Identity, Opportunities and Inequalities:

The Case of Marriage and Dowry in India

Jérôme BALLET and Katia RADJA

UMR C3ED
University of Versailles - IRD
47 BOULEVARD VAUBAN
78047 Guyancourt cedex, France

ABSTRACT
Inequalities are often analysed independently of the identity issue. However identity plays an
important role on the inequalities building process. The purpose of the communication is to
examine links between inequalities and identity process. Here we refer to the concept of
identitary trajectory [Ballet and Radja 2005]. Thus inequalities are not measured in a static way
but considered in a dynamic perspective.
In a first part of the article, we set out the general framework of our analysis. A person’s identity
is not stable with time because new events, new opportunities, new social ties produce new
possibilities for the evolution of identity. We underline four central elements in the process of
identitary trajectory: a) for the person, the subjective perception of his own identity. This
perception is strongly correlated with the person’s life, in particular with his own present and past
emotional experiences [Ballet and Radja 2005]. b) social opportunities defined restrictively as
social relations with other people. c) societal opportunities which refer to the general
environment dealt with society within social relations take place. This framework characterised
by norms and behaviour rules is more or less discriminate regarding to some groups of
individuals. d) economic opportunities enlarging possibilities for access to social positions, to
income and to economic rights in general. A positive discrimination policy through occupation
reservations according to ethnic, cast or religion origins is an example of this type of opportunity.
These four elements determine many possibilities of inflexion or adjustment for identity
trajectories.
In the second part, we examine precisely the role of these elements through the dowry system in
India. Marriage and the practice of dowry are strongly embedded in a rigid social context with of
norms and caste rules. At the same time, new economic and development opportunities have a
considerable impact on social organisation in Indian society. Education, new occupations
associated with the marriage squeeze on the marriage market and cast system imply a striking
social change and new strategies. Thus the practice of dowry is seen for families as a strategy of
investment in social status: families are be able to adjust their identity or to change the perception
of their identity that the others have.
In the last part, we stress on the links between “identity inequalities” and economic and social
inequalities. Using the example of marriage and dowry system in India, we defend the idea that
most of inequalities emerge from process of identitary distinction. Within such a framework, the
analysis of opportunities correlated with identitary trajectories is at stake in redistribution
policies.

1
INTRODUCTION
In the last decades, India shows performances in terms of economic and social development.
However, more salient and arguable aspects are widespread in Indian society. Firstly, son
preference persists in the Indian society. India records an abnormally low sex-ratio of 933 women
for 1000 men [Census of India, 2001]. The preference for boys is also striking through a more
favorable allocation of goods (nutrition, education, health) for brothers than daughters within
families. With the expansion of modern technology for the prenatal sex determination, son
preference leads to female infanticides and foeticides [Miller, 1981; Das Gupta and Mari Bhat,
1997; Edlund, 1999; Mari Bhat, 1999]. Secondly, in the last fifty decades, matrimonial practices
reveal both diffusion and inflation of dowry across regions and communities. For example, in the
Southern States of Karnataka and Tamil-Nadu, dowry continues to spread all over communities
[Caldwell and alii, 1983; Srinivas, 1984; Heyer, 1992; Rao, 1993; Caplan, 1994].
The phenomenon of dowry in India, both by its importance and its consequences, has been a
matter of studies since thirty years among sociologists and anthropologists [Goody and Tambiah,
1973; Epstein, 1973; Srinivas, 1984]. In economics, the analysis of dowry is more recent. Becker
[1981] considers briefly the dowry issue in his theory of marriage. Following a series of key
articles viewing dowry as a purpose of economic analysis [Rajaraman, 1983; Rao, 1993a, 1993b;
Zhang and Chan, 1998; Anderson, 2003; Edlund, 2000; Edlund, 2006]. Economic theories of
dowry consist of examining the formation and the determinants of dowry on the marriage market.
Dowries appear then as a price implicit function [Rosen, 1974] depending on characteristics of
the partners and on those of their families [Rao, on 1993]. Particularly Rao’s empirical studies
stress on the main role of the groom’s characteristics in the dowry function. However dowry
analysis through the marriage market is limited when it comes to explore dowry issue in terms of
both economic and social aspects.
Indeed in a context of social and economic development, Indian social structures experience
evolution and reorganisation [Srinivas, 1984]. In rural traditional areas, society is characterized
by a reduced social mobility due to the rigid social stratification based on hereditary caste. Thus a
person's identity is determined by his caste. In a context of economic development, particularly in
urban areas, social status takes into account several elements: caste, education, nature of
occupation and income. In such a context, identity and therefore the social status of an individual
is not only determined by rigid, hereditary factors such as the community and caste belonging but
also by economic factors (income, education, occupation). It results in a redefinition of the
identity integrating two elements. The first element refers to the innate part of the status
determined by the community and the caste, whereas the second element deals with the part of
the status achieved personally (education, type of occupation, income). In well-developed urban
areas, it results in more socio-economic heterogeneity for a given caste. The changes in social
status play a major role through the institution of marriage seen as a means to tie up family
relations and to enhance social mobility [Caplan, 1994]. Higher dowries paid by families
constitutes for them a way to create prestigious alliance and to distinguish themselves within their
own community. This matrimonial strategy through dowry payments is associated with a
differentiation and distinction strategy improving the social status [Bourdieu, 1979] and then
shaping new identities for families. Thus the main objective of the article is to enlighten the role
of dowry in the building identity process of families with daughters. We underline particularly
that for families, dowry practice is a strategy form to elevate their social status in a context of
social change.

2
In a first part of the article, we set out the general framework of our analysis. A person’s identity
is not stable with time because new events, new opportunities, new social ties produce new
possibilities for the evolution of identity. We refer precisely to the concept of identitary
trajectory. In the second part, we examine these elements through marriage and dowry system in
India. Matrimonial practices are strongly embedded in a rigid social context with norms and caste
rules. At the same time, new economic and development opportunities have a considerable
impact on social organisation in Indian society and imply new strategies among social groups to
enhance their social position. We show that the practice of dowry is seen for families as a
strategy of investment in social status: families are able to adjust their identity or to change the
perception of their identity that the others have. In the last part, we stress on the links between
“identity inequalities” and economic and social inequalities. Using the example of marriage
and dowry system in India, we defend the idea that most of inequalities emerge from process of
identitary distinction in a context of social differentiation through matrimonial strategy.

I. THE CONCEPTS OF IDENTITARY TRAJECTORY

Identity is a recent issue developed in economics during last decade. Akerlof and Kranton [2000]
stress on links between identity and economic choices and enlarge their study in applying the
issue of identitary creation through the examples of military organisations and schools [Akerlof
and Kranton 2005]. Economic analysis defines the person and his identity by objective traits (age,
ethnicity, skin colour, job, etc.). This part of identity constitutes what the person is. Economics
stresses also on the context where the person is embedded and on his social immersion. The
identity building process has thus some impacts on consumption and production activities.
However links between economic policy and identity issue have been weakly explored in the
literature. In this article, we stress the idea that identity constitutes an important factor for
development and social policies.

I.1. Identity structure and identitary trajectory

Identity may be understood in terms of “identity structure”. Each person is defined by an identity
structure comprising several elements. Let's define an “identitary space choice” as a set of
feasible identities in a given social context.
Formally we may use notations I for identity and C for a given social context such that :

S I = {I1 , …, Ij, …In / Ci }

Where Si is an identitary space choice with I1…Ij the set of feasible

identities in a given social context Ci.

The definition of the “identitary space choice” may be interpreted in several ways. First, the
choice of an identity is associated with the capacity of choice through positive or negative

3
emotional experiences [Ballet and Radja, 2005]. As Livet [2004, p.52] notes, “the choice activity
implies itself a functioning scheme, allowing us to appreciate the feasible options offered and
their diversity “. It means that several identities may be chosen for a given context. Such a
interpretation refers also to Markus and Nurius [1986] where individuals are embedded in
modern opened societies and where individuals have the opportunity to choose one identity
among a large set of identities. This latter choice is not always evident and the loss of social
marks may explain crises of identity for individuals [Dubar 2000] and could justify a large
involvement for a particular identity [Dubet 2002].

A second interpretation stresses on the social context. Social context predetermines possible
identities before persons could choose ones among achieved identities. In other words, identity is
not chosen, it is lived through constraints and social norms which are imposed on individuals.
Individuals are embedded in a more or less strong social context where they are being able to use
strategies for developing an identity rather than another one. Here the identity issue appears like a
subtle game of development strategies allowing to be identified with a group while conforming to
another group. Therefore identity refers to both conformity and distinction strategies. It results in
the identity changes issue related to conformity and distinction process occurring across the time.
This dimension of identity refers to the notion of «identitary trajectory” [Ballet and Radja, on
2005].

The concept of “identitary trajectory" refers to a transformation function of the identity space
across time. As Livet [2004, p.51] underlines, “the identity of the human being is determined not
simply by what he is, but by his capacity to transform himself”. An identitary trajectory is a
transformation or sometimes a non-transformation of the identity across time. This idea supposes
to reject the idea that identity is unchanging. Of course in some cases identitary trajectory is
restricted or follows an invariant linear process, but that does not mean that it is unchanging.
Thus we can formally associate a transformation function representing the identitary trajectory
for one time- period with a space choice identity:

⎧⎪TI : S tI × ... × S It +i × ...S It + n

⎨ t+i
[ ( t +i t +i t +i
) t+ i
(
t +i t+i t+ i t+i
⎪⎩ S I → g I 1 ,..., I j ,..., I n / Ci ; g I j / C1 ,..., Ck ,..., C m )]
With TI the identitary trajectory, and gt+I the transformation function for the
period t+i.

We can make a distinction between two elements in the identitary trajectory. First, for an
invariant given context Ci identity choices can be different from a period to another. Next, a
same identity choice Ij faces itself changing contexts. Identity space choice for a given time
period is the combination of these two elements. Then identitary trajectory reflects the identity
choices shaped across time.

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 I.2. The factors of identity changes

The identitary trajectory of a person is strongly influenced by different factors. Here, we

underline four central elements.

The first one is, for the person, the subjective perception of his own identity. This perception is
strongly correlated with the person’s life, particularly with his current and past emotional
experiences [Ballet and Radja 2005]. Various examples illustrate the role of this first factor. A
very remarkable example deals with the children of streets. These children are in general marked
by painful negative emotional experiences. These experiences occur once they are on the street
but also explain the phenomenon of children in the streets. Negligence and verbal and physical
violence constitute a determining factor in the explanation of the children's situation of the street
[Margueras on 1997, Ballet and al. 2004]. To these children, becoming children of the street is
not really a choice, even if children pretend it is the case. Once they are in this situation, they
build the identity of “children of street”. This identity is the only opportunity that they face; their
identitary trajectory is then predetermined. As underlines Ornduff [2000] in his survey on the ill-
treated children, violence is a part of their identity, so that they come to adopt violent behaviors.
Other examples underline this point of view, for instance the case of tramps [Vexliard, 1957] and
homeless people [Declerck,1986; Firdion and Marpsat;1996]. Thus we argue that past emotional
experiences affect the perception people have on their own identity.

Secondly, social opportunities, restrictively defined as social relations with other people, may
affect the identitary trajectory of a person. Social relations constitute a main vector of the
identitary trajectory. They play role at several levels. First of all, relations with other persons
enlarge access to information which will be more or less used by individuals in order to shape,
reinforce or change their identity. In terms of consumption, campaigns for certain products or by
contrast against some products refer to this objective. This marketing campaigns (pro or against)
can affect in return people’s identity. By example, a sensitization may lead to reject the
consumption of meat and shape the identitary trajectory towards vegetarianism. Social relations
enlarge also opportunities in terms of occupation, position and social status, etc which contribute
to esteem one’s image. Marriage is also a good illustration. The particular relation between
spouses shapes the identity of each other. Within the household, relations with other persons
affect emotional experiences which are in relation with the first factor we pointed out. Finally,
relations with others constitute a relevant indicator of the way that the others perceive people.
Then the identitary trajectory is not only the result of personal experiences, it is also shaped by
the consideration of people have about individuals.

The third factor is societal opportunities. It refers to the general environment dealt with society
where social relations take place. This context characterised by norms and behaviour rules is
more or less discriminant with regard to some groups of individuals. The case of marriage
constitutes a good example. The achievement of a marriage is very often codified and the choice
of the partner is strongly embedded in social conventions. Of course, more social norms are
internalized by individuals, more their behaviour will be influenced by them. Norms, rules and
therefore the conformity of behavior with regard to the body of social conventions constitutes a
strong marker of personal identity but also defines the perceived identity by other persons. In
Mauritania, the traditional practice of cramming brides with food consists of gaining weight
physically for a prestigious marriage. In Mauritanian society, corpulent women express signs of

5
wealth and beauty. Thus, for women, identity depends on well-performed marriage expressed
through overweight even if it is not healthy.

Fourthly, economic opportunities enlarge possibilities to access to social positions, to income and
to economic rights in general. Positive discrimination policies through occupation reservations
according to ethnic, cast or religion origins are an example of this type of opportunity. The
effects of these policies on the identitary trajectory are debatable. On one hand, they allow to
attain social standings which can modify positively the identitary trajectory by enlarging new
opportunitues. But on the other hand, there are also some negative effects. For instance, job
reservation policies can decrease the value for persons beneficiating from this policy since they
consider that they occupy this job not because of their competences but only for personal
characteristics (sex, ethnicity, etc.). It results in a reinforcement of the identity of the persons
based on the differentiation factor. For instance, a person is chosen with regard to the ethnic
factor. He can consider this choice as a relevant decision while before occupying this job he did
not care of ethnicity in the definition of his own identity. Thus social opportunities affect the
identitary trajectory in terms of enlargement or restriction of the trajectory.

These four elements determine many possibilities of inflexion or adjustment for identity
trajectories. In summary, new events, new opportunities, new social ties and bonds produce new
possibilities for the evolution of identity . They shape strongly the subjective identity and also the
perception of individuals that others have through social position in an organization. Environment
changes, experiences imply also some strategies for modifying, enhancing one's identity in a
dynamic way. We focus now on the example of marriage and dowry practice India as a form of
strategy dealt with the identitary trajectory in a social change context.

II. MATRIMONIAL STRATEGY AND IDENTITARY TRAJECTORY IN INDIA

II.1. Identity in the Indian context

In western societies, structural divisions are built at society level according to flexible factors like
economic and political factors. Indian society is characterised by a rigid caste system governing
individual behaviour and behaviour of the individuals in society. In this context, the social
organisation of India deals with rigid factors: religion and caste considerations.
The Indian society weights the importance of the family institution playing a key role on
individual’s behaviour throughout his lifecycle (decisions in terms of marriage, children). The
leading family model remains the model of the joint family.

The notion of identitary trajectory comes to explore the complex question of identity in the Indian
context. For an individual, identity has to be examined through his membership within the
community, the caste, and the family because in India, the “individual model” is dominated by
the “collective model” in terms of social practices. The person is perceived, acknowledged
though the other members. It is important for an individual to know how social environment
(family, friends, members community) perceives it through his identity and his actions.
Individual identity results from the combination of different elements (sex, age, region, caste,

6
religion, language, status in the family, occupation, etc) defining the person, as well as his rights,
his obligations towards the others, and more particularly towards his family and his community.

The social organisation in India arises from different units (domestic units, family, village
communities, religious communities, etc). This organisation in units constitutes the social
structure with units in interaction. In the Indian society, family remains the basic unit of the
social structure. Family has functions of socialisation, social control, as well as economic and
religious activities. The second unit deals with his caste (jati).

Since individual identity is defined through the individual’s membership within a community and
for a given caste, it results in conformity in terms of behaviour within each community.
Therefore, at individual, household, and community level, individual adopt a similar behaviour
therefore in terms of practices, habits and consumption in a traditional social context in relation
with the caste system [Deliège, on 1993].

II.2. Impacts of modernisation and development on the Indian society: identity

and social stratification in evolution
The development characterized by a growing urbanization, access to goods and services
(consumption, education, transport, and communications) is accompanied by transformations at
the level of the Indian society in terms of social status since the stratification system in a society
comes to determine the individual status. A large social change is taking place, notably in urban
areas among the social groups from lower rank, as well as in rural areas. From an economic point
of view, the emergence and the development of new social classes result from factors of
modernization. Then urban society experiences new forms of social stratification. In rural areas,
the organization of the society is associated with a traditional social stratification based on birth
caste whereas urban areas, more heterogeneous, come to be divided into different strata according
to various factors: economic, social, political, education, occupation, etc. This heterogeneity leads
to changes in terms of social mobility.

Traditional rural areas are characterized by an extremely reduced social mobility because of the
association between the caste and the type of job (generally traditional jobs linked to agriculture
and trade).Under these conditions, the social status is perpetuated from father to son. By contrast,
in urban areas, social mobility is more encouraged with the access to education. Jobs are mainly
determined by competences and education level of the individuals and not by their birth. The
evolution of the society in terms of social stratification is not only observed in urban areas, it is
also noticed in rural regions in proximity with urban centers (physical distance, networks of
communication and developed transport) and endowed with education and health facilities, for
instance in the State of Tamil-Nadu (Béteille [1994] and Caplan [1994]). So, in a context of
socioeconomic development, the stratification into socioeconomic classes juxtaposes the
traditional stratification (based on castes) favoring social mobility among intermediate and lower
rank castes. Consequently, in this changing environment the status of a individual takes account
not only the caste belonging but also important elements: level of education attained, type of
occupations and income.

7
In this context of social change, Srinivas [1984, 1989] underlines the phenomenon of
sanskritisation which takes place in rural communities in touch with factors of development
(education, facilities, etc). More than a social change, the process of sanskritisation refers to the
socio-cultural transformations for the castes of lower rank, which consist of adopting new
traditions, habits and values in from the highest castes. For an individual, this process of social
transformation is viewed as a means to elevate his status or to have the feeling to rise up in the
social hierarchy. The process of sanskritisation implicates that lower castes acquire the
characteristics of the dominant castes to feel closer at best to the upper social groups. The caste
system forbids the passage from a caste to another one, thus the feeling of rise up in the hierarchy
through the sanskritisation remains subjective while being perceptible by the other members of
the same community.

However, for Heyer [1992], Dharmalingam [1994], Anderson [2003], Botticini and Siow [2003],
social change exceeds the phenomenon of sanskritisation. In a context of modernization, the
social differentiation takes place within the caste according to criteria of education, income and
occupation. Contrary to the social traditional stratification based on the criterion of the caste, the
actual stratification of Indian society gains in complexity and in heterogeneity through the
combination of several criteria. Thus within a caste, several groups of individuals coexist and
members are characterized by a specific identity card. So this new dynamic social environment
by its transformations and largeness affect largely matrimonial practices, particularly in terms of
marriage and dowry payment.

II.3. Marriage and dowry, social identity and changes

Conditions regulating dowry payments are defined according to norms associated with the origin
caste. Marriage is therefore an opportunity for families to maintain their social rank, to distinct
socially and to receive the social approbation from the other members of the community.
Families must respect castes rules and norms regarding wedding (presents, festivities, guest
number, etc) under constraints of dishonor and non-social esteem. To families, the marriage of a
girl appears therefore for a family as a "marker" in terms of identity and social status.

In a context of economic and social change, marriage is also a means to rise socially. In order to
enhance the prestige and the reputation, families wish to achieve the best family alliances by
marrying girls to a groom from upper social and economic status within the origin caste. This
strategy of elevation by marriage is then possible in a strong differentiated society and through
marriage expenses and dowry. There is a true competition between families: the one who will
organize the most sumptuous marriage, (number of guests, prestigious guests, room facilities,
presents, etc) the most original and the most successful. Although the girl’s wedding implies
considerable financial expenses, for family, (debt, expenses), it constitutes however a means to
improve status, prestige and reputation within the community, and to enlarge the social network
through alliances.
In a more heterogeneous and stratified society socially and economically within a given caste, the
competition between brides appears strong when it comes to find the "ideal " partner, educated
groom with a skilled occupation [Anderson, 2003; Botticini and Siow, 2003]. So within a caste,
for households from intermediate or lower status with daughters to marry, to establish a
prestigious alliance depends strongly on the importance of dowry payment (ceremony, presents,

8
and festivities). Dowry paid in more important proportions than cast norm is a means for
household to tie family relations by prestigious alliance and to distinct from the other members
from the origin community. In other words, the payment of dowry is then perceived as a form of
investment in social status [Radja, 2003 ; Radja, 2005]. In a more opened society marked by
social mobility, the distinction [Bourdieu, 1979] is expressed through a differentiation strategy.
A higher dowry means that families have more satisfaction in terms of social distinction
(reputation, prestige, elevation of social status, power) and economic distinction (marriage with a
partner from a high socioeconomic status implies material returns for the bride). In this
perspective, the dowry payment as a marker of "prestigious" alliance is the expression of a
double process. On one hand, the upper castes want to distinct from lower castes. On the other
hand, the castes located at the bottom of the hierarchy aspire to imitate the upper castes in order
to distinct from the caste norm. The building of the identitary trajectory through marriage and
dowry illustrate the analysis of Riesman [1964] where in consumer societies, individuals come to
"buy " their social status determined not only by what they can buy, but also by the degree of
conformity in terms of taste and consumption relative to the imitated group.

In this new context, identity and therefore status of an individual is not only determined by
hereditarily criteria. Identity takes into account new elements acquired personally by the
individuals (education, income and occupation).

III. MATRIMONIAL STRATEGY, SOCIAL DIFFERENCIATION AND

INEQUALITIES
Dowry is a modern phenomenon spreading geographically and all over social groups. Growth
and development have considerable impacts on social change. Socio-economic heterogeneity
affects individuals socially and in terms of identity. These socioeconomic transformations are in
relation with the coexistence and the juxtaposition of different groups (castes, communities,
social classes). Members of these groups evolve in a double process of modernization and social
distinction. Changes observed in marriage practices are some reliable indicators of social change.
Contrary to African societies [Pilon, Locoh and al., 1997], development and a urbanization have
not affected negatively the traditional dimension of ways of life (notably matrimonial practices).
Instead of encouraging individual matrimonial practices dealt with free individual,
socioeconomic development accompanied with a growing socio-economic differentiation has
reinforced strongly the practice of the dowry. Marriage and dowry express a strategic dimension
because they are some markers of identity and determine the position of the individuals relative
to the process of social change. The concept of identitary trajectory associated with the
phenomenon of social differentiation refers to the distinction between two elements at the identity
level: in one hand, there is one innate and rigid element related to the origin caste; on the other
hand, there is one element acquires personally by the individual (education, marriage, type of
occupation).
Therefore, it raises the question of the role of dowry. Finally, dowry has a double influence.
Firstly, from the social system, dowry has a functional role because it allows to preserve both
endogamy at the marriage level and the viability of the caste in a more and more heterogeneous
environment. Secondly, in a context of social differentiation, dowry exercises also a functional
role at family level in terms of identity marker and vector of social distinction. Nevertheless this
double functionality is source of growing social inequalities. On the one hand, upper castes want

9
to preserve their identity by distancing themselves from the other castes and by performing
considerable and extravagant expenses (" lavish wedding ") for marriage. On the other hand,
among lowest castes, households get into debt and get impoverished with the selection of the
“suitable mate” for their daughter within the caste. Rao [1993a] estimates that the payment of
dowry represents on average 68 % of wealth for daughter’s family. He also underlines that dowry
can sometimes represents six times the annual wealth detained by the family of the daughter.
Consequently, dowry appears as a determining factor of social inequalities.

It is necessary to underline another consequence of these matrimonial strategies. The search of a

higher social status under constraints (castes, religion, etc.) in a context of development (better
access to goods and services, better opportunities in terms of education and job) leads to the
increase in dowry in more and more important proportions. The system of castes and a more
favourable economic environment appear inconsistent because their cumulated effects (via the
double process of social distinction) cause the inflation of matrimonial payments. In Delhi, Paul
[1985] noticed that dowry in real terms increased from 3998 Rs over period 1920-1929 up to
71173 Rs over period 1980-1984. Rao [1993b] reported the inflation of dowry between 1921 and
1981 for six villages in Karnataka.
Then, according to Anderson [2003], dowry should decrease if political action policies of
positive discrimination (reservations for scheduled class) are favoured in the public
administration and encouraging education (college, university) to promote socially this
vulnerable category. The arguments of Anderson in favour for more flexibility within castes are
worth being discussed. The policies of positive discrimination intended exclusively for scheduled
class have positive consequences but imply also more debatable effects. Firstly, Fuller [1996]
underlines that these policies encourage the division and the competition between scheduled class
and other social minorities (others backward classes) composed of low and very poor castes with
a superior rank than scheduled class. Secondly, these policies give rise to identitary strategies
(lobbies, associations, political parties) which consist of claiming the status of scheduled class in
order to benefit from reserved places. It results a deeper social cleavage. Lastly, from the point of
view of matrimonial strategies, this type of policies reinforce the practice of dowry because
within lower castes benefiting from reservation policies, there is a growing but restrained
number of available skilled grooms (claiming a higher dowry) compared to the reduced number
of marriageable brides.

With the modernization and the expansion of dowry, the value in terms of education for a girl
remains lower in comparison with the boys. To an Indian saying, « having a girl comes to water
the neighbor’s garden ». Dowry system is a factor of increasing sexual inequalities as much as the
value of a boy is only based socio- economic factors (education and occupation) whereas girls’
values are related to their personal, physical characteristics and their performed wedding type
(prestige, reputation). The practice of dowry contributes to reinforce gender inequalities in terms
resource allocation within household because the birth of a girl implies financial investment and
expenses for marriage [Rosenzweig and Schultz, 1982]. Under its coercive forms, dowry can
leads to violence such as female infanticides and foeticides [Miller, 1981; Das Gupta and Mari
Bhat, 1997; Mari Bhat and Halli, 1999], and domestic and conjugal violence [Drèze and Khera,
2000; Bloch and Rao, 2002].
We argue according to the context of modernization and the inflexibility of castes that the
inflation of dowry could decrease with a more reduced socio-economic gap between men and

10
women. Nevertheless since the institutions of marriage and dowry remain associated with the
identitary trajectory, prestige and reputation issues for communities, it is then necessary to
consider education and job opportunities for women as factors likely to reduce invested sums for
dowry but not to lead to the elimination of dowry. With the millennium caste system remained in
mentalities, it is therefore important to emphasize and encourage actions to value women
otherwise than by her "marriageability" and her marriage. This type of actions consists of
changing social and individual perception (“of one’s own «) in terms of identity and supposes
therefore long-term considerations for controlling the dowry diffusion.

CONCLUSION

The concept of identitary trajectory is applied for analyzing the interactions between economic
phenomena and social constraints and of their impacts on persons, their identity and their
belonging to groups. Several factors influence this trajectory. Not enough works examine these
aspects. The case of marriage and dowry in India is a first analysis of these influences. Here we
stress on the possibilities of tension in the identitary trajectories. Rigid social constraints such as
castes restrict the number of possible identitary trajectories, bur are compensated by new
phenomena notably in terms of socioeconomic aspects (education and access to job and to
income). In this framework, marriage strategies constitute a means to change and shape the
identitary trajectories to outline restrictions associated with the origin caste.
But the acquisition of a new identity, even it implies returns through social relations, is an
important factor of inequalies. The mechanisms of differentiation generate a higher bid of the
expenses which impoverish families considerably.
Not only identity through caste identity produces inequality in terms of opportunities but the
search of shaping and modifying the identitary trajectory leads also to substantial expenses which
in turn have an impact on families’ wealth and produce inequality.
In such a context, the policies consisting of enlarging opportunities to the lowest castes have also
to take into account due that these measures lead to opportunities in a restrained number and then
imply strategies of acquisition and differentiation for individuals and households competing for
the access in goods and services. Indeed, it generates new forms of inequality.

11
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