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    Literatura Japonesa 6 - (En) Hyakucompleto01

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    Mateus Nascimento

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    Jaravese Literature ICTURES OF qi THE HEART in Word and Image Ji “Joshua Mostow offers a brilliant and multifaceted exploration of Japanese poetics through translations, commentaries, and both literary and visual readings of the most influential of all poem anthologies. This book penetrates to the heart of tradi- tonal Japanese aesthetics.” —Stephen Addiss, University of Richmond MOISOW “Pictures of the Heart is a rigorous and engaging study of an extremely important Japanese text. It is filled with information and shows a real appreciation for the often unarticulated assumptions that lay behind certain understandings—both Japanese and Western—concerning meaning and significance In a work of literature. The study breaks still further ground by articulating, and in the most persuasive fashion, Issues relating to text and tmage that are central to the Japanese arts in virtu- ally all periods. Professor Mostow has written a book that should interest not only specialists in the fields of Japanese lit- erature and fine arts, but virtually anyone who enjoys reading poetry in an active and thoughtful fashion." —J.Thomas Rimer, University of Pittsburgh LaVaH AHL TO SHaAN.LOId NOTHIN ese" 1287 Pees ote ows 15 University of Hawal'i Press Honolulu, Hawai 96822-1888 ‘ The Hyakunin Isshu, or One Hundred Poets, One Pocm Each col- lect, isa sequence of one hundred Tapanese poems in the tanka form, selected "by the famous poet and scholar Fujiwara no Teika (1162-1241) and areanged, in part © represent the history of Japanese poetry from the seventh century down {o Teka’ own day. The anthology ts vvitkout doubt, the most popular and tviely known collection of poetry in Japan—a distinction #t has main- tained for hundreds of year. In this study, Joshua Mostow challenges the ‘dea ofa final or authoritative read: ing of the HyakuninIsshu and pre- sents a refreshing, persuasive case for 2 reception history of this seminal wort Following a concise explanation of the basie rhetoric of Japanese poetry Mostow examines the Hyekunin Isshu in its varying historical con text, both atthe te of ft compila- tion—as part of the tradition of “exemplary anthologies” in Japanese poetry and within the context of {eika's postics and aesthetic crite- riaand in its subsequent history 3 the source of rich and often cont dliciory tradition of commentary and exegesis, BY making the exegetical tradition the object of his analysis, Mostow shows how successive cen tries of Japanese readers understood {and appropriated the past and placed themselves in elation to it. The histo ry ef the English translation of the ‘Hyakunin Isshu is also treated as part of te history of its reception. The ‘hanging meanings Iapanese poetry (continued on back flap) (continued from front fap) has held for the English-speaking ‘world are traced from the nineteenth century to the present day, from Orientalism to New Criticism. In addition to providing a new translation of this classic text and biographical information on each poet, Mostow examines issues relat- Ing to text and image that are central to the Japanese arts from the Helan Into the early modern period. By using Edo-period woodblock illustra- tions as pictorializations of the poems—as “pictures of the heart,” or meaning, of the poems—text and image are pieced together in a holis- tie approach that will stand as a model for further research in the {nterrelationship between Japanese vistal and verbal at. Pictures of the Heart will serve as an Invaluable reference work, not only for curators, scholars, and stu- dents of Japanese literature, cultural history, and the visual arts, but for virtually anyone who enjoys reading poetry in an active and thoughtful fashion. JosHua S. Mosrow Is assistant professor in the Department of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia. Jacket illustration: Princess Shokush, ‘attributed to Kano Tan'ya. Hyakunin Tsshu Gazo, seventeenth century. Courtesy ofthe Tokyo National Museum. Jacket design by Kenneth Miyamoto PICTURES OF THE HEART Ay) UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I PRESS WM HONOLULU _OF THE HEART THE HYAKUNIN ISSHU IN WORD AND IMAGE 1886 Univer of Hana Pres Aleghss reserves Prins he United States of Ameri 01 00 99 98 97 95 94ST itary of Cons Catan Pabcation Date Moston fostua 8, 1957— "ves ofthe Heart: he Hyghunin ts in word and image/ Joba S oso pes Includes ibliographieal referenes and index. ISBN 0-8248-1705-2 (alk. paper) 1. Ogura akunin he 2. WasaHisory and clan 5. Japanese poety—To 1600—Hitory and erin 4. Waka—Tramslaons ina Ena 8 Jpanese poetry —Ts 1600—Trarations into Engh 6, Waka— lusradns, 7 Jpanese post —To 1000—Ihtrasone £ Opera byatani sh Engl Japanese, Tie 661104 x0 95-0185 ‘Peblicaton ofthis bok has been ase by a gran fom the japan Foundation “The except on pp 0-01 som The Tlf Gy Moras Shiba E.G Seidentcher Copyright] 1975 by Edhar G eidnsicker Reprinted by pemision of Ate A Keopt nc “The excerpt on p bis fen The ok Dah Moo by Jane Hindi ad Marika Arstami Copyright© 1990 by Je Hind Mario Avan. Reprinted by perilon of Vintage Boots, 2 dvion of Random House Ie, Unies of Hawa Pres baoks are printed on aire paper and et the guidelines Jor permaencs and dursbily ofthe Counc on Library Resouces Book deen by Kean Mion ‘Writ in a language that has long gone by And every margin seribbled, crost, and crammed Wid comment, densest co ‘And in the comment lesasation, bared id find the charm. Tennyson, Lal ofthe King, Bk, VI ‘To my mother Gloria Margaret Swan Mostow Pelletier CONTENTS Chapter 1, Inroduetion: A Poetics of faterpretation 1 PART ONE "THE HYAKUNIN ISSHU:TTS FORMATION AND RECEPTION Chapter 2, Historical Context 23 Chapter 9, Wokain Translation 58 Chapter 4. The Poem-Picture Tradition 87 Chapter 5. Pictoralizati nas Reception 123, PARE TWO TRANSLATION, COMMENTARY, AND PICTURES A.Note on lestsand Sources 1389 |. EmperorTenji 141 9. Empress]ito 145 3. Kakinomoto no Hitomaro 149 Yamabe no Akahito 152 Senior Assistant Minister Sarumaru 155 Middle Counselor Yakamochi 158 Abeno Nakamaro 161 Master ofthe Law Kisen 165 Ono ne Komachi 168 10, Seminars 171 11. Consultant Fakarmara 175 12. Archbishop Henj6 178 Retired Emperor Yorei_ 181 |The Riverbank Minister of the Left (Minamoto no Toru) 184 Emperor Koko 187 Middle Counselor Yukihira 190 Lord Aviwara no Narihira 192 Lord Fujiwara no Toshiyuki 195 1 Tse 198 |. Prince Motoyoshi 201 Master of the Law Sosei 204 Pun'yano Yasuhide 207 Geno Chisato 210 Kanke (Sugawara no Michizane) 213 ‘The Third Ward Minister of the Right (Minamoto no Sadakata) 217 Lord Teishin (Fujiwara no Tadahira} 220 Middle Counselor Kanesuke 228 Lord Minamoto no Muneyuki 226 Oshikochi no Mitsune 229 Mibu no Tadamine 252 Sakanoue no Korenori 285 Harumichi no Tauraki 288 Kino Tomonori 240 Fujiwara no Okikaze 243 5. Kino Tsurayuki 246 Kiyohara no Fukayabu 249) . Fan'ya no Asayasn 252 . Ukon 255, |. Consultant Hitoshi 258 ). Taira no Kanemori 260 Mibu no Tadami 263 Riyohara no Motosuke 266 Supernumerary Middle Counselor Atsutada 269 Middle Counselor Asatada 272 Lord Kentoks (Fujiwara no Koremasa) 275 Sone no Yoshitada 278 Master of the LawFgy0 281 ‘Minamoto no Shigeyuki 284 |. Onakatomi no Yoshinobu 287 Fujiwara no Yoshitaka 290 Contents x 60, 7, ct 7, 80. 8. 52, 83. 54 85, 86, Lord Fujiwara no Sanekata 208 Lord Fujiwara no Michinobu 296 ‘The Mother of Major Captain of the Right Michitsuna 208 The Mother of the Supernumerary Grand Minister 301 Major Counselor Kintd 304 Tnumi Shikibu 207 Murasaki Shikibu 310 Daini no Sanini 313) Akaome Emon 316 Handmaid KoShikibu 319 Ise no'Taya 392 Sei Shénagon 425 Master of the Western Capital Michimasa 328 Supernumerary Middle Counselor Sadayori 881 Sagami 894 Major Archbishop Gyéson 397 ‘The Sug Handmaid 340 Retired Emperor Sanjo 343, Master of the Law Nain. 346 Master of the Law Ryozen 349 Major Counselor Tsunenobu 351 Kil of Princess Vishi’s Household 354 Supernumerary Middle Counselor Masafusa 957 Lord Minamoto no Toshiyori 360 5. Fujiwara no Mototoshi 363 Former Prime Minister and Chancellor, the Hosshofi Buddhist Novice (Fujiwara no Tadamichi) 366 Retired Emperor Sutoku 369 Minamoto no Kanemasa 372 Master of the Western Capital Akisuke 975 Horikawa of the Taikenmon In 378 The Later Tokudaiji Minister of the Left (Fujivara no Sanesada) $81 Master of the Law Doin 388 Master of the Grand Emprest’ Palace Shunzei 386 Lord Fujiwara no Kiyosuke 389) Master of the Law Shun'e 392 Master of the Law Saigyé 395 |. Master of the Law Jakuren $98 | The Steward of Kokamnon In 400 |. Princess Shokushi 403 Inpumon In no Tayit 406 91. ‘The Gokyogoku Regent and Former Chancellor (Fujiwara no Yoshisune) 409 . Sanuki of Non 412 98. The Kamakura Minister of the Right (Minamoto no Sanetomo) 415 Sees 8 94, Consultant Masatsune 418 95. Former Major Archbishop Jien 421 96. The Former Chancellor and Lay Novice (Fujiwara no Kintsune) 424 7. Supernumerary Middle Gounselor‘Teika 427 ‘98. Tetaka of the Junior Second Rank 430 ‘99, Retired Emperor GoToba 434 100, Retired Emperor Juntoka 437 Appeprxes. ‘A. Imperial Anthologies and Exemplary Collections 443, B. One Hundred Poets: Selected Copies, Fdltions, and Commentaries 445 vores 449 crianactsx oLossany 475 piniocrarny 487 picture ceeprts 499 INDEX OF POETS AND FIRST LINES 503, sumer wypex 511 Color plates fellow page 126 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 11 seems appropriate that it should be an image of Princess Shokushi that ‘graces the cover of this work, as it was in connection with her poem that I firs Considered the idea of looking at pictorializations as evidence for a reception history of uaka. This connection occurred while I vas working on my disserta- tion on Heian period wa’ at Mukogawa Joshi Daigaku, under the direction of Professor Tokuhara Shigemi. The Mukogawa library had a stall collection of One Hundned Pots editions, which were catalogued by Professor Tokuhara and Inj students during my tenure there and it was he who fist brought this topic {to my attention and encouraged my research oft Tewas also at Mukogawa that wrote the firt version of what appears in the presemt work as a study of the history of English translations of the One Hundred Poets. In this connection 1 would like to thank the Department of English and American Literature of ‘Mukogawa in general, and Professor Honda Masthide in particular, Touched on Moronobu and his pictorialzations of the One Hundred Poets, ‘very briefly in my dissertation, a8 T touch briefiy on stein the present volume. Portions of the section on the history of ula frst appeared in article form in ‘Monumenta Nipporica, an I gratefully acknowledge permission to reprint them haere, with thanks to the editor, Dr, Michael Cooper. The topie of Hyakunin ssh pictoralizaions, however, was placed on a backucner after my retura to North America in 1987. Tt was not until a chance encounter with Professor Stephen Addiss in 1990 that I began to turn my attention to the subject again, And it was due to his encouragement that 1 presented my first paper om the topic at the Association for Asian Studies annual meeting in 1992. Further encouragement was offered by Professor Sandy Kita, and Dr. Donald Jenkins of the Portland Azt Museum. I would also like to thank Profesor Edward Kamens| for inviting me onto an AAS pancl in 1994, my paper for whieh forms part of the present work's introductory chapter, ‘While T did not pursue the topic of the poems' pictorializations steadily, 1 was fortunate to be able to teach the One Hundred Poets in seminars a number of times. I would lke to thank the institutions and students who made that pors- ble, at the University of Minnesota at Minneapolis/St. Paul; the University of California, Berkeley; and the University of British Columbia, I would also like to aie Acknooledgments ‘dtank my colleagues in the Department of Asian Studies at UBC, and especially those of tie Japanese section, for allowing me an enizonmnent in which to pur fie my researeh. ‘Thanks in this regard are also owed to the two heads of the department during this time, Professors Daniel Overmyer and Michael Duke. Nor can Tomit the department's administrative assistant, Mrs. Enid Graham, ‘shoo 1 must thank for the countless ways she made my academic life at UBC “casicr, despite my unreasonable requests and unconventional methods ‘As wll become apparent in the reading, this study would Iuave been all but, imposible if not for the extremely generous cooperation and assistance of ‘Atomi Gakuen Tank Daigaku Toshokan, with their unsurpassed collection of Pakunin Fah materials. ! would like to thank in particular Ms. Nakai Toshie, land above all Mrs, Takahashi Mieko, for her constant assistance and kindness T would like to thank the anonymous readers contacted by the University of Hawaii Press for their eareful reading of the original manuscript—their cor Fections, queries, and suggestions have helped strengthen the final version. Professor Sharalyn Orbaugh was also kind enough to read portions of the orig: inal manuscript. T would like especially to acknowledge and thank Professor ‘Maribeth Graybill, whom T think of as my senpai, for her encouragement and fusistance not only om this particular project, but over the last decade. Robert zBhan was also of great help during the Stal manuscript preparation, ‘Others would lke to mention in thanks are Dr. James Ulak and the staff of the Av lostitute of Chicago, Messieurs David Caplan, Komatsu Shigemt, Maruyama Nobuhiko, Matsubsra Shigera, Nagasaki Iwao, and Tokugawa Yoshi. nobu, and Professors Akiyama Terukazu, Amano Shiro, Sonja Arntzen, Ti Haruki, Theda Shinobu, Kobayashi Tadashi, Peter Kornicki, Kuwabara Hiroshi, Earl Miner, Gene Prillips, Tom Rimer, Paul Schalow, Uchida Kinzo, Yoshida Koichi, and Yoshikai Naoto, Unfortunately, the listing of an individuals name there cannot be taken as an indication of his or her endorsement of the final product, and the errors that inevitably remain in the present work are my sole ‘Funding for this study was provided by the University of British Columbia (Hiss) and the Canadian Social Science and Humanities Research Council. A Japan Foundation Fellowship allowed me to go on leave and be in Japan during the final stages of manuscripe preparation. While in Japan during the 1994 1995 academic year, I benefited fron seemingly innumerable people's goodwill and asistance, some of whom have already been mentioned above. In addi tion, I would like co thank Professor Michac! Watson and Midorigawa Machiko for their hospitality and guidance, a well as the Faculty of International Studies 4 Meiji Gakuin Universi fr the use of their facilities and their support. Yam ‘ako extremely grateful to Professor Chino Kaori and the faculty of the Depart iment of Philosophy at Gakushiin University for inviting me as a Vising Researcher and providing me office space and facilites. ‘Karen Wilson has been an unfailing companion throughout, patient and ‘understanding, and Tean only apologize for the neglect that writing this book has entailed, ‘Although perhaps not as obvious, several other people have left their mask on this work, and T hope they will recognize their influence—Barbara Addnowlelgments ~ Ruch, Barbara Hermstcin Smith, Peter Steiner, and Wendy Steiner I would also like to ackrowledge an even more fundamental influence, my mother, «0 ‘whom I dedicate this book. Her interest in my work on translation history ‘encouraged mete dewlop i farther, and it ery hape thar hee ife-lang profes Sional involvement in the fashion industry, and innate sense of curosty, will ‘make other parts of the book of interest to her as well. Finally, I would Tike to thank my copy editor, Don Yoder, and, at the Uni- versity of Hawaii Press, Cheri Dunn and most especially Patricia Crosby for her ‘unflagging enthusiasm for this project, which made what seemed an endless series of daunting tasks far more manageable. A NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION: “The romanization sjstem wed in this Hook requires explanation. ll names and ties (work andl people) and moder Japanese ters ae romsn- ined according tothe sandar Hepbam transcription sytem ised in. Ke Insta’ Na japanese Engh Diconar. Te clsieal Japanese poems quoted in the teat, howeter since they are included primarily for sudentsof clas p- anete, repreent tansiteraion (not transcription) ofthe Japanese texts fave ted the Hepburn equivalents foreach kana but have kept dssintion beeen fe, we and « beeen wo and o and Beoreen wi andi; and 1 have aed for “and jh for 8. Moreover aaa teanalteration, dhe romaniea tion follows the historical speling OF words (mahi hana) rather than post 946 modernized spelings. have adopted this unnal stm fora numer of easons, but pray 1 wish to allow students o Took up words ina claial Japanese dictonary. it tne does net know that tre moder hyo today) was speed ef rather an Igo or even hyo (abo posble in lasical orthography), one wl not be able to find it in a classical dictionary. Historical spelling also tends to make thoth prot words and line counts more apparent. My concem, chen, has ben for the sadent of casi japanese rather than some mythical common render tho it going to intone Ie romanizations outloud in the hopes of “directly “Experiencing” the poemn—presumably the belief dhatundetics the inchsion of the romanized pens in modern transcription “My word division ao follons Kaniyusa: where alexeme can stand 2s an Independent word (out a i, “loiter), ie romanized ax separate word: there itcannoe, is mae part ofa compound (as in Kati when tis now Independent prefs, the Fst lee ofthe following exeme is capitalized (in oS an Shinra). In theses of york, Shi Anthology”) and ho {tendered “Commentary are treated as independent words unless par of abbreviated tie (dns iyo Shas Kokin Weka Shabu Kokinsh) THyphens are sed inthe following eases! words that have a grammatical relaionship so each other are dived, ut compoune Japanese sibrantive Pairs are hyphenated (th shoe toe but shia) Between ver i sot A Noteon Transteetion ren ye andthe conjoined verb (sn ok:mayai; to indicate pefixin a com mon, rather thaw proper noun (hs GoToba but s-mashin). fmapostophe Is tse to astngulsh between n+ and +9 sn indiate a voiced Iayngeal Between two like vowels (as GoM zuno’o);benween strings of three or more short sowels (thus Kane, but Sho ‘hiya finaly tween vowel casters hat might be mintead as dphchongs By fan English spear (thus Saskia) CHAPTER I Introduction: A Poetics of Interpretation ‘The Hyahunin Isha, or One Hundred Pots, One Poem Rach collection, is sequence of one hundred Japanese poems in the tana form, selected by the famous poct and schokaé Fujiwara no Teika (1162-1241) and arranged, at least In pant, to represent the history of Japanese poetry from the seventh century down to Teika's own day. The One Hundmed Poets is, without a doubt, the most popular and most widely known collection of pocty in Japan—a distinction it hhas maintained for hunereds of years. As such, it has had a tremendous intl fence on Japanese literaure, vishal art, and culture, both “high” and “lov.” Since at least the sixteerth century it has been the most important primer of| Classical Japanese poctry in the lank form, and it was this genre that in rurn ferved as the foundation of the other major medieval literary forms, such as linked verse (nga) and na theater. By the early modem period (1600-1868), TTeika and his One Hundmed Pods collection had come to define the dlasscal poetic tradition, The One Hundred Poets became the subject of ever more poplt lar and widely circulated commentaries, illustrations, adaptations to clothing and furnishings, parodies, and appropriations. For instance, virtually every major woodblock ukijoeartst at some time or other tied his hand at illstrar ing the entire set. Te alo became the basis of a popular card game, which in turn became a regular part of the new year festivities. Today as well, students study the poems of the One Hundred Posts in school, and many Japanese still memorize them in the context of the eard game, Moreoser, the One Hundred Poets was one of the earliest complete poetic texts to be translated into English, land since then it has sewed as a textbook for foreigners as well, leading to at least a dozen comple:e translations in English alone, A Question of Historicity "The One Hundred Poa collection is a compact history of Japanese poetry from the seventh to the midthirieenth century. Yet even when it was fist put together, in the 1230, there was confusion about the meaning of poems writ ten in earlier periods. Not surprisingly, then, Japanese poets anid scholars have been writing commentasies on the One Hundied Pots since at least the late thir | 2 Introduction teenth century and Japanese readers have long read the poetry of the One un ‘dred Poats through such commentaries. While an individual poem might take only seconds to recite, zeaders were used to analyzing and savoring every word tnd phrase, Despite the number of English translations of the One Hund Poets, however, since the beginning of the twentieth century most have inchided as ite annotaion as possible. Apparently this custom can be «raced to. belief that poetry should, and should be allowed to, “speak for itl” with- ‘out pedantic footnotes and commentaries. Regardless of the value of such an idea, no translator since the nineteenth century has provided English readers the chance to read the One Hundred Poets the Japanese do: aided by commen: aries, alerted to differing interpretations, oF informed. about the historical background. ‘Almost fy years ago, the Czech scholar FX Sada wrote: Literary history very wrongly limits itself to deseribing ony the gest of a ‘work, by which is meant its creation from the ist impses aid initiatives up ‘o its material embediment. A second and often greater and more difficult, part ofthe task awa i to deserihe how the work has changed inthe minds ‘oF those following generations who have dealt wth it, who have lived on it fe fon it, and nourished themsches on i. This s the second part of the biogra- phy of a work—and tis frequently, even usually, neglected” Ics precisely this kind of reception history of aiterary text dha i sil usual Neglected by European and Enghsh-speasing scholars of Japanese erate ‘And even in more recent studies that do atend to issues af reception, no one has questioned how receation history migh« influence fenslaon scholars sill sccm to see the text as enentally the self same over ime. Tis other words, scholars continue to work within an Ingardian phenome: ‘nological framework. Ths approach was ensconced in iterary New Criticam in the bible of the same, ented They of Luatue, by the Caech René Week and she American Austin Warren, published originally in 1942. In Pare Fos, “The Intrinsic Study of Literature,” Wellek and Warren include a chapter on ~The Mode of Existence of Literary Work of Ar.” making explicit reference to the “Polish philosopher, Roman Ingerden, [who) in an ingesious, highly technical analysis of the terary work of art, has employed the methods of Hus- sess ‘Phenomenology’ Rather than “reception,” Ingarden and his fllow phenomenologists speak of the "concretzation” of a work of art. As Felix Vodidka put it “Ingardes ... nds the souree ofthe diference in concretiz tions primarily in the schematic and indefinite nature of some strita ofthe work, while other stata maintain thei identity... He insists that the changing “oncretizations ofthe work do not wolate its identity inst nonschemati pars for otherwise the artistic esence ofthe work would be violated. Ingarden also] presupposes an ideal cnerezation that would folly realize all the eaetic {ualives ofthe work" (p. 110) In the same way, Anglouropean scholarship fn Japanese literature ha, at bes, seen posterior interpretations of a work ich fs the Gey as “reading” ofa constant, sesame text and, at worst, have cited, for insanee, Edo-period interpretations of such works a the Tas of only 0 dismiss them.*T aow of: ease in which the isue of reception has been con- Intrusion a sidered relevant to translation or been seen to challenge the essential identity of the literary work. {All this is perfectly consonant with an orientation toward literature chat views poetry either as the best thoughts great men have ever thought or as a Timeless time machine that always works the same way (when properly oper- ated), no matter in what century its button is pushed. In Archibald MacLeish’s “oltrepeated words: "A poem should not mean / But be.” “Being,” of course, ‘excludes interpretation: something simply is, or it isn’t® Accordingly, transla. tions of pocins are ought of as either “right” or “wrong,” and the issue of| interpretation is often not broached at all. This is not to say that most tanslae tors are unaware of interpretive controversy; rather, they seem to beliewe chat their primary obligation, as translators, is to provide a text through which the reader can intuit the unchanging structure of the work. "The poems that Teika anthologized date froma at least as early 2s the sev centh century up to is own day: a span of some five hundred years. This collec- tion, as noted, has long been popular as 2 textbook, and thus the poems can be. treated individually and interpreted according to the most recent kuowledge of their original contexts. The Hyakunin shu Zen Yahuchi, or The One Hundred Poets, One Paem Bach Collection, Compltly Translated [into Moder Japanese] and Annotated, edited by Ariyoshi Tamotsu, for instance, exemplifies the textbook approach to the One Hinde Poets! Aryoshi uses as his base text the oldest fxn mamsctpe copy of the One Handed Pcs copied by Gyoko (1301- 1455), the grandson of the Nijd poetic school adherent Ion’, and owned by the Imperial Household Agency. But the One Hunded Pots has undergone some changes during its transmission from Teika’s day. For instance, inthe case Of the poem by Murasaki Shikibu (Poem 57), Ariyoshi gives the poem as it is ‘writen in the Gyoko manuscript but notes that this poem is included in the ‘ShinKokinsha, the Nishida Shit and the Murasaki Shikibu Shi, all works edited by “Teika; and in each ofthese, as well asin other copies of the One Flundred Posts «auch as the On Shi of 1406, the wording slightly but significantly different. In other words, the poem as it appears in the Gyoko manuscript, while it may reflect the way Gyaka knew the poem, probably does not reflect either the poem as Murasaki Shikibu its author, wrote it nor as Tika, the compiler of the ‘One Hundred Poos collection, knew it. Accordingly, some Japanese editors femend their base text. In contrast to Ariyoshi, for instance, Shisazu Tadao offers an edition of the One Hundvd Poets that is based on the oldest extant printed version, the Soar-bon, but emended to reflect his conclusions about hhow Teika designed the work Some Anglo-American translators have accepted the necessity for such cemendation, presumably becatse its also understood to be in accord withthe poet's original intent—that is, what, in the preceding example, Murasaki Shikibu herself meant. Yer they seem unwilling to apply the same principle when Teika’s reading of a poem is no longer accepted as correet by modern Scholars. In fact, the most recent American translator of the One Flundied Poets dispenses with any actal text at all ut relies on a viual one: he draws his text of the individual poems from the original imperial anthologies from which TTeika collected them, rather tan any extant copy of the One Hundned Poes 4 Induction self, and translates them according to the best modern information of their ‘meaning at their Gime of composition, whether Teika seems to have read them in the same fashion or not The One Hundred Poets in his case, exists only as an ‘excuse to collec together one hundred particular poems from various imperial anthologies, and the translators interpretation of the whole reflets the histor ical understanding of no period but his own, In contrast to the standard approach, this book attempts to present, and represent, what Louis Montrose has called “the historieity of texs”—that is, “the ealaral specifiy, the social embedlment, of all modes of writing” and, 1 ‘wotild add, all modes of reading.” Such an approach, however, still remains within the’ eirele of what T would call “the conceit of the modern,” puns intended. In other words, the reception history I have just outlined remains Positvstie albeit plural: we know what Murasaki Shikibu actually intended, and wwe know that Teika got it wrong.!® But Montrose also draws our attention t0 what he calls “the textuality of history” the idea, “firs, that we can have no ‘access to a Full and authentic past, a lived material existence, unmediated by the surviving textual traces ofthe society im question —traces whose survival We ‘cannot assume to be merely consingent but must rather presume 10 be at least partially consequent upon complex and subde social processes of preservation and effacement; ancl secondly, thar those textual traces are themselves subject to subsequent textual mediations when they are construed as ‘documents’ "upon whieh historians ground theit own texts, called “histories"” (p.20) Im other words, not only should we recognize that the surMval Of texts such a8 the One undnd Pots is not “merely contingent” but must be "at least partially consequent upon complex and subtle social processes of preservation And effacement” which we should try to reveal and explain, but we must also recognize that the very effort to reveal and explain these process is histori cally mediated and every bit as muel “consequent upon” the very sme kind of social processes” of our own time. Objectivity, in other is not available to us. Our readings and our intexpretar sions remain just that—readings and interpretations—and while we may avail ‘ourselves of the work of our predecessors, that is no reason to believe our results wll be any more correct. While many argue the necessity of appreciat- ing the historicity of the past, fewer seem willing to consider the historicity of the present. Sach a perspective is, however, essential, To quote Montrase again: Integral to... project of historical criticism mast be a realization and acknowledgement that our analyes and our understandings necessarily pro- ceed from our own historically, socially and institutionally shaped vantage points thatthe histories we reconstruct are the textual constructs of eiics ‘who are, oursches, historical subjects If scholarship actively constracts and Aelimits its object of study, ane if the scholar is historically positioned vies that object, it follows thatthe quest of an older historical eiicsm to reeover meanings that ate in any final or absolute sense authentic, correct, and com ple is illusory. Thus, the practice of a new historial criticism invites sheto ‘al strategies by which to foreground the consciutive acts of textuality that tuaditional modes of literary history [and, I would argue, randation] efface Introduction 5 lor misrecognize. It also necessitates efforts to histoicize the present aswell as the past and to historicize the dialetic between them—those reiprocalbis- torical pressures by which the past has shaped the present and the present reshapes the pat. [pp. 25-24) ‘To exemplify this issue, I want to consider a bold and recent reading of the work of Murasaki Shikibu that appears in a book called Murasaki hibibu no Mes- sogi by Komashaku Kimi, a scholar of modern Japanese literature and an ‘openly lesbian feminist Tn one section of this work, Komashaku asserts; “Murasaki Shikibu wa dosei mi ai o kanjte it," which one might provisionally ‘wanslate as "Murasaki Shikibu experienced love homosexual.” Komashaku’s thesis has been met with stony silence by Japanese scholars of classical liters ture. One suspects that many of them found Komashaku’s interpretation the ‘most egregious example of the ahisiorical and anachronistic application of a new “discourse” and modern concerns toa classical text, Komashaku draws particular attention to Murasaki Shikibu's relationship ‘with another lady-in‘waiting, her roommate KoShash6. Here is one exchange ‘of poems between them 1 was writing a reply toa letter sent by Lady Koshéshs from home, when sud- nly it clouded over with the autumn rains—the mesenger too was in Jhurry, “And the sky too looks lke is unsetled again!” T wrote, and it must hhave been, bocause Ladded some chumsy poem and later, when it had become dark, the messenger returned with this, written on dark purple paper with « graduated cloudpatters ume nab Like che clouds withouta break nagamurs sora mo gaze at the sky that has Jab rashs grown dark— Sani sinabur hhow should tbe the aueomn rains shige naruran ‘eat let fll eats oF longing? [Not remembering ever what I may have written, I replied: ota no While there may be breaks shigue no sora ha in the cloud in the sky of the seasonal Ihumnma odo ‘autumn rains, ‘nagemur sod 20 there is never a break to dry eal mama maki the sleeves of she who gazes out What is particularly intriguing about the example of Komashaku reading ‘Murasaki Shikibu is that it can be shown to be so clearly a product of its time and place. The best proof of this is the English translation of the Murasaki ‘Shiki Nikki and Shi published by Richard Bowring. Despite considering in great detail almost every other aspect of this work—whether Murssaki Shikibu Ihad an erate relationship with Michinaga, her atinude toward religious retire- ‘ment and Iife at court, and more—Bowring does not for one minute suggest there might be anything erotic in the exchange of poetry between two ‘women. This s not to blame Bowring, really—Bonnie Zimmerman complains 6 Introduction of the same blindness among feminists, inchuding earlier work by Elaine Show- alter. eis simply to point out how our preconceptions make certain intespre- live posibilities invisible tons. In fac, the case of lesbian criticism is an exemplary instance of what one ‘might call “blindness and insight.” This is because the blindness to lesbian interpretations of texts has also encailed denial—an explaining away of the sim- plest interpretation ofa text in favor ofa more complicated, bus heterosexvally normative, reading, This tendency to explain away can be seen in the following. dlscussion by Edvard Kamens about another Heian period exchange of poetry Detween two women in “The Collected Poems of the Great Kamo Priestess” or DaiSai tn GyoShits ‘The huolagati of poem 89 in Dasain ahi introducesit as one Senshi sent to ‘an absent attendant, "Kodaifu,” on 2 night when a bright moon was intermit- fently obscured by clouds (suki no kumar’ harezumi suru hada wi), and hence mnable to full its most conventional wake ole, that of nocturnal companion: Ieumogaure saya ni mon tub hag nt ‘machin aac ito 20 hiss ‘The moon obscured by clouds (humogakare..) sheds light (sult Rage) that barely allows the poemspeaker to see into the night (sayaka ni mien, 1 can- not see it [the moon] clearly"); nevertheless, she peers into the darkness, \walung for the reappearance of whe moon from behind the clouds, then go ng up in impatience, then looking out in hope again (onackiné motazumi, ‘waiting, dhen not waiting”). Similarly, she waite anxiously for che reaurn of the absent Kodaif, yearning for her companionship (ito 2 eishih} a much as or perhaps even more than for that of the unhelpful moon. The justaposi: tion of similar constriction in the hitabagahi (humor resi, “the m2008 clouding over, and not clearing”) in the seting ofthe scene accentuates the sense of the discomfinure of the moment and the reflexive relationship between the moon, here a failed companion, and Kodaifu,an absent one.'* Lec, in passing, note the similarity of phrasing between this poem and the one bby Murasaki Shikibu in the One Hundred Poets, also addressed to a woman, with the shared expressions kumogakur and tnuksAage, 28 wel s Ute semantic similar- ity of mishiya (did Tsee iC") and sayaka mi mony ("1 cannot see it clearly") Kamens follows this poem with another example from the DuiSai In Gyasaie ‘On another night, one on which the full moon shone in allt splendor (tsuki ro kumanati akaki ni), another absent attendant, “Taf,” was sent this poem by her colleague “Ukon” (Daisatin gosh no, 121) kor suo ai no took dans nakariseha ‘nani a ube no nagusame ni sem ‘Were there nota least this autumn moon dha cals the heart, what would be my solace i this sad ie? Intrdvcton a =a suggesion that, in Taifu’s absence, the luminous soon wil serve amply substitute and solacing companion... Tif's response (Datsain gach no, 128) to Ulon is claim to the sume moon as her own substinute companion: axe nisou mugura no tka mo hile mo ‘suk yori oka no nagusame 2 nak For on: who [also] sleeps alone on a windblown pallet of gras, there is no solace other than the moon. (pp- 38-34] And itshere that Kamens remarks that “the unistakably erotic subtext of this exchange i par ofits poese character: the two women are paying vi images find sentiments hat, fancier cone, would readily be read as expla woes of sexual desire” (p34, emphasis added), ‘As scholan and members of ou soceyy we have of course Deen tained either to ignore that be ind to) or deny thats expln say wit would appear to'be homonextaly. Yee there is increasing evidence that eral samne~ Sex erotic elatonships were hardly unknown st the Kamo Shrine inthe Heian Period Tes orly thank to ose present plial und intelleenal moment that ‘ne ate able toe," thats, conde, thes test as homoerotic, Indeed, sch Feadingvre pa ofa groning end to explore the possibly ofan etc inte preation of ove poems writen beneeen women, trend that ranges from con, ideration of prcme writen to singing girl bythe Ming period “yenty wile” Sic” tobtcie20" to he adapeons of Tore by the enieenth entry pcan ‘Romashaks' interpretation comes inno small part from her own sexual identi and her discussion of Murals Shikibu's d'or ‘homosexual Jove. is punctuated by references (othe eurrent state of women's rights in Japan and the cntren ight of sexs minorities” in the es ofthe world In fac, Komashakw's very conception of *homoxenuaiy” owes much, suspect, to the definition of Adrienne Rich and Rich's idea ofa “lesbian continu that frees definition fom the phalloerase genital Satin Abo aly 2 Stesbian” interpretation problematizes the ‘ery definitions. of “lesbia,> “homoresval” "homosocal,” diva, indeed the very terms “sexual” and “erotic” themacves. The ite is really what we—now,today-—mean by these cerns Is this erotic poetry, oF were the terms of erotic pocty the nly ones available to poet, evento expres fendship? One does not, then, apply new “rivcal diaeounes” to classical texts rather, one applies them to anes own understanding ofthe work. In away, the “clanice™ o embody what Nicola Hartmann has called “das Sichenbleben des Monumental,” or the “stand sill of the monimental” This is not o champion what Vodka Ives ae thetie dogmatism.” which “has sought eternal and constant aesthetic vals in 4 work oF has conceived the history of reception as. path toward a definitive and comect understanding” (pp. 107-108). Rates, tis to suggest that the Glas serves av an Other by which we measure our oon eflecton, Cases remain vibrant only it we continue to “deautomatze” ay Sada pus it the “conctetiations propagated in schools and popular handbooks” (Wedika,p. 198), Sada comends that boredom with autonatized coneretizations ts ihe 8 Introduction Initiative for new coneretizations; Voditka argues thatthe initiative lies in “the needs of new literary movements” (p. 120), what he ealls “the contemporary evelopment of the literary norm” (p. 130). Today we are further avay from these artforarrssake orientations, and there isan increasing tendency to see literature and canonization as part ofa system that has helped to perpetate dominant ideologies, raral, sexual, and colonial. Accepting that all scholar Ship is ideological, scholars and translators of Japanese literature may find themselves echoing Montrose’s words: "By choosing to foregroured in my read- ings of Shakespeare or Spenser such issues as the politics of gender, the com testaion of cultural constraints, the social instrumentality of writing and playing, Tam not only engaged in our necessary and continuous reinvention of Elizabethan culture but Iam also endeavoring to make that engagement participate inthe reformation of our own" (p. 30). ANew Approach Writers and artists of Japan’s medieval, early modern, and modern perk ods too were engaged in a “necessary and continuous reinvention” of the “classical” past of the Heian coust, and those engagements were crucial to the reformation of their own culture and time. Its the traces of these engage- ments, particularly with the canonical text of the canonical genre par excel lence—the One Hundred Poa-—that | attempt to lima in Part Two ofthis work, ‘The evidence for such engagements is various, and T have eschewed any toa izing or narrative interpretation of the poems themselves or the commentar- ies, both verbal and visual, that surround them. Each of the One Hundred Poats poems is presented in a romanization of its historical spelling (kyi-kanazuai) in the forim thatthe bestevidence suggests Teika established for it this version is paired with 2 transition into English (he principles of which wil be elabo- rated shorty). Listed top are the imperial collection (chokusen shi) in which the poem was fist anthelogized, as well as other exemplary collections (shuka shi), by Teika and others, in which it appeared. This strategy allows the reader to see when the poem was first canonized (some poems were selected shortly after they were written, athers not for hundreds of years) and how often it was presented as an exemplary composition, especially by Teika in the numerous {caching collections he assembled over his lifetime. This information gives us an idea why a particular poem appealed to readers of a particular time. More- ‘over, as both imperial and exemplary collections were organized by themes, the placement of the pcem in different contexts provides important clues as {to how the poem was interpreted by ils anthologizer. (For instance, was it read as a love poem or a8 a seasonal poem? Was it read as a poem of early or late winter?) The poem is followed by a brief biography ofits putative author. While the ‘evidence (discussed in Fart One) suggests that Teka chose the poems of the ‘One Hundred Posts for their value as inevidual poems, and not as representative ‘ofa poet's entire oeuvre, the image of the poet “behind” the verse was always imporcant to Japanese readers, Brief biographies ofthe poet's genealogy (that is, aristocratic pedigree), rank achieved, and oflices held appear as early as the Intrusion ? Satakebon Imaginary Portraits of the ThistySix Immortal Poets (Sanjieabhasee}, pro ‘duced in Teika’s lifetime. In the Heian and Kamakura periods, court status and poetic accomplishment were understood to be mutually reinforcing and were rarely considered divorced from each other® Likewise in the early modern Edo period, there was a renewed attention to lineage, as those aewly come 10 power attempted to justify and consolidate their position a8 well as to inbibit the social mobility they themselves had benefited from. ‘With the biographical sketch of the poets Ihave also included information on how many of their poems were chosen for imperial anthologies and froin ‘what date, Like the information on when and where each One Hundred Poets poem was anthologized, knowing the relative number of poems by a particular [poet selected for imperial anthologies can give us some idea of his or her rep- tation over the years. This in turn indicates whether Teika's selection ofthe poet was conventional or must be explained asthe result of Teika’s idiosyncratic taste for some particular needs of the One Hundred Poas collection itself. Itis in the commentaries to the One Hundred Pots, of course, that we find ‘the most specific information on how the individual poems have been inter preted over the centuries. The exegetical uadition behind the One Hundred Poets is long and verbose, and an annotated translation could easily run to a thousand pages. Nor all this commentary seems of particular interest, however, and even less of it may seem pestinent to someone reading in translation. 1 have attempted to sharpen the focus of the commentary by concentrating on four points: what modem scholars believe the poem meant when it was first composed; what modern scholars believe Teika thought the poem meant major interpretive differences that appeared in the Muromachi (1338-1575) and Edo (to 1858) periods; and finally any interpretations that seem to be reflected in extant pietorializations of the poems. Notice should perhaps be given about what is not provided in the section fon the comiencaties: the reader will not find what are known as “close read- ings"—the hallmark of New Criticism, the formalstic ertical approach that held sway virtually unchallenged in North American colleges and universities after World War IL As suggested earlier, texts were both dehistoricized and {depolitcized, while attention was paid to their intrinsic formal features, which were helieved to be primarily responsible for a literary text's greatness, This

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