INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON AFRICAN CONSTITUTIONS Bologna, November 26"-27", 1998 acura di Valeria Piergigli e Irma Taddia G. Giappichelli Editore — TorinoLiutana Mosca THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF THE THIRD. MALAGASY REPUBLIC: IS IT ALREADY A TRANSITION? Sunarany: 1. Historical Background, ~2. The Third Malagasy Republic. ~3. The Federal» Re- ferendwm of 1998, |1 i it 298 LILIANA MOSCA became more intense in June as a consequence of the attempt by President Ratsiraka to have the National Assembly approve (on May 28", 1991) the draft of a constitutional law partially revising a few articles of the constitution of 1975. The population, which by this point in time considered the socialist constitution as the Walls of Jerico ", interpreted the gesture by Ratsiraka as a challenge and demanded the resignation of the President and a new provi- sional government. In July, as the protests by the people increased, Ratsiraka accepted the invi- tation by the Ecumenical Council of Christian Churches to open a phase of dialogue. Representatives of the Militant Movement for Malagasy Socialism (MMSM) (the pariy pro-Ratsiraka}, of the Lively Forces and of the sane Ecu- menical Council took part in the meeting which aimed at finding a solution to the political crisis, by resorting to a national «Forum» ?. ‘The events were precipitated, however, on July 16%, by the decision of the opposition to create a transitional government of which a retired general, Justin Rakotoharison, was President and Albert Zafy, Prime Minister. In an extreme attempt to sedate the political protest and to impede its rad- icalization, on July 23, Ratsiraka made recourse to the state of emergency, re- introduced censure and forbade public gatherings, On July 28%, the President announced the resignation of the government and announced its intention to hold a constitutional referendum by the end of the yeat. The Lively Forces replied negatively to the presidential initiative, and they refused as well the invitation of the new Prime Minister (nominated on August 8), Guy Razanamasy, to enter the government. ‘Two days later, on August 10", the Lively Forces organized a «march for freedom® on the presidential residence in Tavoloha demanding his resignation. The presidential guard, perhaps intimidated by the large crowd, about 400.000 people, suddenly charged and fired on the peaceful and unarmed population, killing and injuring many demonstrators. The estimate of the dead and wound- ed was never released Throughout September and October the opposition, albeit divided", con- tinued to organize demonstrations and strikes. On his part, Ratsiraka, con- 8 AR Rassona, ‘Constitution ..., 26, 'F, Rason-Journe, ‘Une transition .., 7. © X. Prine, ‘Les nouvelles..." 120 Sider. Thete was a scission within the Lively Forces as the transitional goverment was sworn in, which gave birth to the Lively Forces Rabearivelo,by President 991) the draft onstitution of 1 the socialist Ratsiraka asa a new provi- ped the invi- cn a phase of asy Socialism he same Ecu- za solution to lecision of the general, Justin npede its rad- emergency, Fe- © government im by the end atial initiative, er (nominated [a «march for is resignation. about 400.000 ed population, id and wound- livided ", con- tatsiraka, con- ment was sworn ‘MALAGASY REPUBLIC: IS IT ALREADY A TRANSITION? 299 fiding on the help of the provinces which had proclaimed themselves feder- al states ® as of August 16", did not tender his resignation, ‘On October 315, the opposition and the government signed a protocol of political agreement to solve the crisis, through the mediation of the Ecumeni- cal Council of Christian Churches. The protocol was known as the «Panora- ma Convention». ‘The agreement foresaw the creation of a High Authority for the State (HAE) whose charge was to implement all necessary instruments for the birth of the Third Republic. 2. THE THIRD MALAGasy RepuBLic ‘The new constitution resulted from the thoughts and proposals within, at first, the regional Forum and at a later stage a national Forum, under the super- vision of an ad boc Committee. The final word on the new constitution was spoken by the people called by a referendum held on August 194, 1992, The new constitution was approved by 76% of the Malagasy population and pro: mulgated on September 18", 1992. ‘The new constitution sanctioned the birth of a parliamentary-type regime and banished all revolutionary content typical of the socialist constitution of 1975. Madagascar, then, follows the trend of those years of which I spoke eaeli ex, It recognizes the fracture which took place in many states not only in the African continent, with presidential regimes of the strong kind”. ‘The constitution of 1992 expressively recalls in its Preamble the cultural and spiritual values of the Malagasy people and further recognizes a God cre- ator when it says «Le Peuple Malagasy souverain profondément attaché ses valeurs cul- turelles et spirituelles, notamment au Fihavanana garant de l'unité nationale, affirme sa croyance en l'existence de Dieu créateur ... Déclare ...». 'S Five provinces out of six, joined the federalist Movement. The exception being Antana ” Idem, 121. ® Cit. Capour, ‘La constitution ...’, 59; AR. Raiaona, ‘Constitution . 2 X. Prmpre, ‘Les nouvelles .., 126-127, Repunuigue DE Mabacascan, Constitution de la République de Madagascar, in «Gazetim- Panjlan'ay Repoblikan i Madagesikara» 21 septambra 1992, 2196, 71300 LILIANA MOSCA. The direct, two turns presidential election held by universal suffrage (November 1992-February 1993) marked the birth of the institutional struc- ture provided for by the new constitution. This process, however, has not been completed yet, causing no little dis- appointment among those who had hoped for the political change and most- ly among those who have been hoping for a change in the socio-economic sit- uation of the nation, ‘The presidential candidate for the Lively Forces, Albert Zafy, non relative- ly easily over the ex President, Didier Ratsiraka on the second electoral turn held on February 10%, 1993 ®. On June 16*, 1993, the elections to the National Assembly were held amidst the dissatisfaction of a large segment of the population. The results in fact did not attribute the majority to any one party, ‘The political life of the new born Third Republic was thus marked from its inception by a manifest instability and confusion both of which increased as time went by. The country suffered, in fact, from an excessive multipartitism flanked by a chronic disfunction of the governmental branches”. “The life of the country was affected by great uncestainty mostly due to a question of constitutional nature, ie. the relationship between the President of the Republic, elected by direct universal suffrage for five years, and the Prime ‘Minister appointed by the Netional Assembly to whom he is responsible *, President Zaly, who immediately attributed himself powers not granted to him by the constitution, decided to put an end to this anomalous situation, by presenting a proposal of constitutional revision and to that end he called for a referendum on September 17%, 1995. The electorate, albeit with a strong abstention, tured out to vote and 40% of it voted in favor of the constitutional revision. However the constitutional. revision produced a negative effect on the Malagasy parliamentary regime, It was no longer the National Assembly to designate the Prime Minister but rather the President of the Republic, who had been granted the power to appoint and dismiss”. ® Ca. Capous, ‘La constitution. 64. 2 Tcis important to remember tat the National Assembly was suspended in December 1991 and was formally dismissed in February 1992: the deputies to be elected were 138. The party ‘of President Zaly along with the partes who sustain him obtained 75 seats, ® AR, RqAona, ‘Constitution ...', 82 and 85; Cit. CaDoux, ‘Les années 1990 ..", 594 % Ci. Capoux, ‘La constitution ...., 62-65; AR, Raysona, ‘Constitution ..', 71-72; X. Pranspre, “Les nouvelles ...", 129-130; Ci. Capoux, ‘Les années 1990 ...', 594595. ® Cu. Canoux, ‘Les années 1990 ...”, 595. On the constitutional significance of the refer:rsal suffrage itional struc- no little dis- ge and most- economic sit non relative- slectoral turn cheld amidst Its in fact did ked from its ) increased as m flanked by sly due to a e President of ind the Prime ponsible”, jot granted to s situation, by he called for vote and 40% constitutional ary regime. It sterbut rather er to appoint \ December 199% 2138. The party [MALAGASY REPUBLIC: IS IT ALREADY A ‘TRANSITION? 301 The constitutional referendum of September 17%, 1995, produced even greater effects on the institutional lie of the Malagasy Third Republic. It acwu: ally sanctioned the end of it without having had a chance to improve the insti- tutions *8, In the months that followed there was an ever increasingly cruel battle between the executive power, the President of the Republic, and the legislative branch, the National Assembly” until che final breaking point among the two partes with the request, on July 1996, by deputies of several parties to dismiss the President”. The request to impeach, regulated by article 50 of the constitution *, was accepted by the High Constitutional Court on September 6", 1996. The dismissal of Zafy provoked the immediate institution of an interim lead by Prime Minister Robert Ratsirahonana, while preparation for a new presi- dential election got underway. While the elections were easily foreseeable, few expected to find among the candidates in the presidential election race, ex president Didier Ratisraka. Even more surprising, notwithstanding his clearly stated intention to change the regime were he to be elected, he was indeed elected the highest magistrate of the nation *. The presidential elections that marked the triumphal return of Ratsiraka to Reruatigue pe Mapacascan, Constitution de la République de Madagascar, 2198; AR. Rajaon, ‘Constitution .', 72. 2 TM, Rasovonsatovo, ‘Empeachment du Président de la République: vers un decision controversée’, Revue de FOctan Indien, n. 158 (Septembre 1966), 45; M. ANDRINARIMANANA, Rideaus de fumée ... 8. Te might be worth mentioning that on this cecasion in Madagascar the events developed differently from other countries in Africa and elsewhere. In Madagascar, in fact, there was no coup d’Etat to remove the president, but rather the constitutionally provided for remedy was followed. » N. Razariwannnany, ‘Didier Resiaka: le rétour’, Revue de Océan Indien, n. 164 (Févt er 1997), 45.302 LILIANA MOSCA the head of Madagascar, held on November 3, 1996 and December 2, 1996, are worth reflecting ™, Firstly, it was the first time that in an electoral campaign all the candidates ~ fifteen of them at first, narrowed down to the two ex presidents Zafy and Rat- siraka ~ had made use of technology and modernity. All fifteen candidates, in fact, resorted to distributing gadgets, bllposting, and travelling from one corner to the other of the nation by aereoplanes, helicopters, and automobiles. Most importantly all of them made large use of the media, both the press and the tele- vision, Secondly, the polls favored the only two candidates who had access to a well trained apparatus, Ratsiraka, in fact, disposed of his party, the AREMA, which had never been disbanded not even after the defeat of 1993, and Zaly could count on the Lively Forces Thirdly and most relevantly, the election results showed a high percentage of abstensionists : 50.34%. Furthermore, the provinces voted by ethnic crite- ria and, while the cities voted overwhelmingly for Ratsiraka the rural areas sus- tained Zafy??” The return to power of Ratsiraka was not however one without problems. He had, in fact, to honor nor only the promises made during the electoral cam- paign ™ but also deal with a constitution which had not yet been fully imple- ‘mented, such as the Senate, the new Constitutional Court or the creation of the territorial communities, towns, counties and regions”. > ‘Admiral’s revenge’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, 0, 740 (9 November 1966), » IE you've got it’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 737 (19 October 1996), 2; ‘Campaign echoes’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter n. 738 (26 October 1996), 2; Christian Cabrel’ idem, 8; ‘Last-minute manoeuvres’, The Indian Ocean Newsliter, 0.739 (2 November 1996), 2: ‘De- bauche de mosens pour cesultants mitigés', Revue de POetun Indien, n, 161 (Novembre 1996), 5M, AnpataNanioanana, ‘Election présidentille: Vindécence’, La Letie Mensualle de Jureco, 2, 119 (Novernbre 1996), 89. 26 N, Razarmanpiny, ‘Les jeux sont presque fits’, Revue de POeéen Indien, 0, 162 (De- ‘cembre 1996), 6; M. ANDRIANARINANANS, ‘Apr8s kes promestes ... & Yaction’, La Lettre Mem suelle de Jureco, n. 122 (Pésties 1997), 9. » Admiral’s revenge (see supra note 34); Ci, CADOUX, “Les unnées 1990 .., 98-599; ‘Die dlier Ratsiraka et Albert Zaly: cest presque gagné’, Revue de FOcéan Indien, n. 161 (Novembre 1996), 4-5; N. Razariwanpimsy, ‘Second wour du serutin présidentiel: toujours le suspense’, Re- tue de POoan Indien n. 163 Janvier 1997), 4-5; M. ANDRIANARINANAKA, ‘La majorité, une mat tinal’, La Lettre Mensuelle de Jurec,n. 121 (Pévrier 1987), 8-9; Io, "Le renoveat n'est pas pour demain ou... quatre raisons de douter’, La Lettre Mensuelle de Jurec, n. 123 (Mars 1997), 89. 1M, AxpatawaninaNaN, ‘Aprés les promesses ..’, 89, » Cit. CaDour, ‘Les années 1990 ..”, 599.600; JM. RasoLowsarovo, ‘L’Avenement de la ‘Quatrigme République’, Revue de fede Indien, n. 165 (Mars 1997), 6.ber 29", 1996, oc candidates — Zafy and Rat- candidates, in om one corner mobiles. Most ss and the tele ad access to @ , the AREMA, 1993, and Zafy igh percentage sy ethnic crite- sural areas sus- rout problems. electoral cam- en fully imple- the creation of +1966), 1. 96), 2; ‘Campaign n Cabral, ide, 8; per 1996), 2; ‘De- (Novembre 1996), ensuelle de Jureco, ndien, w, 162 (De+ 2’, La Letire Mens- |, 598-5995 ‘Dir 1. 161 (Novembre rs fe suspense’, Re- ‘majorité, une mare vou n'est pas pour (Mars 1997), 89. LAvenement de la -MALAGASY REPUBLIC: IS IT ALREADY A TRANSITION? 303 It is apparent to all, politicians, the business community and the popula- tion in general, that Ratsiraka had no intention to implement those provisions of the constitution which were yet to be implemented, So much so that at the time he announced his candidacy to the presidency of the republic he expressed himself in favor of a move towards an humanitarian and environmental repub- lic®, 3, THE «FEDERAL» REFERENDUM OF 1998. During the months following his investiture, the President repeated on sev- eral public occasions that he intended to revise the constitution and his inten- tion to submit two constitutional provisions. The first in view of the creation of a unitary decentralized state, the second to implement a federal state. The possibility that revisions to the constitution could indeed occus, gave rise to a strong opposition among several segments of society, such as the case of the Ecumenical council of the Christian Churches. The strongest opposition devel- ‘oped, however, within the National Assembly which feelt that the power to revise the constitution was solely attributed to it. The creation of a national bilateral committee with advisory powers is not sufficient to reconcile the two parties“. On the contrary, between the end of 1997 and the beginning of 1998 the situation precipitated when a few deputies requested the impeach- ment of the President, accused of constitutional fraud, perjury and other crimes“, Contrary to all expectations, the motion was rejected and Ratsir- © Ident, 601. As itis well known, with the revision of the Constitution of 1998, the hu ‘manitarian and Environmental Republic was instituted as the revised preamble stated: «Le tuple Malagasy Souverain ... coscient, au nom de I'humanisme, de la necesité de la récon: tion de lkomme tant avec son Créateur et ses semblables qu’avee Ia nature de son environ- rnement ainsi que de limportance exceptionelle des richesses et ressarces végetales, animales et miniéres a fortes spécifictés dont la nature a doté Madagascar et qu'l importe de préserver pour les générations futures ...». Cft. Constitution de la République de Madagascar (see supre note 4), 5 + Haggling over a referendum’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 771 (6 September 1997), 2; ‘Referendum for December’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 780 (27 September 1997), 2. ® Up acteck withouta paddle’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n.788 (23 November 1997), 1. © ‘Tmpeachment versus referendum’, The indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 797 (31 January 1998), 4: “Impeachment motion falls, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 798 (7 February 1998), 2 11, V- Pusu, TaDom (acura dl Intemational Conference304 LILIANA MOSCA. aka called for a referendum for a «federal type» constitution to be held on March 15%, 1998, ‘The Malagasy people have to answer the following question: «Do you accept the proposed constitutional revision in order to favor a harmonious develop- ment of all the regions and to promote the consolidation of national unity?», ‘The referendum results favored Ratsiraka, yet the victory was a close one. How can we explain it? Many people did not vote, and among these, a high percentage of abstentions was among the youth. This could be attributed to missing identification cards, or the acceptance of the request by the Ecumenical Council of Christian Churches and by the opposition, We must also keep in mind that the vote, contrary to the malaise with which society was embedded, did not have an ethnical basis. With the approval of the proposed revision of the constitution, attributing to the president of the Republic such prerogatives which placed him above the executive, legislative and judicial powers, the end of the Third Republic, which had began with the aforementioned referendum of September 1995, was com- pleted. The Third Republic, born with the constitution of 1992, can be con- sidered dead although the Fourth Republic has not been born yet”. On May 17%, 1998 the general legislative elections were held with a very Jow turn out. The results, however, are extremely relevant since it is the exact opposite of the referendum results. The voters seem to have ignored the nation- al issues and have focused on local candidates. The inversion of the voting trend within the National Asscmbly, where the party of President Ratsiraka, AREMA, and the parties in favor of the government enjoy a majority, raises perplexities “*, Furthermore, the authorities have begun implementing the “4M, Anpruananmanana, ‘Référendum; que cache le volte-face presidential, Le Letire Mensuelle de Jureco, n. 133 Ganvier 1998), 10-11; "Referendum in May’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 753 (15 February 1997), 4; AR, ‘Réferendum bicephale’, Revue de !' Océan In- denn, 176 (Févrie 1998), 8; Referendum instead of general election’, The Indian Ocean Newslet- 407, 0. 757 (15 March 1997), 4; ‘Ballot system to change’, The Indian Ocears Newsletter, n, 758 (22 March 1997), 4. The «yes» were 1.524.5818 (50.96%) and the «no» were 1.467.397 (49.04%) eft. ‘Neck and neck in the ballot, in The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 804 (21 March 1998), 2; Havre Cour Constirutionsnts, Arrete di 8 Avril 1998, Article 5, 4 A, Razananioatna, ‘Un scrutin sue fond des crises’, Reowe de ! Océan Indien, n. 177 (Mars 1998), 9; Idem, ‘L'sprés 15 Mars: les protagonistes renvoyés dos & dos’, Revue de Océan Indi- em n. 178 (Avril 1998), 7-10; C.M, RasoaRaniona, ‘Les raisons de la colése sbidem, 12 J, Razary ANDuAMIKAINGO, ‘Référendum ,.,”6-8;,RR,, ‘Les dépusés deI’An 2000’, Re- ue de !Océan Indien, n.181 Gullit 1998), 7. *P. Rangeva, Quelle politique désormais?, Letire Mensuelle de Jureco,n. 138 (Juin 1998),1 to be held on «Do you accept onious develop- ational unity?». as a close one®. ng these, a high be attributed to ‘the Ecumenical ust also keep in was embedded, tion, attributing dl him above the Republic, which 1995, was com- 92, can be con- n yet 7. peld with a very ce itis the exact jored the nation- on of the voting sident Ratsirakea, : majority, raises aplementing the idential?’, La Lettre , The Indian Ocean revue de £ Océan In dian Ocean Newslet- n Newsletter, n. 758 (49.04%) eft. ‘Neck. ch 1998), 2; Haure Indien, n. 177 (Mars vue de !Océan Indi- idem, 12. fs deI’An 2000", Re. 1 n, 138 Juin 1998), MALAGASY REPUBLIC: IS IT ALREADY A TRANSITION? 305 mechanisms for the creation of autonomous provinces according to the pro- visions of the revised constitution, There is danger, however, especially if we take into consideration the large economic and social gaps among the various parts of the country, and the marginalization of the majority of the rural pop- ulation ®, that a mechanism of balkanization can be set in motion, or, as oth- cers fear, that it could turn out in utopia due to the enormous poverty of Mada- gascar™, ‘What conclusions can we draw from the constitutional evolution of Mada- sgascar in this last decade? Te has already been mentioned that the motivations behind constitutional processes are often diverse and also that the hoped for outcomes through the enacting of new constitutions often are disappointing. In the case of Madagascar however, I must say, that the malagasy political ‘game has once again departed from logic, notwithstanding the economic and social problems which afflict the nation making it precipitate more and more towards poverty especially in the rural areas. The Malagasy political Elite - notwithstanding the pressures from abroad, and albeit at times divided with- in by personal or group reasons ~ has not hesitated to postpone, when possi- ble, the general wellbeing and the progress of the population in favor of per- sonal gains and privileges. Thus mortilying once again the hopes of the peo- ple*!, 7; M, ANomawaRiMaNAna, ‘Le nouveau rapport de forces’, ibidem, 89; AR,, ‘Assemblée Na- tionale: un marriage de raison en vue’, Revue de ?’Océen Indien, n- 180 (Juin 1998), 85 Mada. sgascar: A completely new Scene’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 812 (23 May 1998), 1. © P, Raxoronson, ‘Madagascar: population de plus en plus misérable’, La Letire Menst: lle de Jureco, nn. 139-140 Gullict/Aoat, 1998), 11-12. °° M, Axpwrawazinasand, ‘L'autonomie provinciale, un nouveau mythe’, La Letire Menst elle de Jureco, n, 141 (Septembre 1998), 8.9; P. RaxoToanso4, ‘Autonomie régionale en pau vreté: situation non viable’, ibidem, 10-14; ‘Grand manoeuvres for local pickings’, The Indian Ocean Newsletter, n. 831 (31 October 1998), 7; N. RazarmanDispy, ‘Autonomic des provinces: inquires et incertitudes’, Revue de POcéan Indien, n. 184 (Octobre 1998), 7-10. > Such a realty albeit scientifically verified only i the capital Antananarivo, emerged from 1 poll held in May 1995. The interviewed affirmed to be aware of the decay in which the na Hon had been stalling, however they did not blame for it the «tate» but the men who govern it, See. M. RazarwpaaxoTo-F, Rousaun, ‘Ce qu'attendent les Tananariviens de la réforme de VEtat et de l'économie’, Politique Africaine,n. 61 (Mars 1966), 54-72306 LILIANA MOSCA Abstract Allindomani della caduta del muro di Berlino, mutamenti politico isti- tuzionali si affermano in pitt paesi del continente africano, cambiandone in maniera decisa la mappa politica, Quel «vento dell’esb» si avverte anche nelle {sole al largo della costa orientale dell’ Africa, ad esempio nel Madagascar, dove a partire dalla fine degli anni '80 si determina una spaccatura tra quanti sono favorevoli ad una semplice revisione della Costituzione vigente dal 1975 e quan- ti, invece, sono per Padozione di una nuova Costituzione, I principale interprete dello scontento popolare, nonostante il ritorno al multipartitismo, &il Consiglio Ecumenico delle Chiese Cristiane (FFKM), sotto la cui spinta nasce un fronte comune informale, che prende il nome di Hery Velona (Forze Vive). Le «Forze Vive» lanciano una campagna di disobbedienza civile ¢ nel luglio 1991 il Presidente Ratsitaka accoglie la richiesta di trovare una soluzione alla ctisi politica, utilizzando lo strumento di un «Forum» nazionale. Gi eventi precipitano e dal luglio fino al mese di ottobre 1991 il paese & percorso da un succedersi di manifestazioni di piazza, scontri tra forze armate € popolo, La svolta avviene il 31 ottobre 1991, quando governo ed opposizione firmano un protocollo di accordo politico, noto come «Convenzione di panora- ma», che prevede la creazione di un’Alta Autoriti dello Stato (HAE) con il compito di porre in essere tutti gli strumenti necessari alla nascita della Terza Repubblica, La nuova Costituzione, che entra in vigore il 18 settembre 1992, sancisce la nascita di un regime di tipo parlamentare e bandisce tutti i con- tenuti di carattere rivoluzionario propri della Costituzione socialista del 1975, Le elezioni presidenziali a suffsagio universale e diretto si svolgono in due turni: il 15 novembre 1992 ¢ il 10 febbraio 1993 segnano Pinizio della nascita delle strutture istituzionali previste dalla nuova Carta costituzionale. Il 16 giu- gno 1995 si tengono le elezioni per I’Assemblea nazionale, ma nessun partito ottiene la maggioranza; anzi si produce un eccesso di multipartitismo, che si accompagna ad un ambiguo rapporto tra il Presidente della Repubblica ed il Primo Ministro. Un progetto di revisione costituzionale @ votato il 17 dicembre 1995. La modifica costituzionale ha perd un effetto negativo sul regime parlamentare malgascio e sulla vita istituzionale della stessa ‘Terza repubblica, in quanto ne sancisce la fine. Nei mesi che seguono si assiste ad una lotta sempre pitt aspra tra il potere esecutivo ¢ quello legislativo, fino alla rottura con richiesta di impeachment del Presidente. Le nuove elezioni presidenziali a doppio turno segnano il ritorno di Ratsiraka alla guida del Madagascar; per il marzo 1998 egli indice un referendum per una Costituzione di tipo federale.i politico-isti mbiandone in te anche nelle Jagascar, dove a quanti sono 1 1975 e quan- ¢ il ritorno al FFKM), sotto nome di Hery disobbedienza esta di trovare un «Forum» 991 il pacse & a forze armate xd opposizione one di panora- (HAE) con il ita della Terza stembre 1992, sce tutti i con- alista del 1975. yolgono in due io della nascita male. Il 16 giu- nessun partito rtitismo, che si epublica ed il mbre 1995, La > parlamentare 1, in quanto ne pre pitt aspra on tichiesta di « doppio turno il marzo 1998 MALAGASY REPUBLIC: IS IT ALREADY A TRANSITION? 307 Con l'approvazione del progetto di revisione costituzionale, che attribuisce al Presidente della repubblica prerogative che lo pongono al di sopra del potere esecutivo, legislativo ¢ giudiziario, lo smantellamento della Terza Repubblica ha fine, anche se la Quarta Repubblica ufficialmente non & ancora nata Quale conclusione si pud trarre dalle vicissitudini costituzionali del Mada- gascar nel corso di questo decennio? Allinizio si accennato che i motivi alle otigini dei processi costituzionali sono spesso di diversa natura ed altrest che i risultati sperati con ladozione delle nuove Costituzioni o delle modifiche introdotte in quelli esistenti sono talora deludenti. Nel caso del Madagascar si deve dire che il gioco politico malgascio ancora una volta si @ allontanato da ogni logica, nonostante i rilevanti problemi socio-economici di cui soffre il pacse ¢ che lo fanno sempre piti precipitare nella poverti, soprattutto nelle campagne. La classe politica malgascia, per quanto immanenti possano essere i condizionamenti di natura esterna e ancorché talora risulti divisa per conflitt di natura personale o per interessi di gruppo, non ha esitato ad anteporre, quando possibile, i suoi privilegi al bene generale ed al progresso del popolo, Ja cui speranza una volta di pit stata disattesa,308 vom Moconbe rmattans, Pati, 1988), 6. Parrick Rajortmsa, Quarante années de la vie politique de Madagascar, 1947-1987 LILTANA MOSCA COMORES sos povarsans Wyo famvesiaiin . sisndrna 3 OCEAN INDIEN TE Chemin de fer inate ds provinceshari anata faa SAN EN 7.1987 (L'Har- MALAGASY REPUBLIC: IS IT ALREADY A TRANSITION? 309 Antenimieram-Pirenena: 17 May 1998 150 Andey sy Riana EntieManavotra an'i Madagasikara AREMA 63 eader-Fanilo Fanilo 16 ‘Ase Vita Ifampitsanara AVE 4 Rassemblement pour le Socialisme et la Démocratie RPSD a AFFA 6 Mpitolona ho'amin'ny Fanjakan‘ny Madinika ‘MEM 3 Antoky Kongresy Fahaleonvantenani Madagaskar-Fanavaozana AKFMF 3 Fihaonana/Confédération des Societés pout le développement Fthaonana 1 Groupe d'Actioin et Reflexion pout le Développement de Madagascar GRAD-Iloafo Non-partisans - 32 Soutee: Keesings Historisch Archie Directory of parties: List of parliamentary parties, parties who were recently in parliament, and pasties in size com- parable with parliamentary parties. Parties which do not participate in elections or have only ‘small amount of support are not listed # Accord (Agreement, Christan Action of Regional Cadres and Businessmen for Develop- ment, christian) + Antoky Kongresy Fahaleonvantenani Madagasksr-Fanavaozana (Renewal Faction ofthe Con- sress Party for the Independence of Madagascar, communist-pro-Za). + Andry sy Riana Enti-Manavotra an'i Madagasikara (Pilla and Structure forthe Salvation of Madagascar, socialist). * Comité de soutien & la démocratie et au développement de Madagascar (Comity for Sup- port of Democracy and Development of Madagascar, pro-Zaly)| 310 LILIANA MOSCA PREAMBULE LE PEUPLE MALAGASY SOUVERAIN, Résolu 2 promouvoir et a développer son héritage de société pluraliste et respectueuse de la diversité, de la richesse et du dynamisme de ses valeurs éthico-spirituelles et socio-culturelles, notamment le «fihavanana> et les croy- ances au Dieu Créateur; Conscient, au nom de l'humanisme, de la nécessité de la réconeiliation de Thomme tant avec son Créateur et ses semblables qu’avec la nature de son en- vironnement ainsi que de importance exceptionnelle des richesses et ressources végétales, animales et miniéses a fortes spécificités dont la nature a doté Madagascar et qu'il importe de préserver pour les générations fucures; Considérant sa situation géo-politique dans la région et sa participation en- gagée dans le encert des nations et faisant siennes: —La Charte internationale des Droits de 'homme, ~la Charte afticaine des Droits de l'homme et des peuples, les Conventions relatives aux droits de la Femme et de enfant, qui sont toutes considérées comme partie intégrante de son droit positif. Considérant que ’épanouissement de la personnalité et de Videntité de tout un chacun, s'avére le facteur opérant du développement intégré harmonieux et durable, dont les modalités requises sont reconnues comme étant: la gestion rationnelle et équitable des ressources naturelles pour les be- soins de développement de I’étre humain, ~ la lutte contre injustice, les inégalités et la discrimination sous toutes ses formes, = la séparation et ’équilibre des pouvoirs exercés & travers des procédés dé- mocratiques, =Tinstauration d'un Etat de droit en vertu duquel les gouvernants et les gouvernés sont soumis aux mémes normes juridiques sous le contzéle d’une justice indépendante, ~ le respect et a protection des ibertés fondamentales tant collectives qu’ dividuelles, ~la préservation de la paix et la pratique de la solidarité en signes tangi- bles de l'unité nationale dans la mise en oeuvee d'une politique de développe- ment équilibré sur tous les plans, ~ les procédés de la transparence dans la conduite des affaires publiques, —Vapplication du systéme d’autonomie pour assurer l'effectivité de la dé- centralisation, Déclare: Constitutioin de la République de Madagascar, Foi et Justice, BP 3832, Ar ananarino, 5pluraliste et e ses valeurs » et les croy- nciliation de re de son en richesses et nt la nature a ons futures; ‘cipation en- fant, qui sont entité de tout : harmonieux tant: pour les be- bus toutes ses procédés dé- ernants et les ontréle d'une lectives qu'in- signes tangi- Je développe- 2s publiques, ivité de la dé- natino, 5 [MALAGASY REPUBLIC: IS IT ALREADY A TRANSITION? 31l A E (SBMS.SIBLE “Sie Bi ) Fee sane = aL) | 3 a J Caricature de Razafy, 1991, A droite du FFKM, le pasteur Andriamanjato, président de PAs- semblée nationale, puis Rakotoharison (KV.) et A. Zafy, président de la République. See: Politique Afticaine (n. 52, Décembre 1993), 66. Tian wef Y eer ; ee ae é = = EE % Tepe SBS Me i & SASK a Mai-juin 1991: le peuple défile dans la rue pour abactre ele mur de Jericho». See: Politique Africaine (n. 52, Décembee 1993), 5