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To cite this article: Robert LaRose & Matthew S. Eastin (2004): A Social Cognitive Theory of Internet Uses and Gratifications:
Toward a New Model of Media Attendance, Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 48:3, 358-377
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A Social Cognitive Theory of Internet Uses
and Gratifications: Toward a New Model
of Media Attendance
Robert LaRose and Matthew S. Eastin
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Recent research explaining Internet usage has both extended and chal-
lenged the uses and gratifications approach to understanding media
attendance by discovering “new” gratifications and introducing powerful
new explanatory variables. The present research integrates these develop-
ments into a theory of media attendance within the framework of Ban-
dura’s (1 986) Social Cognitive Theory. Respondents from 2 Midwestern
states were recruited by mail to complete an online questionnaire. Struc-
tural equation modeling techniques were used to test a.new model of
media attendance in which active consideration of Internet uses and
gratifications, moderated by Internet self-efficacy, joins habitual behavior
and deficient self-regulation as determinants of media behavior. The
model explained 42% of the variance in Internet usage. ,
The addition of the Internet to the electronic media environment has renewed
interest in the question of media attendance: the factors that explain and predict
individual exposure to the media. Much of the research has been carried out by
followers of the uses and gratifications tradition, who anticipated the medium as an
exemplar of active media selection that could further validate the core tenets of that
paradigm (Morris & Ogan, 1996; Newhagen & Rafaeli, 1996; Ruggerio, 2000).
Instead, Internet research has introduced new conceptual and operational ap-
proaches and new variables that now challenge some of the basic assumptions,
procedures;and findings of uses and gratifications. However, these findings have yet
to be integrated into a comprehensive model of media attendance. Moreover, these
relationships have been explored among college student samples and must now be
extended to the general online population. The present research proposes and tests
Robert LaRose (Ph.D., Universify of Southern California) is a Professor in the Department of Telecommuni-
cation, Information Studies and Media at Michigan State University. His research interest is the uses and
effects of fhe Internet.
Matthew S. Fastin (Ph.D., Michigan Sfafe Universify) is an Assisfanf Professor in the School of Communi-
cation af Ohio Sfate Universify. His research focuses on the, social and psychological mechanisms that
influence the uses and effecfs of new media.
The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the following sfudenfs in collecfing the dafa for fhis
projecf: Mike Mackerf, Sri Sukotjo,, Yu-Chieh Lin, linhee Hong, Songyi Park, Wen-Ya Wu, Li-An Liu,
Charinfip Tungkitfisuwan, Kuang-Chiu Huang.
0 2004 Broadcast Education Association journal ol Broadcasfing 8, Elecrronic Media 48(3/, 2004, pp. 358-377
358
LaRose and EastinlSOClAL COGNITIVE THEORY OF INTERNET USES 359
Numerous studies (e.g. Charney & Greenberg, 2001; Chou & Hsiao, 2000;
Dimmick, Kline & Stafford, 2000; Eighmey & McCord, 1998; Ferguson & Perse,
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2000; Flanagin & Metzger, 2001; Kaye, 1998; Korgaonkar & Wolin, 1999; LaRose,
Mastro & Eastin, 2001; Lin, 1999; Papacharissi& Rubin, 2000; Parker & Plank, 2000;
Perse & Greenberg-Dunn, 1998; Song, LaRose, Eastin & Lin, 2004; Stafford &
Stafford, 2001) have applied uses and gratifications to the Internet. Collectively,
these studies upheld one of the model’s basic propositions (Palmgreen, Wenner &
Rosengren, 1985), that gratifications sought explain individual media exposure.
However, many Internet-related studies have also reconfirmed a basic weakness of
uses and gratifications: They did not explain media exposure very well. Consistent
with uses and gratifications studies of other media (cf. Palmgreen, Wenner, &
Rosengren, 1985), the Internet studies that hewed most closely to the uses and
gratifications tradition have explained less than 10% of the variance in Internet usage
from gratifications (e.g., Ferguson & Perse, 2000; Kaye, 1998; Papacharissi & Rubin,
2000; Parker & Plank, 2000).
That the Internet is in many ways a unique medium has not escaped the attention
of researchers. The time-honored list of gratifications derived from early television
studies (notably, Greenberg, 1974; Rubin, 1983) has been expanded to explore
unique facets of the Internet medium. For example, Papacharissi and Rubin (2000)
proposed interpersonal communication gratifications, recognizing that communica-
tion functions like e-mail and chatrooms are common modes of Internet usage.
Korgaonkar and Wolin (1999) found dimensions of information, interactive, and
economic control. Other new gratification dimensions have included: problem
solving, persuading others, relationship maintenance, status seeking, and personal
insight (Flanagin & Metzger, 2001); Song et al.’s (2004) virtual community gratifi-
cation; Charney and Creenberg’s (2001) coolness, sights and sounds, career, and
peer identity factors; and Stafford and Stafford’s (2001) search and cognitive factors.
Stafford and Stafford (2001) achieved a modest increase (to 21%) in the variance
explained in Internet usage, mostly from the addition of a search factor (i.e., that
accessing search engines was an important motivation for using the Internet) to more
conventional information seeking and entertainment gratifications.
Others innovated with conceptual and operational definitions, creating what
might be called prospective, or expected, gratifications. These ask respondents what
they expect from the Internet in the future as opposed to those that they seek in the
present or have obtained in the past. This i s a departure from the gratifications
soughtlgratifications obtained (GS/GO) formulation that has long guided uses and
gratifications (Palmgreen et al., 1985). Studies that have employed prospective
360 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic MedidSeptember 2004
measures (e.& Charney & Greenberg, 2001; LaRose, Mastro, & Eastin, 2001; Lin,
1999) have consistently doubled, tripled, or quadrupled the amount of variance
explained in Internet attendance behavior compared to conventional approaches.
1999). However, they are also consistent with a view of media attendance derived
from Bandura's (1986, 1989) Social Cognitive Theory (SCT), which offers a theoret-
ical explanation for the often-observed (for example, Papacharissi & Rubin, 2000)
empirical relationship between media gratifications and media usage. SCT is familiar
to media scholars in its earlier incarnation as Social Learning Theory (Bandura,
1977), as a theory of media effects. However, SCT i s a broad theory of human
behavior that may be applied to media attendance as well. SCT posits reciprocal
causation among individuals, their behavior, and their environment. Within SCT,
behavior i s an observable act and the performance of behavior i s determined, in
large part, by the expected outcomes of behavior, expectations formed by our own
direct experience or mediated by vicarious reinforcement observed through others.
Thus, media usage i s overt media consumption behavior (usage of the internet in the
present case), and it is determined by the expected outcomes that follow from
consumption. Since expected gratification outcomes may be formulated from vicar-
ious observation of others' behavior (Eastin, 2002) they can explain consumption
both among prospective future users of the Internet (as in Lin, 1999) and current
users.
Uses and gratifications can be understood in socio-cognitive terms. Where uses
and gratification researchers have explored gratifications, SCT proposes expected
outcomes and where uses and gratifications researchers posit needs, SCT proposes
behavioral incentives. Expectedpositive outcomes of internet exposure should cause
further exposure. What people have gotten in the past from the internet is an
important part of the basis for their current expectations about it. However, expec-
tations are also shaped by vicarious learning, based on observations of the experi-
ences of others, and also self-efficacy (see below). However, it is the current
expectation about outcomes of behavior that best determines behavior.
The expected outcomes are organized around six basic types of incentives for
human behavior: novel sensory, social, status, monetary, enjoyable activity, and
self-reactive incentives (Bandura, 1986, pp. 232-240) and these are theoretically
constructed rather than statistically derived from exploratory factor analysis as in the
uses and gratifications tradition. An analysis of these categories against Internet
gratifications (LaRose et al., 2001 ) revealed that conventional uses and gratifications
research underemphasized status and monetary incentives that had significant
positive correlations with internet usage (see also Charney & Greenberg, 2001;
Flanagin & Metzger, 2001; SKrgaonkar & Wolin, 1999). When expected outcome
LaRose and Eastin/SOCIAL COGNITIVE THEORY OF INTERNET USES 361
measures reflecting the full range of these incentive categories were subjected to
exploratory factor analysis, a "new" virtual communi!y dimension was uncovered
that drew heavily on the status incentives lacking in conventional uses and gratifi-
cations research (Song et al., 2004). Despite few differences (notably the inclusion of
measures of habit strength in gratification dimensions), other SCT incentive catego-
ries parallel conventional uses and gratifications dimensions. Activity incentives,
predicated on the desire to take part in enjoyable activities, correspond to the
entertainment gratifications. Self-evaluative incentives, which involve attempts to
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SCT also suggests new concepts that may extend our understanding of uses and
gratifications and their impact on media behavior. Two additional mechanisms of
SCT, self-efficacy and self-regulation, are particularly heuristic.
Self-efficacy is belief in one's capability to organize and execute a particular
course of action (Bandura, 1986). Self-efficacy i s particularly relevant for novice
users who have not yet acquired the requisite skills to obtain useful information and
deal with the discontents of life online, from viruses to balky home Internet
connections. It was directly related to internet usage (Eastin & LaRose, 2000; LaRose
et al., 2001), and also acted on usage indirectly, through expected outcomes. In
other words, as Internet users become more self-efficacious, their expectations that
they will obtain specific outcomes (e.g., finding useful information) also increase,
and that encourages more usage. Prior experience with the Internet in turn causally
preceded Internet self-efficacy (Eastin & LaRose, 2000), probably through the process
of enactive mastery (Bandura, 1986), in which users gradually master complex tasks.
The SCT construct of self-regulation (Bandura, 1991) describes how individuals
monitor their own behavior (self-monitoring), judge it in relation to personal and
social standards (judgmental process), and apply self-reactive incentives to moderate
their behavior (self reaction). Self-regulation is an important point of distinction
between SCT and stimulus-response theories of human behavior in that self-gener-
ated influences free the individual from blindly following the dictates of external
reinforcement. However, when self-regulation fails, increased media consumption
may be expected. This issue has been conceptualized in terms of habit and deficient
self-regulation (LaRose, Lin, & Eastin, 2003).
In simplest terms, a habit i s a recurring behavior pattern. Habit is a well-
established predictor of behavior (Oulette & Wood, 1998; Triandis, 1980). Although
long overlooked in communication research (cf. Rosenstein & Grant, 1997; Stone &
Stone, 1990), recent qualitative research suggests that a great deal of media behavior
i s habitual (Adams, 2000). Uses and gratifications researchers have associated habit
with "ritualistic gratifications," such as passing time (Rubin, 1984), that are concep-
tually still part of an active selection process. However, recent research (e.g., Aarts,
Verplanken, & van Knippenberg, 1998; Bargh & Collwitzer, 1994) suggests that
LaRose and EasWSOCIAL COGNITIVE THEORY OF INTERNET USES 363
time we did not. Within SCT habit i s a failure of the self-monitoring subfunction of
self-regulation. Through repetition we become inattentive to the reasoning behind
our media behavior, our mind no longer devotes attention resources to evaluating it,
freeing itself for more important decisions.
Habit strength i s not a catch-all for uses and gratifications but rather represents
patterns of behavior established by past thinking about outcome expectations/
gratifications that i s no longer repeated in the present. Habit strength i s expected to
influence ongoing behavior, independent of current active thinking about expected
(gratification) outcomes. Habit should be causally determined by outcome expecta-
tions, which precede habit in time. Habit strength should be preceded by self-
efficacy, since users are unlikely to be inattentive to a behavior they are still
mastering. These relationships were confirmed in LaRose et al., 2003).
Deficient Self Regulation is defined as a state in which conscious self-control i s
diminished. It has been proposed as an explanatory mechanism for so-called
"Internet addictions," more properly called "problematic Internet use" (LaRose et al.,
2003). In that research, deficient self-regulation was directly related to Internet usage
and also contributed to usage indirectly, through habit strength. As deficient self-
regulation comes into effect, media behavior tends to become an end unto itself and
no longer subject to active consideration of its expected outcomes. One important
exception are self-reactive outcomes, through which users counteract the negative
affect that results from personal problems that intensify with excessive media usage,
part of a self-reinforcing "downward spiral" into problematic or addictive usage.
Still, habit and deficient self-regulation have not been clearly distinguished.
Addictions, including behavioral addictions, are a form of habitual behavior (Marlatt,
Baer, & Kivlahan, 1988) so the two constructs overlap. At the operational level,
measures of habit lacked sufficient reliability and exhibited some degree of multi-
collinearity with deficient self-regulation so LaRose et al. concluded that they had
not clearly distinguished the two. They proposed a possible theoretical distinction:
Habit could represent the failure of self-monitoring, while deficient self-regulation
might represent a failure of the judgmental and self-reactive subfunctions. Both the
conceptual definition of deficient self-regulation and its operationalization (based on
symptoms of pathological gambling and substance dependence, e.g., "I feel tense,
moody, or irritable if I can't get on the Web when I want") betray an intense, even
painful, self-awareness of media consumption. Thus, deficient self-regulation reflects
a distinct state of mind from one in which media consumers are inattentive,
364 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/September 2004
explaining how both might have independent effects on media attendance. Yet, the
two should be related in that persons with deficient self-control may also be
expected to engage in habitual behavior.
Research on Internet usage has focused on college students, often with the
reassurance that scholars are interested in the lawful relationships among variables
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To complete the model of Internet usage, the role of outcome expectations (a.k.a
uses and gratifications) also must be specified. LaRose et al. (2003) examined a single
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be the main type of incentive susceptible to triggering the spiral of excessive usage
and dysphoria thought to lead to problematic media usage. Thus,
path that was proposed but not statistically significant, another that narrowly missed
significance (both indicated by light dotted lines) and another that was not initially
proposed but uncovered during analysis (indicated by a heavy dotted line). In the
interest of space only the final path diagram is shown. For the sake of clarity the word
"Internet" has been omitted from the labels in figures and tables.
Figure 1
Path Analysis Model
Experience
Note: x2 = 62.3, d f = 34, CFI = ,994,RMSEA = ,071. All path coefficients shown are
significant, p < .05. I
LaRose and EastidSOCIAL COGNITIVE THEORY OF INTERNET USES 367
Research Methods
Procedure
Respondents
Of the 1100 solicitations sent, 170 (15%) bad addresses were returned; leaving a
total usable sample of 930. A total of 331 responded to the solicitation. One hundred
and seventy-two Internet users completed the survey and 159 returned the non-
Internet user postcard (36% total response rate). Recent research assessing response
rates (Yun & Trumbo, 2000) indicates that the present rates were consistent with
methods employing Web surveys. A rule of thumb for structural equation modeling,
and also for regression analysis, is that there be 10 respondents for each linW
relationship.in the model. The proposed model has 16 links so the sample size was
deemed adequate. There were no response difference by city and thus data were
collapsed. As a total sample ( N = 331) participants were 55% male and 45% female.
The general population in the counties surveyed was 50% female (U.S. Census,
2002). Six percent of the participants were between the ages of 18-24 (census
population = 17%), 48% were between the ages of 25-44 (census population =
30%) 34% were between 45-65 years old (census population = 40%), and finally,
13% were over the age of 65 (census population = 14%). The respondentswere thus
a somewhat biased sample of the respective populations from which they were
drawn. However, a diverse sample of adult respondents was obtained and therefore
this sample was deemed suitable for the purpose of this study which was to examine
relationships between variables.
The non-Internet users ( N = 159) were 48% male and 52% female and their mean
age was 52 years old. Given current estimates of Internet penetration (54%, NTIA,
368 Journalof Broadcasting & Electronic MedialSeptember 2004
2002) we estimated that respondents at 504 (out of 938) of the valid addresses had
access to the Internet, and thus, could have completed the online survey. Therefore,
we estimate that the 172 people who completed the survey represent an Internet user
response rate of 34%. Of those, 41 % were female and 58% were male (with 1% not
indicating their gender) with an average age of 42 years old. Eighty-nine percent
were Caucasian, 5% were African American, 2% were Latino and the remaining 4%
were Asian, Pacific Islander, Native American, or other. Forty-two percent of the
sample had average household incomes under $50,000; the remaining 58% had
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Operational Measures
The questionnaire was introduced with the following description of Internet use:
“Internet use includes sending or receiving electronic mail, visiting chatrooms,
participating in discussion groups and visiting locations on the World-Wide Web.”
No distinction was made between work and leisure activity.
The usual procedure for analyzing gratifications in the uses and gratifications
tradition is to conduct an exploratory factor analysis of the gratification items.
However, in the present research a priori theoretical assumptions about the nature of
the expected outcomes were available, in the form of the incentive categories
recognized in SCT. Items were collected from prior uses and gratifications studies,
rephrased as outcome expectations (i.e., “using the Internet how likely are you
t o . . .” on a scale of 1-7, where 1 was very unlikely and 7 very likely, cf. Ajzen,
1985). These statements of outcome expectations were classified into SCT incentive
categories by consulting the conceptual definitions found in Bandura (1 986, pp. 233)
and supplemented with items reflecting status and monetary incentives that were
underrepresented in uses and gratifications research (cf. LaRose et al., 2001). Six
LaRose and Eastin/SOCIAL COGNITIVE THEORY OF INTERNET USES 369
Data Analysis
Results
Table 2
Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficients
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 0
1. Activity 1.oo
2. Monetary .39" 1.00
3. Novel .44** .61" 1.oo
4. Social .48*' .31** .39" 1 .oo
5. Self-reactive .73** .40** .45** .62** 1.00
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Discussion
The present results both affirm the uses and gratifications paradigm and extend it
to a theory of media attendance grounded in Social Cognitive Theory. A basic
implication of uses and gratifications, that media exposure may be predicted from
media gratifications, was upheld. Indeed, by instituting new operational measures of
expected gratifications, it was possible to predict media consumption to an unprec-
edented degree. However, new variables from SCT improved the explanatory power
of gratifications, here reconstrued as outcome expectations.
372 Journalof Broadcasting ti Electronic Mediaheptember 2004
strength was not observed, falling just short of statistical significance. It appears that
self-efficacy acts on habit strength through expected outcomes. The inattentiveness
to one's own behavior that signals habit formation thus could be more determined by
a gradual cessation of active thinking about outcomes/gratifications rather than
inattentiveness accompanying task mastery.
The lack of a causal connection between experience and habit strength,
despite a significant zeio-order correlation ( r = .30, p < .OOl), belies the rival
"tautology hypothesis" about the role of habit i n human behavior; namely, that
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habit is "just'' prior behavior and that relationships between two measures of
behavior are not theoretically meaningful. An alternative causal model in which
a direct link from experience (prior behavior) to usage (current behavior) was
hypothesize also failed to produce a significant relationship, and did not diminish
the causal link between habit and usage, again despite a highly significant
zero-order correlation ( r = .35, p < .001) between experience and usage. These
findings suggest that habit strength indeed has an impact on behavior that can be
described in social cognitive terms.
The Internet emerges from the present study as something of a distinctive
medium, but perhaps not in ways previously described. It i s not primarily a social
medium (e.g., Papacharissi & Rubin, 2000), but also a medium through which
enjoyable activity, self-reactive, monetary, novel (i.e., informational), and, above
all, status incentives can be obtained. That the Internet i s a medium of social
interaction i s indisputable, but a question now arises as to the purpose of the
social interaction. Prior research surrounding the Internet Paradox (Kraut, Patter-
son, Lundmark, Kiesler, Mukophadhyay, & Scherlis, 1998) focused on social
interaction as a means of securing social support and thereby improving psycho-
logical well-being. Now it appears that social status, not social support, might be
the prime mover in Internet usage. Perhaps by finding like-minded individuals on
the Internet and expressing ourselves i n those venues we enhance our social
status. Or, recalling Turkle's (1 995) Life on the Screen ethnography, perhaps the
Internet i s a means of constantly exploring and trying out new, improved versions
of our selves. From this we should begin to empirically explore online personal
development (as self or with virtual others) as well as social maintenance (a
support mechanism).
Limitations
Internet usage was broadly defined. Future research might distinguish Internet
applications (eg, e-mail vs online chat), functions (e.g., entertainment vs news Web
sites), or settings ( e g , work vs leisure). However, in keeping with the operational
procedures recommended in SCT, it will be important to match the explanatory
constructs (e.g., expected e-mail outcomes. e-mail self-efficacy, e-mail habits, etc.)
to achieve satisfactory results.
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