities. This emphasis on children's sport
mance is part of a general belief among American middle-class pa
that children must continuously improve and acquire new skills i
to be prepared for adult life (Gutiérrez, Izquierdo and Kremer
2010; Kremer-Sadlik, Izquierdo, and Fatigante 2010; Lareau 200
The unique dual character of youth sports, we argue, influences t
in which men father their children through sports. The competitive as
of sports participation, with its emphasis on performance and on e
of those not athletic or talented enough, render fathers more dem
and challenging. They desire to see their children getting playing t
contributing to the game. We associate this kind of fatherhood wi
Anderson (2009) calls "orthodox" masculine values, such as risk-ta
tolerance of pain and injury, and competiveness (cf. Coakley 2006;
2000; Fine 1987; Messner 2002). The inclusive aspect of sports part
tion envisages men as supportive of their children regardless of th
formance, acting on the belief that this reinforcement is important fo
self-esteem and confidence. This nurturing, we suggest, is associat
a caring fatherhood and with an "inclusive" masculinity that is exp
and encouraging (Anderson 2009).
Gottzén and Kremer-Sadlik / Fatherhood and Youth Sports 641
Drawing on a large ethnographic study of middle-class families in the

Los Angeles area, we examine men's discourses about and during their
children's sports activities. We argue that in order to portray themselves
as involved and morally "good," fathers need to strike a balance between
a performance-oriented and a caring fatherhood. In other words, we sug-
gest that fathering through sports involves negotiation and juggling
between two contrasting cultural models of masculinity, between ortho-
dox and inclusive masculinities.
FATHERING, SPORTS, AND MASCULINITY
Critical research on men, masculinities, and fathers' involvement in

youth sports is limited. As Kay (2007) has noted, gender and masculinity
scholars have studied men and sports but to a great extent neglected to
examine how sports relates to fatherhood. However, recent research in the
fields of family and leisure studies suggests that participation in youth
sports is central to men's parenting in three particular ways (e.g., Coakley
2006; Harrington 2006; Kay 2007, 2009; LaRossa 2005). First, fathers'
sports participation is often motivated by a desire to spend time with their
children and is seen as one of the main venues for fathers to get involved
in their children's everyday lives (e.g., Doucet and Merla 2007; Harrington
2006). Youth sports are often viewed as a fatherly "duty" that at times is
prioritized above work (Kay 2007). For instance, findings from a study of
shift workers in the automobile industry suggest that in order to have time
to be involved in youth sports, fathers ask coworkers to cover absences
(Root and Perry 2008). When not able to resolve this work-family con-
flict, sometimes these men prioritize attending their children's games at
the risk of losing their jobs.
Second, youth sports are central to fatherhood as a means for men to
develop close relationships with their children (e.g., Harrington 2006;
Jenkins 2009; Kay 2007). Sports offer fathers and children a common
interest to talk about and do together (Harrington 2006). Sports interac-
tions may extend to topics beyond the athletic activity that is unfolding,
such as children's emotional well-being and everyday conflicts and prob-
lems (LaRossa 2005). Fathers use this time to bond with their children and
develop friendships that will last into the future (Kay 2007).
Third, fathering through sports offers men opportunities to teach their
children skills and values. This is closely connected to the notion that
sports participation contributes positively to children's physical, cognitive,
642 GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2012
and moral development (Eccles et al. 2003). Through involvement in for-

mal and informal sports activities, fathers are seen as contributing to
children's socialization to values useful in adult life, such as competitive-
ness, self-esteem, responsibility, and collaboration (Coakley 2006;
Harrington 2006; Kremer-Sadlik, Izquierdo, and Fatigante 2010; Kremer-
Sadlik and Kim 2007).
It is important to recognize that fathering through sports is a manifesta-
tion of a contemporary phenomenon of middle-class parenting in the U.S.
among white and non-white middle-class families: the increased parental
investment in children's lives and the heightened concern with their aca-
demic and extracurricular success (Kremer-Sadlik and Gutierrez, in press;
Lareau 2003). This involvement is understood to reflect a parental anxiety
regarding the ability of their children to become members of the middle
class. The heart of this argument is in the perception that, unlike lower and
upper social classes, where membership is almost guaranteed by birth, to
gain membership in the middle class one has to invest years in education
and training (Ehrenreich 1989). In other words, middle-class parents
invest much time and effort in order to prepare their children for the long
haul toward middle-class status. Yet, they still view their children as vul-
nerable and in need of protection. This dual role of parents as caring and
protecting while at the same time pushing one's child to achieve and suc-
ceed has become a common reality of middle-class mothers and fathers
(Kremer-Sadlik and Gutierrez, in press). While both parents may experi-
ence angst and uncertainty about the best ways to raise their children to
succeed, we argue in this article that for fathers this new reality is particu-
larly challenging as it coincides with "new" perceptions of masculinity
and increased expectations of "hands-on fathering" (Marks and Palkovitz
2004). Thus, in juggling their parenting roles, fathers also struggle with
defining their ways of acting and being men. It is interesting to note that
although men of different classes and ethnic backgrounds adhere to
notions of father involvement, white middle-class men are less egalitarian
than, for instance, Black (Kamo and Cohen 1998) and working-class men
(Shows and Gerstel 2009).
The gendered aspect of paternal engagement in sports has received
some attention; a number of studies suggest that fathers' sports involve-
ment is prioritized over participation in housework and child care (e.g.,
Doucet and Merla 2007; Shows and Gerstel 2009), thus reproducing tra-
ditional gender identities (Connell 2000; Fine 1987; Messner 2002, 2005).
Shows and Gerstel (2009) demonstrate how white middle-class men tend
to participate in "public" child care, such as sports activities, letting their
wives assume the majority of domestic work. Involvement in youth sports

offers men a way to parent while distancing themselves from feminine
styles of caring (Doucet 2006). Gendered identities are further reinforced
when comparing parents' involvement in youth sports (Chafetz and
Kotarba 1999; Messner 2009). Messner (2009) observes that when both
parents volunteer in their children's sports organizations, fathers often
volunteer as coaches or assistant coaches, while mothers often become
"team moms," which involves practical and traditionally female chores.
The few mothers who become coaches volunteer in their younger chil-
dren's teams where "kids knowledge" rather than "sports knowledge" is
more relevant. As a result, Messner argues, children are introduced to a
gender-segregated world where it is considered natural that men are lead-
ers, managing the sports activities, and mothers are responsible for the
care work around these activities.
Fathers are drawn to their children's sports activities in part because
youth sports constitute a "comfort zone" (Harrington 2006), with prac-
tices that men are likely to be familiar with and master (Coakley 2006).
Men draw on their past experiences and transfer "sports skills" into the
child-rearing domain (Messner 2009). Further, sports have been shown to
be a male-dominated and masculinist arena (Coakley 2006; Connell 2000),
where competitiveness, physical ability, homophobia, and other orthodox
values are dominant (cf. Messner 2005). However, recent studies suggest
that among young white, middle-class male athletes and students, ortho-
dox values and practices are giving way to a more inclusive masculinity
(Anderson 2009). Young men today express softer and more emotional
forms of masculinity, for instance, on college soccer teams (Adams 201 1),
on rugby teams, in fraternities (Anderson 2009), and in high schools
(McCormack 2011).
Anderson (2009) associates this change with declining homophobia,
anti-femininity, and heteronormativity. He introduces his inclusive mas-
culinity theory in response to Connell 's (1995) notion of hegemonic mas-
culinity, which he criticizes for not leaving room for masculinities other
than a "traditional" masculinity to gain dominance. While Connell 's con-
cept tends to equate a gender stereotype with the hegemonic process,
Anderson (2009) asserts that orthodox masculinity includes certain values
and identities that may be, but are not, necessarily hegemonic. Inclusive
masculinity theory enables the possibility of multiple, "less oppressive"
masculinities to become hegemonic in line with Connell's more recent
discussion (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005, 833). While Anderson
(2009) argues that inclusive masculinity is present in sports, he emphasizes
that it has not yet gained hegemonic status, and that its existence and pro-
liferation do not necessarily guarantee that sexism or other orthodox val-
ues would disappear. Instead, Anderson proposes, orthodox and inclusive
masculinity currently exist side by side with "equal appeal" (Anderson
2011, 569), enabling men to express either form of masculinity without
being stigmatized. The two masculinity archetypes constitute ideals, but
are not prescriptive for all men and therefore are not dominant in the same
way as when one masculinity archetype is hegemonic.
Like Anderson (2009), we identify a prevalence of inclusive masculin-
ity in men's relation to their children's sports participation. But rather than
being motivated by new perceptions of sexuality, we associate this behav-
ior with increased expectations of men to care for, and develop emotional
closeness with, their children (Lupton and Barclay 1997; Marks and
Palkovitz 2004; Townsend 2002). When fathering through athletic activi-
ties, we suggest, sports skills are not sufficient; rather, men also need car-
ing skills. The duality of orthodox and inclusive masculinities seems to be
at the heart of contemporary middle-class fatherhood. When fathers strike
a balance between caring and performance-oriented aspects of youth
sports, they negotiate different discourses of fatherhood and masculinity
(cf. Lupton and Barclay 1997). Thus, to be "good" fathers men need to
find equilibrium between the contradicting discourses and manage the
ambivalence between different masculinities.
A STUDY ON PARENTHOOD IN LOS ANGELES
This article draws on data collected as part of a large, interdiscip

ethnographic research project conducted by the UCLA Cente
Everyday Lives of Families (CELF) in 2002-2005. The CELF en
studied how Los Angeles parents and their children approach the
lenges of balancing the demands of work, school, and family life.1
eligible for participation in the study, both parents had to work at
hours outside the home, have two or three children (with at least on
between the ages of seven and 10), and pay a mortgage on the
home. Families were recruited through an advertisement in local n
pers and flyers in schools. Thirty-two families participated in the st
which two were same-sex parents. For this article, data were a
from the 30 heterosexual families in the study. The CELF families
the greater Los Angeles area and represent a variety of ethnic backgrou
with a majority of white fathers (82 percent) and mothers (66 perc
most households, at least one parent had a college degree, and out of the
60 parents, 82 percent had a college or graduate degree.
A number of different methods have been used in order to document the
lives of our families. For this study, we draw on a four-day ethnographic
video recording of family members' daily activities and interactions inside
and outside the home from the moment they woke up until the children
went to bed.2 We also draw on semistructured interviews with parents in
which they discussed their family's daily routines and their beliefs, goals,
and practices related to issues of education and health. These interviews
provided numerous opportunities for parents to discuss their children's
sports activities and the meaning parents attached to these activities. The
richness of analysis would not have been possible without the authors'
ethnographic knowledge and participation in data collection.
All interviews were transcribed and a collection was made of the pas-
sages when parents discussed children's sports activities. The topic of
sports was typically brought up spontaneously by parents in the context of
talking about family members' schedules, children's extracurricular
activities, and the fostering of healthy habits. All the ethnographic video
recordings were transcribed and coded for activities captured on tape.
These activity logs were used to identify and create a collection of seg-
ments when fathers were engaged in sports activities with their children.
Interactions in the interviews and between fathers and children cap-
tured on tape were analyzed within the framework of discourse analysis,
which views language as a form of social action and a resource for "mak-
ing sense" of the world (Garfinkel 1967; Potter 1996). In this sense,
fathers' talk about and around children's sports offers insights into their
interpretation of cultural norms and ideals regarding fatherhood as well as
their understanding of their own practices. The observational data enable
an analysis of how they enact and negotiate fathering on the ground and
orient toward what they perceive to be the "right" way to be a father. The
analysis of excerpts points to aspects of talk that highlight a father's par-
ticular positioning vis-à-vis children's sports activities.
BEING AN INVOLVED FATHER
In the past decades, the notion of fatherhood has shifted, with f

being expected to shoulder more responsibility for child care and pr
ing time with their children (Townsend 2002). Many fathers in our
adhered to this notion, stating that they prioritize spending time with
children sometimes even over their jobs. This is summed up well by

Arturo, a 43-year-old father of a 5-year-old boy and 8-year-old girl: "Work
is important for me, but to me family is more important and my kids are
more important." For many fathers, prioritizing children was done through
participation in their children's organized sport activities. A number of our
fathers volunteered for important roles in at least one of their children's
sports teams; others participated through driving their children to prac-
tices and games, and standing by the sideline cheering. Of the 60 school-
age children in the 30 families, 43 children from 24 families participated
in organized sports activities (72 percent) during the time of data collec-
tion. Of the 24 fathers whose children played sports, six volunteered as
coaches, assistant coaches, and referees. Seven additional fathers drove
their children to their practices and stayed to watch during weekday after-
noons and evenings. All 24 fathers attended their children's games and
matches. The majority of fathers whose children play sports (20 out of
24), including all fathers that regularly volunteer or drive their children to
their practices and all fathers that are used as examples in this article iden-
tified themselves as Caucasian.
David, a 35-year-old father of 8-year-old Josh, for example, was selected
to be the coach of Josh's baseball team. He explains that he enjoys coaching
because it enables him to spend time with his son. In a joint interview, Julia,
David' s 40-year-old wife, emphasizes the notion that through coaching
David is fathering Josh in a particular way that they both believe in:
Julia: It's also about family, though. It's not you being separated from the
family. It's you interacting with Josh and doing something that I think also
contributes to the whole thing that we're trying to do with having our kids
trust us, and being able to come to us, and knowing that, you know, we
specify time for them and that we specify. . . . Like Josh - you wouldn't
have become a coach had Josh not wanted to play Little League.
David: Yeah, yeah, it feels good in a number of ways.
Julia supports David's choice to coach Josh's team and explains that for
her this is a form of fathering. Julia highlights how coaching offers David
the opportunity to achieve a certain relationship with their son that both
she and her husband strive for: a bond of trust with Josh, who experiences
an available and attentive father. David confirms that the experience is
rewarding.
But spending time coaching one's children's teams is time-consuming
and not always easy to manage. Derrick, a 42 year-old father of two sons,
ages 7 and 9, and a daughter, 11, suggests that his preference for being
with his children and spending time involved in their sports activities may
hurt his business (cf. Root and Perry 2008). On Saturday morning, Derrick
is in his home office going over work files, when he admits to the video-
taping researcher that he neglects certain tasks important for his business
in order to spend time on his coaching duties. "I'm supposed to do payroll
tonight or tomorrow," he says, "so I'm stalling it out by doing baseball."
Though, in his eyes, he is doing the right thing, he recognizes that this
choice to ignore his business responsibilities carries additional fallout.
While still in the home office, the researcher asks Derrick if he needs to
spend time on his paid work while at home, and Derrick answers that he
should, but he does not.
I should [holds his hand to his mouth as if telling a secret]. But it comes
to the point where I don't. And I get yelled at from my wife. Urn, you
know, after twelve years it's, I've had enough [gesturing "enough" with
his hand]. Plus, I really enjoy spending time with the kids doing the
baseball stuff.
Derrick admits that he does not spend sufficient time on his paid work,
and suggests that this choice causes tension with his wife. A few days
later, during an interview with Derrick and his 43 -year-old wife, Karita,
this tension becomes apparent when he declares how much he enjoys
spending time with the kids:
Well, I like just being active with the kids in their sports. That's what I
enjoy doing, and spending time with their friends and trying to teach them
how to play the different games and being . . . good sportsmanship type
things, competing, teamwork and all that kind of stuff. So most of the
activity I try to be around spending time with the kids to, even just being a
good dad like that. So, my dad wasn't around very much. So, I always think
it's pretty neat.
Derrick equates being involved in his children's sports with being a

good father. He is proud that in spite of his own experience of a relatively
absent father, he is present in his children's lives through sports. Derrick
emphasizes how through his involved fatherhood he is able to develop
close relations with their children. Karita, however, responds critically to
Derrick's positive self-presentation by pointing out that he does not spend
time helping around the house. As in the majority of the families in the
study, Karita is responsible for most household work and child care (Good
2009; Good and Gottzén 2010; Gottzén 2011). Defensively, Derrick

evokes the idea that spending time coaching the children is just as
demanding:
Derrick: Well, I mean, I don't get the laundry, but I spend time with the kids.
I'm coaching them and that takes effort too. You know, so if I'm schlepping
and going to practices and picking the bases and throwing the baseballs and
dealing with twelve other kids, then after that's over then we'll come home
and eat and I'm pretty exhausted too. So, I mean, it's not like I'm not doing
nothing [sic], I'm just not doing the laundry.
Karita: Or cooking or cleaning or whatever. We can fight about that all night
[laughs sarcastically].
Derrick: Good. Then you go coach the kids and I'll cook a dinner. Big deal.
I've asked you to go coach them. You can go coach Pam's team.
Karita: Yeah, well, I have enough work to do. Working two jobs already, so
don't want to do that.
By detailing the "work" of picking bases and throwing balls and the
resulting exhaustion, Derrick suggests that his wife and he are doing com-
parable things. He equates his coaching the children's baseball teams to
his wife's household responsibilities, and even suggests that they could
trade places.
While Karita recognizes that Derrick is a good father when it comes to
doing sports with the kids, she argues that it forces her to assume the less
amusing duties of parenthood:
Oh, absolutely, he's a great dad when it comes to that. That's no problem.
I try to be a good mom too. I, you know, make sure that the homework is
being done. I'm probably more the nagging part of the mom and dad
relationship, you know, because that's probably what I do, you know,
"Clean up! Do this! Do that!" But that's part of being a mom. So . . . and
he's . . . he's trying to be the fun dad instead, you know? That's fine. That's
fine.
West and Zimmerman (1987) remind us that when parents perform

household work, they produce not only household services and child
care but also gendered identities. Thus, the discussion between Derrick
and Karita is not only a negotiation about who is supposed to do what
but also a gendered construction of parenthood that is accomplished
through categorization work where the mother is considered to be respon-
sible for housework and child care while the father mainly spends time
with the children. Karita's statement that Derrick is a "great dad," fol-
lowed by her admission that she tries "to be a good mom too," weakens
her moral position vis-à-vis Derrick, who appears to be successful as a
parent in comparison. Her definition of a "good mom" as the one respon-
sible for overseeing children's homework further strengthens Derrick's
image of a good dad, since both education and extracurricular activities
are part of parental strategies to prepare children for adult life (Kremer-
Sadlik and Gutiérrez, in press). Finally, Karita admits that she becomes
the "nagging" parent, while Derick is the "fun" one. In this view, "good"
fatherhood does not necessarily include contributing a fair share of
domestic work (cf. Shows and Gerstel 2009). Instead, it primarily means
being with the children and involved in their lives. While enacting an
inclusive fatherhood in relation to sports, Derrick maintains orthodox
practices in other parenting areas.
CARING THROUGH SPORTS
Jerry Reis, a 45-year-old father of 8-year-old Allison, explains

his fathering through sports "probably comes from the fact tha
something I can get involved with." Specifically, sports affords J
space where he can care for his children, offering them secur
support.
The coach should be the one that can be nasty and critical, so the one . . .
my role should be to provide them with security or as close to that as I can.
You know, and to cheer them on and not to yell at the referees and not do
all that other stuff that horrible athletic parents do - sports parents. But to
just simply encourage them, you know. Let someone else be the bad guy,
you know. ... I should be the safe person.
Here, Jerry orients toward an inclusive masculinity by differentiating

between himself as the father and the coach. While the coach may be
"nasty and critical," Jerry should provide support and safety, qualities that
have traditionally been ascribed to female parenthood (Hays 1996). By
separating himself from what he calls "horrible athletic parents," Jerry
presents caring fatherhood as an ethical choice, one that he views as
imperative ("I should").
Our ethnographic observations confirm Jerry's commitment to support-
ing his children with positive reinforcement and advice. In the following
exchange, Jerry is watching his daughter's first basketball game of the

season. When the opportunity arises, he calls her to come to him.
Jerry: Come here one second. Hurry up. [Motions for Allison to come over.]
Come here. [Allison runs to her father.] You're in the right place, you're
doing all the right things, but when you shoot you're rushing it. So just take
a little teeny second and just make sure you're set right and then shoot.
Okay? [Jerry raises his hand for a high-five.]
Allison: [Nods and gives her father a high-five.]
Jerry: Go.
Allison: [Runs back to the court.]
Jerry makes sure to complement Allison twice, saying that she is doing
"all the right things" before suggesting that she is doing one thing wrong,
thus reducing the weight of his criticism. He further diminishes Alison's
error by pointing out that she "just" has to do a "little teeny" change,
depicting the correction as a minor change in Allison's already very good
performance. Jerry ends his little interlude with a high-five that invites
Allison to collaborate with him both by high-fiving him back and follow-
ing his advice.
Jerry's supportive behavior is not a unique case; many of the fathers in
our study stood by the sideline during matches and games continuously
shouting encouraging comments (e.g., "good job," "good try") to their
children and the team in general. In the following segment we meet Travis,
a 40-year-old father of eight-year-old Jonah, who spends his Saturday
mornings cheering his son from the sideline of the soccer field. At a quarter-
time break Jonah comes to his father to get a drink of water when Travis
compliments him: "Oh my God, Jonah. I saw you almost score two goals.
That was awesome, dude. You were so close. . . . Good playing, Jonah.
Way to follow it a second time. It's exciting to watch." Travis positively
reinforces Jonah's playing in a number of ways. He starts by recognizing
Jonah's contribution to the team by noting how he almost scored twice. He
then compliments him on his "good playing" and adds a specific detail
("way to follow it a second time"), thus elevating his compliment from
mere parental support to a "knowledgeable" recognition of skill demon-
stration. Travis makes a point of telling Jonah that his playing is pleasura-
ble to the spectators, further depicting his skills as remarkable. With this
message of support and trust, Jonah returns to the game for another quarter.
Some fathers encouraged their children even when their performance
was not so praiseworthy. Consider, for example, Thomas, a 46-year-old
father of 11 -year-old twins, a boy, Reese, and a girl, Kayley, who,
together with his wife Roberta and Kayley, was watching Reese play a
soccer match with his club team. The game was tough and Reese's team
lost. In addition, Reese received a "yellow card" when he fouled a player
in the heat of the game. Reese gets off the field at the end of the match
fuming at the referee. While Roberta immediately responds by telling
Reese in a stern voice, "Don't complain about the ref," Thomas is much
more sympathetic - he gently caresses his head and back, agreeing with
Reese that "the ref has been unfair." And when Reese walks away,
Thomas follows him and continues in a warm tone, "Don't worry about
getting a [yellow card] once in a while. That's OK. . . . just keep doing
what you're doing."
Reese goes on to describe to his dad how he tackled one of the players,
thus revealing that the yellow card was rather deserved. Thomas's
response is supportive, complimenting Reese on his strategy: "That's one
nifty trick because . . . that's one nifty trick because you make the other
guy mad." Then rubbing Reese's back, Thomas concludes, "You played
well. You played great. Sorry you guys lost. You played well." While
Thomas's support could appear as a form of competitiveness and Thomas
could be viewed as an ambitious father who is eager for his son's team to
win, Thomas's gentle and intimate voice and continued physical warmth
toward his son signals a greater concern for Reese's well-being rather than
a care for the game.
Thomas's high attunement to his children is also evident when talking
about his daughter's sports activities. Sitting on the floor on the side of the
basketball court, Thomas is watching Kayley's team's game. The
researcher who is filming comments that Kayley is playing well and that
she has already scored a few baskets. Thomas's response reveals that he
has been examining Kayley's athletic abilities:
She's not found her athleticism yet. But I see it in there. Um, the way she
was running around here in the yard shows that she's starting to create a
little bit of strength in her body to ... to run. [ . . . ] So I think we may have
found something that works for her sports-wise.
Thomas continues to tell the researcher how he took Kayley to a Lakers

game, how much fun it was, and how they regularly watch games on TV
together. All these activities, he suggests, have already improved her
game. He then elaborates, revealing a completely different motivation for
having Kayley participate in sports:
I think she's a child who's going to be extremely moody in her teenage

years. Urn, she's got a lot of passion and she seems to have quite a lot of
anger too. And, you know, anger is usually a product of not knowing how
to express yourself. And I think if she can take out some of her aggression
and passion directly into this, it should help.
Thomas orients toward an inclusive masculinity by presenting himself

as an involved father who watches his daughter very closely. The talk
about Kayley's athleticism reveals that Thomas understands her potential
and can help her find her "sports." But at the same time we learn that he
is aware of his daughter's traits beyond basketball. His ability to predict
difficulties in Kayley's teenage years suggests that Thomas knows his
daughter well, that he has an intimate understanding of her personality. By
presenting basketball as a tool for helping Kay ley, Thomas's interest in
her athletic abilities is framed not as an interest in sports or in competition,
but rather as a form of care for his daughter.
APPLYING PRESSURE TO PERFORM
As we have seen, fathers regularly display an inclusive masculin

supporting and caring for their children, recognizing the effort t
forth and the skills they demonstrate, and encouraging them to c
even when the results are not always favorable. However, our ob
tions also show that fathers frequently want to see their children's
mance improve. While Travis encourages Jonah during the soccer
he also comments to the videotaping researcher that nowaday
Jonah's age have it easy because they do not have to perform we
on a sports team.
You know, back in the old days, it was this, like, you know, you didn'
picked for the baseball team 'cause you couldn't play baseball. You kn
nowadays it's all about fairness and it's all, it's different, you know?
so, umm, his experience is really coddled, you know, in every aspect
just in the school. Like, he's been playing soccer since he's been five.
they don't keep score until under ten-year-old. So they have a . . . h
under eight, so they still don't, officially don't, keep score in those ga
So, you know what I'm saying? It's like, we never did that. I mean, y
know, three strikes and you're out kind of stuff as I remember.
At first Travis seems to appreciate the change that's occurred in the

children's sports activities are managed today. He notes that in com
to the way things were when he was a child, today there is an emphasis on
fairness. However, as Travis continues, it becomes clear that he evokes his
childhood experiences as a model that he prefers. He describes children's
experiences today as "really coddled," selecting to use a term that carries
a negative connotation and depicts them as being treated with indulgence.
This stands in contrast to the past, when kids are described as tougher and
able to handle more pressure to perform, because if they did not, it was
"three strikes and you're out." Travis's desire to be supportive and to be
less "coddling" merge as the whistle blows and Jonah comes off the field
for half-time break. Travis compliments him again but now he adds some
advice about how to improve his playing.
Travis: What an exciting game. So close. [Laughs.] I saw you almost scored
another goal. Hey, I have a brilliant idea [using a bright and positive
intonation] - if you guys pass the ball, I think you guys could score a goal.
Instead of all bunching together?
Jonah: [In a serious tone] That's the problem. No one ever passes the ball.
They try, but the other team stops them. The other team's too fast and they
always stop . . . they always stop them.
Travis: You guys are . . . the ball is mostly in their end. You guys are keeping
it down there. It's good.
Congratulating Jonah again for almost scoring is both a compliment

and a reminder that the team needs to score. Travis then uses a cheerful
tone to suggest a solution, thus treating the lack of goals as a problem.
While the repeated mention of scoring goals highlights the importance
Travis puts on scoring and winning, by keeping a light tone of voice he
signals that the lack of goals is not a serious matter. Yet, once he makes
this comment, Jonah treats the matter seriously and, a bit discouragedly,
suggests that the other team does not make it possible for them to pass and
score. Travis appears not to want the discussion to take a negative turn; he
rejects Jonah's assertion that the other team may be better and reverts
immediately to complimenting Jonah's team for keeping the ball on the
other team's side. The lack of scoring and the possible need for improve-
ment are brushed aside. This dialogue illustrates well the thin line fathers
attempt to straddle between, on one hand, showing support for their chil-
dren no matter how well they perform and, on the other hand, expressing
an expectation that their children improve and play more skillfully.
Keeping this kind of balance between wanting their children to succeed
and wanting to show care and support was not always easy for some of
our fathers, who found it difficult to control their competitive nature and
desire to push their children to excel in sports. John, a 43-year-old father

of 12-year-old Adrian and 1 1 -year-old Austin, spent the previous morning
being the assistant coach during his sons' baseball game. The team did not
play well and lost the game badly. Here Adrian is sitting at the dining table
doing his homework while his father is sorting some mail next to him.
Austin is in the other room, but within hearing distance. At one point
Adrian jokingly attempts to throw a plastic bottle cap at his father and
misses.
Adrian: It didn't work. [Picks up the cap under the table.]

John: Standard [in a sarcastic tone, keeping his focus on his mail and not on
Adrian].
Adrian: What? [in a mocking, indignant tone]
John: You heard me [continuing to sort through his mail, not looking at
Adrian].
Adrian: [Flicks the cap at his father again and misses.] I missed.
John: I saw [still not looking at Adrian]. It's about as good as you played
baseball yesterday.
Adrian: What? [In a mocking, indignant tone]
Austin: Oh-oh! [Shouting teasingly at Adrian from the other room]
Adrian: [Shouting back at Austin] Look who's talking!
Austin: What?
John: [Looking at Adrian] Oh, stop!

Austin: [In an argumentative tone] [xxx] the whole time.
Adrian: So?
John: I was just kidding, man. If it wasn't for you, Benny would have had a
no-hitter.
Adrian: [Shouting triumphantly back at Austin] Aahhh!

Austin: [Shouting to Adrian] Hey, I still got a single.
John: [Shouting to Austin] Yes, you did.
Adrian: Yeah, but it was off an error on them. [Gets up from the table.]
While during the game John did not criticize his sons, the discussion
among the coaches at the end of the game revealed that they were frus-
trated with their team's overall performance. This frustration seems to
come through when John sarcastically comments on Adrian's poor throw
of the plastic cap, equating it to his performance at the baseball game.
While the two brothers and their father maintain a joking tone of voice,
portraying the exchange between them as a tease, John's choice to bring
up the game and to criticize Adrian's performance not only puts Adrian on
the defense but also shames him publicly. His criticism offers Austin an
opportunity to outperform his older brother by gleefully stating that he, in
contrast, scored during the game. The pressure to perform well and have
one's action carry positive consequences for the team is evident from the
father's responses to both boys; he moderates his criticism of Adrian by
noting that he was valuable for the team, and he recognizes Austin's score.
But John's acknowledgement of the boys' positive contribution does not
resolve the competition that he put in motion between the two boys. The
sequence ends with Adrian noting that Austin's score was actually not due
to his skillful performance but rather to the other team's mistake. Such
exchanges remind us that while children may enjoy spending time with
their fathers and sharing their interest in sports activities, this may come
with a price, as these involved fathers continuously evaluate and poten-
tially criticize their performance and pressure them to do better and con-
tribute to their team (cf. Coakley 2006).
Studies have shown that parents view children's participation in sports
not only as opportunities for excelling in particular athletic skills but also
as ways for learning important values such as toughness, discipline, team-
work, and sportsmanship (Dunn, Kinney, and Hofferth 2003; Gutiérrez,
Izquierdo and Kremer-Sadlik 2010; Kremer-Sadlik, Izquierdo, and
Fatigante 2010). Fathers who were involved in their children's sports
activities witnessed their children's behavior, assessed whether it com-
plied with sports values, and criticized them if it did not. These judgments
were another form of pressure put on children to act in accordance with
sports culture and expectations. In the following excerpt, David, whom
we introduced earlier as the coach of his son's baseball team, had just said
goodbye to a teammate and his mother who had stopped by the family
home to drop off some forms. While the boy and his mother are in the
foyer talking to David, Josh, his son, ignores them, sitting in the living
room, snacking and watching TV. Once the visitors leave, David, disap-
pointed, reprimands Josh:
David: [In an irritated tone] Could you be any less friendly to your
teammate?
Josh: What?
David: [In an irritated tone, walking toward Josh] Could you be any less
friendly to your teammate?! Josh, that is your teammate, on your team. And
you just, like, couldn't pause this long enough to, like, say hello and stand
there with him and . . .
Josh: I did.
David: . . . see how he's doing, how his shoulder is and . . .
Josh: [In a quiet tone] I was hungry.
David: [Bends down toward Josh and, in a harsh tone] You were that hungry?
You were going to starve if you don't eat? You have to ignore your friend?
[Walks away.]
David, repeating the word "team" four times, emphasizes the fact that
Josh was not exhibiting good sportsmanship by disrespecting his team-
mate. By listing all the actions that he expected Josh to perform - pause
the TV, say hello, get up and stand by the boy, ask how he was doing and
how his shoulder was - David further depicts Josh's choice to continue
his own activities as unacceptable. David sarcastically rejects Josh's meek
excuse that he was hungry. A few minutes later, as David sits at the dining
room table, Josh gets up and approaches his dad.
Josh: [Approaches his father and gives him a hug.]

David: Look at me.
Josh: Yeah?
David: [In an intimate tone] Next time you be with your teammate. Okay? And
forget your food and your TV. Okay?
Josh: [Nods vigorously as his father speaks.]
David: Thank you.
If David was angry and scolding earlier, now that Josh hugs him as if
showing remorse, David takes advantage of the moment to create an intimate
space within which he connects with Josh and teaches him the importance of
treating one's teammate with respect, making sure that Josh understands how
to behave next time. While David still maintains his critical attitude, he
makes sure to reprimand Josh in a caring and supportive way.
Fathers' orientation to orthodox values, especially expressing expecta-
tions that their children improve their skills and play hard, can have a coun-
terproductive effect, if they are not balanced with support. Matthew, a
43-year-old father of Fiona, 17, and Brandon, 9, admits in a joint interview
with his 41 -year-old wife, Silvia, that things did not turn out as he had hoped.
Matthew: I think I probably actually drove Fiona out of soccer.

Researcher: Why?
Silvia: 'Cause he's pretty demanding on her.
Matthew: Well, not really, I just . . .
Silvia: He wanted her to be more aggressive and she wasn't.
Matthew: Yeah, she was just sort of running around out there and, you know,
wasn't doing anything really, you know, uh, you know, to better herself or,
you know, to try to take the game to her, get to the game and all that. And,
uh, I don't know, she's just . . . you know, the coach was always saying,
"Yeah, we're just having fun" and everything. And that's fine in your first
year, that's like baseball too. But once you're in your second year or
something like that, you want to try and, you know.
Matthew takes the blame for Fiona dropping soccer. His disappoint-
ment is not with Fiona, but with himself; the disjunctive adverb actually,
upgrading his responsibility from probably to certainty, functions as a
comment that reveals that Matthew did not anticipate that his actions
would lead to this result (as if saying, "Contrary to my intentions, I was
the one who drove Fiona out of soccer"). And when Silvia explains that
he was responsible because he was too demanding and competitive,
Matthew acknowledges that indeed there was a disjuncture between
Fiona's attitude and performance and his own desire for her to work hard
and excel. Fiona addresses the issue of her father's competitiveness more
explicitly:
When I used to play soccer, he would always just be, like, really hard on
me, you know, like, "You're not doing it good" and, like, "You need to try
harder," you know? And all I would hear when I got off the field was what
I did bad, you know? And . . . and he's like that with my brother. I think
that's why he doesn't want to play. Like, he gets discouraged. And I think
that kind of made me get discouraged from soccer. ... I played soccer for
two years. I was probably about 1 1 , and I was like, "I can't deal with this,"
you know, he's always on me about everything.
Fiona describes past events when she used to play soccer and how her
father's competitive and demanding personality drove her to quit, and she
suggests that her younger brother, who also quit soccer, experienced the
same pressure. But most damaging is her last comment, "He's always on me
about everything" - said in the habitual present tense, depicting Matthew's
fathering as permanently deficient.
Matthew seems to be aware of the cost of this character flaw. In another
interview, he explains that he believes parents should be involved with the
kids: "I think it's . . . you know, if you help your kids, I mean, it's ... the
parents have to be involved." He continues, "I guess Silvia's been handling
most of the, um, you know, the scholastic part. I've tried to handle the
sporting part." In contrast to the way Matthew describes his wife's respon-
sibility as "handling" the education part, he depicts himself as trying to
handle the sports part, that is, making an effort to handle it, but not guar-
anteeing success. And indeed his intense involvement, high expectations,
and overt critiques have driven his children away from sports. While
Matthew wants to be involved in his children's lives, he recognizes that
he has failed in this parental task. Not only has he lost sports as an area
where the children and he can connect and share interests but his com-
petitive and demanding character has also dampened his overall relation-
ship with his children.
DISCUSSION: FINDING A BALANCE
In line with previous research on fatherhood and sports (Harrin

2006; Jenkins 2009; Kay 2007, 2009), we have shown that youth s
give men opportunities to spend time with their children and pr
emotional support. The prevalence in our study of caring-or
fatherhood through sports also resonates with Anderson's (2009)
ment that, while historically values connected to orthodox mascu
were endemic in youth sports, today this model of masculinity i
challenged by inclusive practices and values that oppose the
tenets of orthodox masculinity. Anderson bases his theory ma
studies of men and sexuality in sports in educational settings, con
ingly demonstrating that inclusive (e.g., college athletes' dist
themselves from homophobia) and orthodox (e.g., coaches exp
homophobic and misogynie attitudes) masculinities currently
(Anderson 2009, 2011; cf. Adams 2011; Cavalier 2011; McCorm
2011). Similarly, Adams (2011) found this coexistence in his st
college soccer players; while they display inclusive behaviors
being emotionally and physically close to their friends off the fie
also exhibit orthodox traits such as being aggressive and taking p
risks on the field.
Our study adds to this research by examining masculinity in a new set-
ting, that is, middle-class fathers' involvement in their children's sports
activities. In this setting, inclusive masculinity traits are valued and
emphasized not only as an ideology (recall Jerry, the father who stated that
his job was to support his kids in sports) but also in practice (recall Jerry,
Travis, and Thomas, who stood by the sideline encouraging their chil-
dren). Matthew's case serves to illustrate the consequences of not adopting
inclusive practices, at least not sufficiently. Though he acknowledged that
he needed to provide support and encouragement when he was engaged in
his children's sports, he did not manage to create a good balance between
his desire to care for them and his high expectations. His prioritizing
orthodox competitive traits resulted in a tarnished image as a father, and
his excessive competitiveness in a paternal failure.
Even though parental failure has always been a potential risk, several
commentators argue that contemporary fatherhood is increasingly "risky,"
suggesting that it is a manifestation of the detraditionalization of social
relations more generally (e.g., Giddens 1991; LaRossa 1988; Miller 2011).
What were previously regarded as traditional, common ways of fathering
are now being questioned, leading to an increased uncertainty about one's
fathering ability and choices, and doubts about one's moral worthiness as
a "good" father (LaRossa 1988; Miller 201 1). The risk of failing as a par-
ent, even when fathering through sports, raises the question whether
sports is indeed such a "comfort zone" for men's parenting (e.g., Coakley
2006; Harrington 2006). As noted earlier, this may be a safe domain, as
fathers are likely to be familiar with sports practices, but with the chang-
ing culture of fatherhood, being versed in sports culture is not sufficient
as fathers must adhere to novel standards of balancing competitiveness
and pressure with care and support.
While inclusive masculinity may be an ideal when fathering through
sports, it may not necessarily be the case in other parenting practices. Our
data reveal that inclusive practices, as manifested when fathering through
sports, can be embraced without challenging orthodox practices in other
domains. Even the most "inclusively masculine" fathers in our study still
maintained some orthodox practices at home. For example, systematic
observations of housework and child care activities revealed that the
women in our study did the lion's share of these tasks (Good 2009; Good
and Gottzén 2010; Gottzén 2011). Women may be unhappy about this
inequality, but at the same time they value their partners' alignment with
the parental involvement ideology, even if it is mostly manifested on the
soccer field. Recall that while Karita criticized Derrick as a spouse for not
doing his share when it came to household chores, at the same time she
recognized him for being a "great dad" involved with and connected to the
children. Moreover, by expressing a wish to also be a "fun" parent, Karita
attributed greater importance to Derrick's role of a parent over that of a
spouse and indirectly got Derrick "off the hook," allowing the local gen-
der order to persist.
Involvement in youth sports, thus, may be used to account for middle-
class men not taking responsibility or being involved in other parenting
practices and household tasks, while simultaneously enacting "good"
fatherhood in line with cultural expectations for father involvement (cf.
Shows and Gerstel 2009). We therefore need to differentiate between
men's values and practices in relation to their children, on one hand, and
in relation to their partners, on the other. Considering that for several dec-
ades now fathers have been expected to take on more responsibilities in
the home (cf. Marks and Palkovitz 2004), it appears that inclusive mascu-
linity has gained ground at a slower pace in the household realm than in
sports.
In line with Anderson (2009), our findings also indicate that among
sports-involved middle-class fathers, inclusive and orthodox values and
practices coexist. While embracing inclusive traits of caring and support
for their children, the same fathers still displayed orthodox characteristics
by orienting toward the score and expecting their children to play hard.
We, thus, suggest that the two masculinities cannot be found simply in the
same context for fathers to "choose" their own preference, but rather their
coexistence means that fathers must adopt both and in a very particular
balance. As we have shown, it is problematic for the fathers in our study
to orient only toward competitiveness in youth sports; they should and
often want to provide emotional support and caring. In a way, there is a
different kind of hegemony going on, that of a balanced masculinity of the
two archetypes. This resonates with Gramsci's (1971) perspective on
hegemony. He notes that hegemony is maintained through incorporating
opposing forces or different interests and thus attaining consent and build-
ing alliances, and goes on to suggest that in order to maintain cultural
power, it is necessary to generate social support as it strengthens the
appeal of the hegemonic values (cf. Howson 2009).
Our study of middle-class fathers' involvement in children's sports
illustrates how hegemony is created through negotiation between two
opposing models, orthodox and inclusive masculinities, to result in a bal-
anced alliance, that is, an incorporation of both into a new ideal of father-
hood. It is important to note, however, that this is domain-specific (cf.
Adams 2011; Anderson 2009). This form of masculinity is relevant to
fathering and relationship with children (not only in sports), but as we
discussed earlier, it is not evidenced in these men's relationships with their
partners, where orthodoxy still seems to be predominant. The cultural
power of this model of fatherhood is well illustrated in the support it
received from the mothers in our study. Recall Karita, who acknowledged
that her husband Derrick was a "good dad" for being very involved in his
children's sports, and Julia, who was very supportive of her husband's
volunteering to coach their son's team.
We conclude with the stipulation that in order to enact "good" father-
ing, men must maintain an "unstable equilibrium" (Gramsci 1971, 256)
where the accomplished masculinity is neither too orthodox nor too

inclusive. Youth sports is an arena where men can achieve this balance.
Middle-class fathers may continue to expect their children to perform
and pressure them to excel in their sports activities as long as they com-
plement these orthodox masculinity traits with a supportive attitude and a
caring, nurturing parenting.
NOTES
1 . To learn more about the CELF endeavor, visit www.celf.ucla.edu. To

more about CELF methodology, consult Ochs et al. (2006).
2. Parents and children gave researchers permission to conduct the re
procedures by signing consent and assent forms respectively. Videographe
lowed family members at home and outside the home. To protect family
bers' privacy, videographers would never entered a room when a door was
and advised family members that they could demand that filming be stop
any time. However, such an event never occurred during data collection.
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NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
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Lucas Gottzén is Assistant Professor in the Department of Social and

Welfare Studies at Linköping University, Sweden. His research mainly
focuses on masculinity, fatherhood, and men s violence against women. He
has also conducted research on home-school relations.
Tamar Kremer-Sadlik is the Director of Programs for the Social Sciences

Division at UCLA. Her research focuses on children and family life with an
emphasis on sociocultural ideologies and expectations that organize and
give meaning to relationships and everyday practices.

Crianza en Jovenes Deportistas. Balanza Entre El Cuidado y Las Expectativas

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Crianza en Jovenes Deportistas. Balanza Entre El Cuidado y Las Expectativas

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FATHERHOOD AND YOUTH SPORTS: A Balancing Act between Care and Expectations

Author(s): LUCAS GOTTZÉN and TAMAR KREMER-SADLIK

A Balancing Act between

University of California , Los Angeles, Los Angeles , CA, USA

Keywords: adolescence/children; family; men/masculinity; sport/leisure

© 2012 by The Author(s)

While parent involvement has been associated historically with "

Drawing on a large ethnographic study of middle-class families in the

FATHERING, SPORTS, AND MASCULINITY

Critical research on men, masculinities, and fathers' involvement in

and moral development (Eccles et al. 2003). Through involvement in for-

wives assume the majority of domestic work. Involvement in youth sports

A STUDY ON PARENTHOOD IN LOS ANGELES

This article draws on data collected as part of a large, interdiscip

BEING AN INVOLVED FATHER

In the past decades, the notion of fatherhood has shifted, with f

children sometimes even over their jobs. This is summed up well by

Derrick equates being involved in his children's sports with being a

2009; Good and Gottzén 2010; Gottzén 2011). Defensively, Derrick

West and Zimmerman (1987) remind us that when parents perform

CARING THROUGH SPORTS

Jerry Reis, a 45-year-old father of 8-year-old Allison, explains

Here, Jerry orients toward an inclusive masculinity by differentiating

exchange, Jerry is watching his daughter's first basketball game of the

Thomas continues to tell the researcher how he took Kayley to a Lakers

I think she's a child who's going to be extremely moody in her teenage

Thomas orients toward an inclusive masculinity by presenting himself

APPLYING PRESSURE TO PERFORM

As we have seen, fathers regularly display an inclusive masculin

At first Travis seems to appreciate the change that's occurred in the

Congratulating Jonah again for almost scoring is both a compliment

desire to push their children to excel in sports. John, a 43-year-old father

Adrian: It didn't work. [Picks up the cap under the table.]

John: [Looking at Adrian] Oh, stop!

Adrian: [Shouting triumphantly back at Austin] Aahhh!

Josh: [Approaches his father and gives him a hug.]

Matthew: I think I probably actually drove Fiona out of soccer.

DISCUSSION: FINDING A BALANCE

In line with previous research on fatherhood and sports (Harrin

where the accomplished masculinity is neither too orthodox nor too

1 . To learn more about the CELF endeavor, visit www.celf.ucla.edu. To

Adams, A. 2011. "Josh wears pink cleats": Inclusive masculinity on

Connell, R. W., and J. Messerschmidt. 2005. Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking

Doucet, A. 2006. Do men mother? Fathering, care , and domestic responsibility.

Gutiérrez, K., C. Izquierdo, and T. Kremer-Sadlik. 2010. Middle-class working

Harrington, M. 2006. Sport and leisure as contexts for fathering in Australian

Kremer-Sadlik, T., and K. Gutiérrez. In press. Homework and recreation:

Kremer-Sadlik, T., C. Izquierdo, and M. Fatigante. 2010. Making meaning of

Lucas Gottzén is Assistant Professor in the Department of Social and

Tamar Kremer-Sadlik is the Director of Programs for the Social Sciences

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