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Gould, R. The Anthropology of Human Residues
Gould, R. The Anthropology of Human Residues
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The Anthropology
of Human Residues
RICHARD A. GOULD
IF R. G. COLLINGWOOD (1946:282) was right when he argued that the past is reall
and that it can be perceived only in terms of our present-day ideas about it, how
as archaeologists, arrive at ideas about the past that can be verified in some scient
acceptable way? To what extent do our interpretations of the past approximate th
ty that was the past? Are the correlations and patterns discerned by archaeologists
excavated data doomed to a kind of shadow existence in a limbo of their own mak
can we find ways to approach this data that will provide some assurance that they
realities of human behavior and not just the constructs of an ethnocentric imagin
When this is published, RICHARD A. GOULD will be back in Honolulu after visiting
fellowships at Australian National University and Corpus Christi College of Cambridge
University. He received his B.A. in 1961 from Harvard and his Ph.D. from Berkeley in
1965, and from 1965 to 1971 was a curator at the American Museum of Natural
History. Besides archaeological fieldwork in Utah, northern California, Guatemala,
and Polynesia, he has spent 34 months (in four visits) on ethnographic and archeolog-
ical research in Australia. Among his many publications are Yiwara: Foragers of the
Australian Desert, Man's Many Ways (a reader), and Puntutjarpa Rockshelter and the
Australian Desert Culture. He organized and led a seminar in ethnoarchaeology at the
School of American Research, Santa Fe, in 1975, the proceedings of which are pub-
lished as Explorations in Ethnoarchaeology.
815
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816 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
I feel strongly that the archaeologist must recognize himself as a prehistoric ethnogr
must take more seriously the implications which ethnographic examples have for
work .... Studies of house-building and pottery-making are all very well, but fo
chaeologist the emphasis should be on function and disposal rather than on manufactu
are houses and pots used, and what happens to them afterwards [1967:62].
This point of view is well represented in studies by Stanislawski (1969) of the rec
and ultimate discard of broken Hopi-Tewa pottery. The assumption, often ma
chaeologists, that potsherds are usually thrown away into a garbage heap or m
some kind, is equivalent to claiming that, when a pot is broken, the sherds go to
By empirically monitoring the reuse and ultimate discard of potsherds, Stanislaw
much to upset this easy assumption and, at the same time, notes relationships th
be considered by the archaeologist when he excavates.
There is a kind of universality to this approach that has not been noticed much
chaeologists. Human societies, everywhere and at all time, practice discard
behavior is a universal human trait and in some ways is much like language. Patte
discard behavior, when observed ethnographically, can be regarded in much
way linguists treat grammar. Just as a linguist infers the rules of grammar from
of speech, so an ethnoarchaeologist can infer the "rules" that govern the pa
human residue behavior in particular societies. One might wish to argue that a lin
metaphor should be applied only to expressive behavior. When Rowe (1959) an
leagues showed how one could infer "rules" of grammar in prehistoric Peruvian p
styles, they were dealing with a clear case of artistic expression. At times
pressiveness is a feature of residue behavior. For example, Australian Desert a
arrange their habitation campsites to express the condition of social relation
tween extended family groups, so a visitor can readily infer (or "read") how
distance between campsite clusters reflects increased hostility or distrust or vice v
the ethnoarchaeologist, however, it matters little whether or not the people being
are conscious of these rules, since, like the grammar of a language, these r
operationally defined. As Stanislawski (1975:9) has suggested, one can even ex
possibility of "deep structures" in human residue formation that approximate the
by linguists and linguistically oriented anthropologists for universal patterns in
cognition.
It would be presumptuous of me here to attempt to deal with all facets of the ethnoar-
chaeological approach to human residue formation. In an effort to demonstrate the
usefulness of having archaeologists study the anthropology of human refuse, I shall deal
with two considerations that are crucial in any attempt to do effective ethnoarchaeology:
the process by which the archaeologist as ethnographer observes and models the residue
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 817
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818 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
Procurement
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 819
As suggested earlier, stones used as instant tools are given the minimum amou
retouch needed to accomplish the particular task at hand. Direct percussion by mean
a hammerstone (also picked up in the immediate area) to obtain a needed flake
form a unifacial working edge for a chopper-plane is the only technique employed u
these occasions. These manufacture processes occur at or near the task locality a
result in characteristic although rather ephemeral archaeological associations. For exa
ple, one may find a few waste flakes and flake-knives near an earth-oven used t
large game.
For tools made from quarried stone, the processes are more complex. As mentioned
earlier, these items are transported to the habitation campsite where they are further
worked into finished tools. Since it is inconvenient to carry large pieces of stone over long
distances on foot, the aborigines tend to remove selected flakes and cores which are small
and in some cases have a basic shape close to what they intend for the finished tool. The
principal tool type produced under these circumstances is the hafted adz, an artifact
widely reported and described from the Western and Central Deserts of Australia (Horne
and Aiston 1924; Mountford 1941; Thomson 1964; Tindale 1965; Gould, Koster, and
Sontz 1971).
Initial retouch of adz flakes is always by direct percussion with a hammerstone to form
a working edge with a mean angle at midsection of 670. On rare occasions I have seen
unretouched flakes hafted for this kind of use, but in these cases the edge generally re-
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820 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 821
TABLE I. ANNUAL RATE OF ADZ FLAKE PRODUCTION TABLE II. ANNUAL RATE OF PRODUCTION AND USE
7. Replacing 6. Replacing
sacred sacr
paraphernalia 3.0 paraphernalia 2.0
Total: 23.05 Total: 23.3
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822 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
Discard
As the preceding analysis shows, much more quarried than nonquarried raw m
appears in habitation campsites, despite the fact that quarried stone represe
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 823
The flow of lithic materials through the ethnographic Australian Desert aborigin
cultural system is summarized in the Figure 1 flowchart (adapted from Schiffer 1972b).
Together with the observations described so far, Figure 1 reveals patterns of discar
behavior in aboriginal lithic technology in the form of a model from which specifi
predictions that are archaeologically testable can be derived. These are:
(1) Stone materials derived from quarry sources will tend to occur in localized associa-
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
-..-* DISCARD --- - CONTEXT
(Cores a Waste ( Localized occurrence
Flakes ) I at quarry sites) Occasional
Iae )LATERAL -
RECYCLING
S ARCHAEOLOGICAL
QUARRY
Occosional
LATERAL
.-- (,MANUFACTURE
Chopper-planes" --
8 (--Dispersed
- -USE ---- DISCARD AR
occurrences at CONTEXT
most flakef~ak
knives )htie~
task-specific
)I localities )
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824 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 825
At the risk of appearing to sound like a "filthy mentalist," I should note that
materialist approach in ethnoarchaeology is not the same as a materialist philosophy.
anthropologists we are interested in questions of symbolism and meaning, but as eth
chaeologists we look at such questions from a materialist point of view. That is, inste
assuming beforehand that symbolic and social variables are somehow to be see
epiphenomena in explaining behavior when compared with variables of a materi
nature, we use the materialist approach to confront the totality of variables that ma
count for the observed patterns of material remains. Human beings do manipulate sy
bols, and their symbolic behavior can affect the total pattern of material residues in
society. Symbolic systems may play a vital role in human adaption, and they can be a
proached from the same materialist point of view by the ethnoarchaeologist as such
of behavioral hardware as technology and subsistence.
To demonstrate how one can apply the materialist approach of ethnoarchaeolog
explanations of behavior that involve both material and nonmaterial variables, I
like to turn now to the problem of modeling the relationship between different lith
materials and a single class of artifacts, flaked stone adzes, of the Western De
aborigines of the Warburton Ranges region of Australia.
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826 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
(1) Warburton porphyry. A hard, dark bluish-gray stone with pronounced gran
clusions but with little tendency toward internal planes of cleavage.
(2) Quartz. Hard white or semitransluscent stone with pronounced internal p
cleavage.
(3) Quartzite. A variable category of stones with noticeable fine granular texture and
few, if any, internal planes of cleavage. Color varies from pale yellow to dark red and
reddish-brown. Most specimens collected were hard, with a semisilicious surface shine,
but some specimens tended toward a dull surface and were rather "sugary" in texture.
(4) Red chert. A hard, fine-grained dark red chert with some tendencies to fracture
along internal planes of cleavage.
(5) Opaline. White stone with shiny surfaces but soft internal texture, tending at times
to crumble into a white powdery consistency.
(6) White chert. Hard white to semitransluscent stone with no internal planes of
cleavage. Varies in surface texture from dull to smooth. Rough cortex often present, and
some pieces show a partial slight pinkish to dark reddish-brown coloration.
(7) Agate. Hard, brown to semitransluscent stone, sometimes with pronounced inter-
nal banding. Smooth texture with few internal planes of cleavage. Few large pieces of this
material were seen.
All of these lithic materials have natural sources occurring within a 40-km. radiu
the Puntutjarpa Rockshelter, and no other kinds of potentially usable lithic m
were found within this area. These natural sources take the two forms mentioned earlier:
localized quarry sites and nonlocalized surface occurrences. Localized quarry sites in the
vicinity of Puntutjarpa are summarized in Table IV. These occur as modest outcro
(often nearly flush with the ground surface), although at some localities, especially tho
containing white chert, some shallow digging is necessary to extract unweather
material. The quarries for red chert and Warburton porphyry are no longer used by th
local aborigines, but sources for white chert are still visited and used from time to tim
Nonlocalized surface occurrences are mainly scatters of quartz, quartzite, and agate
extensive flats and gibber plains that lie in the area between the Brown Range and
Warburton Ranges and immediately to the north of the Warburtons. Another importa
nonlocalized source consists of creekbeds lying between the Brown and Warburt
Ranges. Hughes Creek, which passes within 500 m. of Puntutjarpa, contains many usabl
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 827
A total of 343 flaked stone adzes and microadzes (identical to adzes but smaller in siz
were recovered from Trench 2 at Puntutjarpa Rockshelter from contexts dating from
historic present to approximately 10,000 years ago. This total includes a significa
number of adz and microadz slugs, with all specimens showing the attributes of us
scraping hardwoods described elsewhere (Gould, Koster, and Sontz 1971:149-160; G
1973:10). Adzes and adz slugs collected at Puntutjarpa are identical to those observ
ethnographically in the Western Desert in 1966-70, and the microadzes and micr
slugs are similar in all respects except size. Thus a strong case can be made for a tradit
of adz manufacture and use that has changed little, if at all, during at least the
10,000 years in the Western Desert of Australia.
During the entire 10,000-year history of human occupation at Puntutjarpa, we find
reliance upon the seven classes of locally available lithic raw materials for makin
kinds of tools, including adzes and microadzes. Constant, too, is the low-level but pervas
use of exotic cherts and chrysoprase, that is, lithic materials obtained from outsi
40-km. radius of the site. Table V shows the numbers of adzes and microadzes and
percentages of lithic raw materials used in making them by stratum in Trench
jarpa Rockshelter. The lithic raw material overwhelmingly favored by the a
habitants at Puntutjarpa at all times for making this type of tool was white chert
overall average of 60.3%. White chert is heavily favored for adzmaking t
aborigines living in the vicinity of the Warburton Ranges Mission. Yet e
materials, as defined above, saw use in adzmaking throughout the Puntutjarpa se
with an overall average of 26.2%. In attempting to interpret these results, our j
understand the total pattern presented by the data and not just the statistically
trend represented by white chert. In other words, why was an effort made con
and for at least 10,000 years by the Western Desert aborigines to obtain small b
cant amounts of lithic raw materials from areas beyond the site locale, even wh
materials for adzmaking were abundantly available close at hand?
Experimental Results
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828 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
TABLE V. NUMBERS AND PERCENTAGES OF LITHIC RAW MATERIALS USED IN
1
IZ - - - - - - - 100.0%
1
JZ - - - - - 100.0% - -
2 1 Upper
KZ - - - - - 66.7% - 33.3% Rockfall
Zone
LZ
1 1
M5 - - - - - 50.0% - 50.0%
1 4 1
N5 - - 16.7% - - 66.7% - 16.7%
1 4 4700 B.C.
05 - - 20.0% - - 80.0% -
1 B
P5 - - - - - 100.0% - -
1 1 1
1 1
S5 - - - - - 50.0% - 50.0%
3 1
T5 - - - - - 75.0% - 25.0%
1
X5 -..
Totals: 2 9 13 8 207 14 90 343
0.6% 2.6% 3.8% - 2.3% 60.3% 4.1% 26.2% 100%
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 829
porphyry 3 1 1 1 1,602
Quartz 1 1 2,072
Quartzite 3 1 1 1 2,659
Opaline 1 1 78
Chrysoprase
(exotic) 1 1 3,369
Total Overall average
population 25 1 4 6 2 3 5 2 2 3,058
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830 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 831
As mentioned earlier, some adzes and circumcision knives of unusual stone were ob-
served in use at both Laverton and Warburton. These artifacts were made of various
brightly colored cherts, and interviews showed that these items came from spec
localities distant from either Aboriginal Reserve. In every case, the aborigine possessin
such "imported" stone artifacts was able to indicate the exact locality where the mater
was collected and give its totemic affiliation (that is, he was able to name the ancestra
Dreaming character connected to that place), even though the man being intervie
may not himself have gone to the place to collect this stone. In other words, these che
were collected from various sacred sites, where they occurred in close proximity to la
marks of totemic significance. Adzes of such chert (and a few of Wingelinna chrysopr
as well) were not regarded as sacred objects themselves, they were carried openly in ca
where women and children could see them. When I inquired about these items,
response was invariably one of pride, not in the craftsmanship of the tool (which
often poor) but in the raw material. Moreover, the patrilineal Dreaming affiliation of
man being interviewed was always the same as that of the site from which the particu
piece of stone material was collected.
In other words, these tools of "imported" stone were relics that had acquired impor-
tance in the eyes of the owner and his associates because of their close physical proxim
to some important sacred event. It was almost like a pilgrim showing off a piece of th
True Cross or some other souvenir of sacred importance. The stone had been collected
or near the particular sacred site and carried away by a member of the patrilineal cult
lodge affiliated with that site, in many cases then to be passed on to other members of
same cult lodge as a token of their mutual affiliation. Thus it was that these items cam
to rest in habitation base camps, often hundreds of miles from their points of ori
Worn adz slugs made of these materials were simply discarded in the habitation c
area. No attempt was made to curate these items beyond their normal use-life.
To what extent should this behavior, observed as it was mainly in the context
Aboriginal Reserves where contact with Europeans has been intense, be regarded
reflecting traditional values or behavior? When visiting previously uncontacted
aborigines in the Gibson Desert in 1970, I observed behavior exactly like this, so we ca
be assured that it was a feature of traditional life among the aborigines. But I sus
that this behavior on Reserves and in other contact situations may reflect an increased
desire by the aborigines in these places to reassert and maintain their ties to dis
Dreaming places that are too far away now for them to visit regularly. It is entirely pos
ble that aboriginal traffic in relics of this sort has increased since these people have le
the desert and settled in close proximity to Europeans, and this interpretation would fit
well with general tendencies for increased ceremonialism often observed on Aboriginal
Reserves. Moreover, motor transport now enables aborigines to carry these relics farth
than was probably true in the past. I have seen adzes of Wingellina chrysoprase at Lave
ton, over 800 mi., or 1,368 km., southwest of the Wingellina Hills, where several impo
tant Dreaming sites are known to exist (Crawford and Tonkinson 1969).
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832 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
Adzes and adz slugs, as maintenance tools, tell us nothing directly about the ec
life of the aborigines or about their efforts to adapt to the uncertain and
poverished resources of the Western Desert. So we must turn to indirect ways o
preting the stone tool data if we are to explain the frequencies of different
materials in adzmaking at Puntutjarpa with reference to contemporary Western
ethnography. Since the presence of "exotic" raw materials, as defined in this pa
itself, evidence of social networks along which such materials flowed, we need t
the role of such networks in relation to the problems of adapting to life in the
Desert.
Anthropologists working in the Central and Western Deserts of Australia have be
quick to note the importance of widely ramified kin networks that facilitate the sharing
food and access to basic resources (Spencer and Gillen 1899, Berndt 1959, Meggitt 196
Strehlow 1965.) Fascination with the complexities of how these networks operate
especially in terms of kin-terminology, sections and subsections, and cult lodge affilia-
tions, should not obscure the overriding concern particular groups of aborigines ha
with using these networks as a means of overcoming risks of drought and other problem
of scarcity in their respective habitats. In a region where water and other basic resource
are not regularly available on an annual seasonal basis, and where amounts of the
resources may be limited even in the best of years, the ability of families to move long
distances to other areas, better favored than their own, is essential. Marriage, totem
cult lodges, naming, and other social relationships involving obligatory sharing are
consistent with the basic ecological requirement that people be able to move into distant
better favored areas and take up temporary residence with the people living in the
places as a means of overcoming the economic uncertainties that act as limiting factors i
the human settlement of the Western Desert.
The presence of "exotic" lithic raw materials in the toolkits of present-day aborigin
the Western Desert is circumstantial evidence for such long-distance social networks
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Gould] ANTHROPOLOGY OF HUMAN RESIDUES 833
CONCLUSIONS
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834 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [80, 1978
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