Acp 28 1 2016

2
Office Bearers of the APS College Of Community Psychologists

Chairperson Jenny Sharples
Victoria
Deputy Chair Helen Killmier

Victoria
Secretary Dawn Darlaston-Jones

Western Australia
Treasurer and Julie Morsillo

Web Editor Victoria
Programme Accreditation
Professional Development Meg Smith

New South Wales
Membership Secretary Pam Loughnan

Victoria
State Chairs Dawn Darlaston-Jones

Western Australia
Meg Smith
New South Wales
Julie Dean
Queensland
Renzo Vittorino
Victoria
ACP Editors Anne M Sibbel

Sharon McCarthy
ACP Associate Editors Meg Smith

Tahereh Ziaian
Shiloh Groot
Charlotte Brownlow
Harriet Radermacher
AP Omnibus Journal Dawn Darlaston-Jones

Editorial Board Member Western Australia
Published by
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The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

© The Australian Psychological Society Ltd
3
Contents
Contents 3
General Information 4
Editorial Special Edition 5

Heather Gridley
Articles
Sex, drugs and smashing skulls: Violence, gender, and hyper-masculinity in a gang
community of practice 9
Tony Lorigan, Dave Snell and Neville Robertson
Resituating masculinity and power in preventing child sexual abuse 24

Keith Mowat, Leigh Coombes and Robbie Busch
An Angel at Your Table: Mentoring and domestic violence recovery 46

Carmel O’Brien
Protective mothers: Women’s understandings of protecting children in the context of legal

interventions into intimate partner violence 59
Mandy Morgan and Leigh Coombes
Children as the forgotten victims of domestic and family violence: Time for reform in
Western Australian Refuges 79
Lorren Stainton
Reproductive coercion and the Australian state: A new chapter? 90

Patricia Hayes
Intimate partner sexual violence: an overview of the problem in Italy 101

Elisa Guidi, Giulia Magnatta, Andrea Guazzini and Patrizia Meringolo
Women’s oppression through narrative: A Foucauldian perspective 117

Maysar Sarieddine
Preparation, Submission and Publication of Manuscripts 127

4
General Information
The Australian Community Psychologist is the Official Journal of the College of Community
Psychologists of the Australian Psychological Society
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Anne M Sibbel, W estern A ustralia
Sharon McCarthy, The University of Notre Dame, W estern A ustralia
Editorial Board
Meg Smith, University of W estern Sydney, New South W ales
Tahereh Ziaian, University of South A ustralia, South A ustralia
Shiloh Groot, University of A uckland, A otearoa/New Zealand
Charlotte Brownlow, University of Southern Queensland, Queensland
Harriet Radermacher, V ictoria
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5
Editorial
Heather Gridley
Victoria University, Melbourne, Australia
I want to tell everybody that family cultural facilitators that play out in different
violence happens to everybody. No matter ways across the world.
how nice your house is, how intelligent So how do community psychologists
you are. It happens to anyone and approach issues of violence and gender? How
everyone. (Rosie Batty, February 2014). do our theoretical frameworks contribute to
understanding gendered patterns of violence? In
The first issue of the A ustralian what ways are these frameworks informed by
Community Psychologist for 2016 is a special (or divergent from) feminist understandings of
issue devoted to violence and gender. these phenomena? There are many directions
Contributions by practitioners and community that this special issue might have taken, in terms
activists as well as academics and researchers of the definitions of both gender (binary, non-
were invited. The major focus would be on binary or fluid?) and violence (individual,
feminist and/or community psychology relational, structural, state-sanctioned...), and in
frameworks relating to male violence against terms of the chosen lens (theoretical, cultural,
women in intimate relationships; however it was empirical, practice-based, lived experience,
made clear that submissions on other aspects of public policy ...).
gender and violence would be considered. The eight papers that have been
My offer to edit a special issue dedicated recommended by the panel of reviewers for
to gender and violence (or should that be inclusion cannot address all possible aspects of
violence and gender? – I was never quite sure) gender and violence. But taken together, they
had two key motivations. First, there had never draw attention to particularly salient issues for
been a gender-focussed issue of ACP or of its men who use violence, children whose mothers
parent publication Network, which dates back to have experienced intimate partner violence, and
1984. Second, in 2015 it seemed that all women recovering from such violence. They
Australia was talking about Domestic/Family also highlight the responsibility for, collusion
Violence, a national conversation that had been in, and sometimes perpetration of, gender-based
triggered in part by the heroic work of Rosie violence by nation states and governments,
Batty since her son Luke had been killed by his predominantly in Australian and Aotearoa/New
father when the boy was supposed to be safe in Zealand contexts, but also in places like
a public place at cricket practice. Less than Palestine and Italy.
twelve months later, Batty was named The special issue begins with two papers
Australian of the Year and the momentum that that examine problematic constructions of
had been accelerated, if not created, by her masculinity from the perspectives of three men
response to such horror was unstoppable. with histories of violent behaviour. In the first
Batty’s words in the immediate aftermath paper (Lorigan, Snell & Robertson, 2016), a
of Luke’s murder were gender neutral, but she photo and three autoethnographic narratives are
has never left any doubt that family violence is analysed in terms of the first author’s first-time
primarily a problem of male violence against experiences with violence, drugs, and sex as
their female partners and children. And Batty part of his initiation over several years into a
has also been very clear that her voice is being hyper-masculine motorcycle gang culture. In the
heard because she’s white, middle class and second paper (Mowat, Coombes & Busch,
educated – and still alive. While it is certainly 2016), interviews with two men convicted of
the case that “family violence happens to child sexual offences focus on their experiences
everybody”, the perpetrator and victim statistics of power and powerlessness, and the discursive
locally and globally are so disproportionate that resources available to them that influenced their
it must be considered a gendered crime, and one masculine identities, practices, and subsequent
that is supported by a range of historical and offending. In interrogating masculinity as a set

Editorial 6
of socially determined practices, both of these to limit the reproductive autonomy of

papers illustrate possibilities for prevention of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women,
future violence in the ways they foreground men women with disabilities, and young women in
who have previously used violence reflecting on state care. She presents a powerful argument
how their community contexts confirmed and that Australia’s policies of offshore detention
constrained their understandings of what it severely constrain the reproductive ‘choices’ of
means to ‘be a man’. asylum seeker women detained, and as such,
The next three papers turn attention to now represent the next chapter in this shameful
women’s experiences of intimate partner history of gender-based violence at a nation
violence, and the implications of those state level.
experiences for their children. O’Brien (2016) Guidi, Magnatta, Guazzini and Meringolo
reports on an in-house evaluation of a (2016) provide an overview of prevalence and
community program designed to assist women patterns of intimate partner sexual violence
in recovery from domestic violence using (IPSV) in Italy, as compared with findings from
volunteer mentoring as a model of support. The other European countries and elsewhere in the
program discussed is an innovative and direct world. IPSV appears to ‘fall between two
response to largely unmet community need, and stools’, receiving less attention than either
the internal evaluation goes beyond what most sexual violence perpetrated by non-partners, or
community programs would undertake without intimate partner violence of other kinds, such as
an external or funded evaluation. physical and emotional abuse – despite
The two papers that focus on the needs evidence that intimate partners are responsible
and rights of children impacted by family for a third of sexual assaults, and that sexual
violence complement each other in several assault is both physical and emotional violence.
ways. The paper by Morgan and Coombes Particular cultural risk factors for IPSV in Italy
(2016) draws on findings from a wider research appear to include enduring gender stereotypes
project in Aotearoa/New Zealand to highlight that induce women to accept a certain degree of
some of the tensions and contradictions that violence and unwanted sex as ‘a wife’s duty’.
confront mothers navigating the legal system in Similar cultural constraints in a very
their efforts to escape intimate partner violence different context are cited by Sarieddine (2016),
and protect their children from its effects. Their who draws on Foucault’s theory of Panopticism
focus is on how the women made sense of their as a way of conceptualising the oppression and
responsibilities for protecting their children at self-surveillance of Palestinian women through
different times during their relationship, and the narratives and oral history that emerged in
how the meaning of protecting their children the aftermath of the 1948 Nakba as a form of
changed as they engaged with court processes resistance to the dominant narratives of the
and advocacy services. Stainton (2016) observes imposed state of Israel. A consequence of this
that children have not always been seen as idealisation of pre-Nakba Palestinian society
direct victims of violence perpetrated against has been the actual and metaphorical
their mothers, nor have they typically been confinement of women to the traditional roles
treated as refuge clients in their own right. of peasant women that operated seventy years
Stainton draws on this practice-based evidence ago, and the suppression of their voices to such
to document the development of a set of Good an extent that external surveillance and active
Practice Guidelines aimed at cultural change to regulation on the part of the state are not
ensure that children’s needs are met while required.
residing in Western Australian refuges. Each of these last three papers bears
The last three papers in this special issue witness in its own way to aspects of
each take a particular meta perspective on Sarieddine’s (2016) conclusion that:
gender and violence. Hayes (2016) positions … violence and discrimination
state-sanctioned reproductive coercion as a against women are not always
gendered form of violence, and reviews the personal (i.e. inflicted on a single
historical role of the Australian state in seeking woman at a point in time), but can

Editorial 7
be applicable to an entire class or References

community of women; that Batty, R. (2014). http://
violence against women is not lukebattyfoundation.org.au/
always physical or psychological, Dobash, R.E. & Dobash, R.P. (1979).
but can be subtle and inflicted as a Violence against wives: A case against the
lack of right and privilege; and that patriarchy. New York: Free Press.
such subtle violence against women Guidi, E., Magnatta, G., Guazzini A., &
can be so ingrained in a specific Meringolo, P. (2016). Intimate partner sexual
culture that it is hardly recognised violence: an overview of the problem in
as such. (p. 124) Italy. Australian Community Psychologist,
Violence against women is as 28(1), 101-116.
public as the policing of women’s Hayes, P. (2016). Reproductive coercion and
swimwear on a French beach and as the Australian state: A new
private as the family home. As such it is chapter? Australian Community
one of the most pervasive yet least Psychologist, 28(1), 90-100.
acknowledged human rights abuses Lorigan, T., Snell, D. & Robertson, N.
throughout the world. The aim of this (2016). Sex, drugs and smashing skulls:
special issue was to trouble some of the Violence, gender, and hyper-masculinity in a
gendered operations of power that lead to gang community of practice. Australian
such disproportionate patterns in the use Community Psychologist, 28(1), 9-23.
and experience of violence. There could Mowat, K., Coombes, L. & Busch,
have been considerations of violence in R. (2016). Resituating masculinity and
same-sex relationships, abuses of power power in preventing child sexual
by women, a stronger focus on policy and abuse. Australian Community Psychologist,
prevention, or of cultural-historical 28(1), 24-45.
alternatives to gendered practices that Morgan, M. & Coombes, L. (2016). Protective
have become almost universally mothers: Women’s understandings of
normalised and reified, as Dobash and protecting children in the context of legal
Dobash (1979) observed: interventions into intimate partner violence.
It was impossible to find any Australian Community Psychologist, 28
historical period in which there were (1), 59-78.
no formulae ... specifying the O'Brien, C. (2016). An Angel at Your Table:
conditions under which a wife was Mentoring and domestic violence
deserving of a good clout. (p. 31) recovery. Australian Community
But, in the words of Judy Small’s poignant Psychologist, 28(1), 46-58.
anthem to the victims of the 1989 Montreal Sarieddine, M. (2016). Women’s oppression
massacre, through narrative: A Foucauldian
And all those other times came perspective. A ustralian Community
flooding back to me again Psychologist, 28(1), 117-126.
A hundred news reports of men Small, J. (1990). Montreal (December‚
killing family, strangers, friends 89). Snapshot. Redwood Music.
And yes I can remember one or two Stainton, L. (2016). Children as the forgotten
where a woman's hand held the gun victims of domestic and family violence:
But exceptions only prove the rule Time for reform in Western Australian
and the questions still remain. Refuges. Australian Community
Psychologist, 28(1), 79-89.

Editorial 8
Acknowledgements
My thanks to the editorial group for this
special issue: Carmel O’Brien (Doncare,
Australia), Dr Nicole Allen (University of
Illinois, USA), Dr Liz Short (Victoria
University, Australia), Dr Peter Streker,
Director, Community Stars), and Professor
Mandy Morgan (Massey University, Aotearoa
New Zealand), and to the 15 reviewers who
provided constructive feedback and advice that
was much appreciated by the authors whose
manuscripts made it through to
publication. And special thanks also to the
production editors, Dr Anne Sibbel and Dr
Sharon McCarthy for their patience,
encouragement and professionalism along the
way.
Address for Correspondence

Heather Gridley
Email: heather.gridley@vu.edu.au
Tel: +61 (0)419113731

9
Sex, drugs and smashing skulls: Violence, gender, and hyper-masculinity in a
gang community of practice
Tony Lorigan
University of Waikato
Dave Snell
Waikato Institute of Technology
Neville Robertson
University of Waikato
We examine how masculinity, specifically hyper-masculinity, is constructed from the

perspective of a boy growing up within a white power motorcycle gang environment. One
photo and three narratives are employed as the empirical material for analysis. The
autoethnographic narratives are written in chronological order from ages 10-13 focusing
on the first author’s first time experiences with violence, drugs, and sex respectively. The
gang is conceptualised as a community of practice. A thematic analysis identified three key
themes: the importance of hyper-masculine rites of passage in this gang community of
practice; violence and intimidation as a means to an end; and the objectification of women
and their positioning as inferior to men and the use of sexual coercion. Taken together,
these themes illustrate how a hyper-masculine identity is developed within this context.
This study contributes to research and knowledge on hyper-masculinity in the specific
context of motorcycle gangs in Aotearoa New Zealand.
It’s the Sunday morning after a large gang party Gangs are a worldwide phenomenon
that has raged all weekend. A disoriented twelve (Gilbert, 2013; Grennan, 2000). In Aotearoa
year old boy slowly walks out into the dining area New Zealand they became particularly
to the wide eyed amazement of the two men prevalent in the 1960s, having developed out
seated there. The men have scruffy hair and of subcultural groupings inspired by
goatee beards and sport tattoos. They are dressed
in black and display gang insignia, including
American popular culture and social
swastikas. One, a renowned womaniser, wears a identities during the preceding decade. In
shirt bearing the slogan “Lust Never Sleeps” (see particular, the formation of an Auckland
Figure 1.) He is astonished that the boy is still Chapter of the Hells Angels, a notorious
standing and awake after two solid days of American motorcycle gang, marked the
drinking large amounts of alcohol and smoking formation of gangs as distinct entities within
marijuana. Despite being heavily intoxicated and the country and introduced key gang
extremely tired, the boy has passed a test. As a practices (such as back patches, to be
result, he has moved from doing the ‘women’s explained later in this article) and hierarchical
work’ of looking after gang members, to being systems of power within gangs. Through
able to take part in the festivities like a real man. these structures gangs maintained their
longevity, with many gangs becoming
particularly embedded in Aotearoa New
Zealand towns and cities in the 1980s through
collective enterprises, both legal and illegal,
recreational and financial (Gilbert, 2003).
The photograph in Figure 1, along with
narratives to be discussed later, illustrate a
complex set of processes that revolve around
hyper-masculinity, violence, drugs, and
gender within a white power motorcycle
gang. These are processes that Tony (the first
author and the subject of Figure 1 above)
experienced in his early years. Through his
Figure 1: Tony age 12 the morning after the party. familial connections to a particular gang,

Violence, Gender, and Hyper-Masculinity 10
Tony grew up in a gang environment where (Connell, 1998). Masculinity evolves from the
violence brought status, power and access to relationship between men and the social and
resources. It was also an environment in physical settings in which they engage
which any expression of tender feelings or (Bowker, 1998). The contemporary concept of
displays of vulnerability by either gender masculinity reflects the fluidity of constantly
were deemed feminine and were therefore changing and developing enactments in
despised. response to the situation in which a man finds
Eventually, Tony became a patched himself (Paechter, 2003). Enactments of
member of the gang. That is, through an masculinity can include particular actions,
extended initiation process as a ‘prospect’ (a decisions about appearance (such as clothing),
prospective member) he was recognised as and language (Silva, Botelho-Gomes, &
worthy of ‘full’ membership, a status Goellner, 2011).
communicated by wearing the gang’s Masculinity can be pro-social, with the
‘colours’ or ‘patch’ (Fleischhaker, 2011; bonds men make with other men providing a
Gilbert, 2013). Tony is no longer a gang sense of support, recognition and
member and no longer shares this particular reinforcement of familial obligations, and
gang’s antisocial views. However, having feeling part of a community (Hodgetts & Rua,
grown up in a gang environment and having 2010). However it is more commonly linked
been a patched member of the gang, Tony in literature to antisocial beliefs and actions
possesses a rare insider’s perspective on these such as aggression, extreme competitiveness,
processes. The current article aims to draw and sexual promiscuity (Roberts, 2012). This
upon this insider’s perspective to investigate is referred to as hyper-masculinity or, in more
the development of a hyper-masculine everyday interactions, as ‘macho’. Hyper-
identity within a particular community masculinity is “a gender-based ideology of
context. It investigates three significant exaggerated beliefs about what it is to be a
experiences from Tony’s early life (10-13 man” (Voker, Tefft, & Tysiaczny, 2013, p.
years of age) that he has selected due to their 562). In other words it is an extreme form of
role in shaping his previously held hyper- masculine identity consisting of beliefs and
masculine identity. These experiences are actions related to toughness, violence, risk-
analysed and discussed to provide insight into taking, and sexist attitudes toward women and
issues of violence, drug abuse, and gender – physical intimacy (Zaitchik & Mosher, 1993).
with a particular focus on hyper-masculinity. According to Zaitchik and Mosher (1993),
What Does It Take To Be A Hyper-masculine hyper-masculinity is comprised of four inter-
Man? related components: (1) a callous attitude
The term masculinity is common in towards women and heterosexuality such that
everyday language. However, individual and sex equates with male dominance over
collective understandings of ‘what it means to women; (2) a belief that violence is an
be a man’ and how this is enacted in acceptable expression of dominance over
everyday life can vary (cf. Paechter, 2003). other men; (3) a belief that danger is exciting
Rather than being determined by biological and survival in its presence is manly; and (4),
factors, masculinity is heavily influenced by a particular set of emotional practices such
culture and is intricately involved in the that self-control is to be prized, that anger is
reproduction of power relations between men regarded as the most legitimate male emotion,
and between men and women (Connell, 2005; and that other emotions such as sensitivity and
Edwards, 2006). Connell (2005) defines empathy are seen as feminine and therefore to
masculinity as arising through the enactment be treated with disdain. Combining these
of certain cultural values such as being elements “reflect a [hyper-masculine] man’s
competent, being strong and standing up for desire to appear powerful and to be dominant
one’s beliefs. These values, which are in interactions with men, women, and the
commonly valorised in society, are associated environment” (Vokey, Tefft, & Tysiaczny,
with traditional notions of masculinity which 2013, p.563). The enactment of such an
dominate in many parts of the world ideology can have detrimental consequences

for women such as defined and rigid gender them to act in order to represent the gang.
roles and the male’s expectations regarding Members do this through acting aggressively,
sex. Hyper-masculinity has been found to be and symbolically represent this through
directly related to increased violence against embodied enactments of gang identity, for
women (Parrot & Zeichner, 2003). example through the patch on their backs, and
There are many practices that can be some display tattoos with controversial symbols
described as hyper-masculine (Vokey et al., (e.g. swastikas). These symbols serve as a
2013). The present study seeks to focus on means to visually represent the hyper-masculine
three practices that were chosen due to their gang identity consisting of the four elements
relationship with Zaitchik and Mosher’s Zaitchik and Mosher (1993) identified. There
(1993) elements of hyper-masculinity. These are other groups and communities that can be
are violence (as an acceptable expression of defined as hyper-masculine. However, given the
dominance over other men), drug use (a belief importance of representing the gang through
that danger is exciting and survival in its symbolism via the patch and being able to
presence is manly), and sex (a callous attitude deliver and sustain often vicious physical
towards women where sex equates with male attacks, gangs provide particularly visible and
dominance). The fourth element (sensitivity is violent manifestations of hyper-masculinity.
to be avoided) is threaded throughout the Gangs also consist of various levels of
narratives, as young Tony attempts to make membership and acceptance, with a
sense of the experiences as they are occurring corresponding level of power and access to
when he is 10-13 years old. These practices resources that other communities of practice
are not solely enacted in gang communities. often exhibit (cf. Merriam et al., 2003). For
However, when combined, these elements example a Chapter President has more power
represent men’s desire to appear in control, and benefits than a regular member. While there
powerful, and to be dominant in all social is a hierarchy for women, this operates more for
interactions with both genders, and also their them to differentiate themselves from one and
environment (Mosher & Tomkins, 1988). another, and establishes who gang members can
These three practices were powerful have sex with (for example a gang member
contributors to Tony’s early understanding of cannot have sex with a woman who is a
masculinity in a gang environment. Therefore, committed partner of another gang member).
these specific choices of narrative topics are There is little opportunity for social mobility for
useful in examining the formation of a hyper- a woman other than moving from ‘hanger-on’
masculine identity. These understandings to partner, at which point her partner’s status
were subsequently challenged by Tony, and may give her limited power in relation to other
eventually led to him leaving the gang women. Gender roles are very clearly defined
environment. and enforced. Patched gang members attain
Gangs as Communities of Practice status, power and access to resources
Gangs can be conceptualised as unattainable by female associates. While this is
communities of practice, in which people not necessarily the case in all motorcycle gangs
learn what it means to be a member through (see van den Eynde & Veno, 2007), in Tony’s
participating in communal activities. experience of this gang women, whether single
Communities of practice are those groupings or not, were always subservient to the men and
where potential members learn the established used as cooks and cleaners, or if not with a gang
rules or, in other words, the acceptable ways member, used for sex.
of knowing and performing specific tasks, In this article we examine the early
duties, and other actions through observation experiences of a boy raised in a gang
and participation (Wenger, 1999). Through environment, in order to identify how his
the process of becoming patched, gang community membership led to a hyper-
members learn how to use intimidation and masculine identity. The article focuses on Tony
violence through what was done to them by as a young boy growing up in a white power
others. They learn how other members expect motorcycle gang environment and his hyper-

masculine experiences of sex, drugs, and to theorise these experiences. Heartful auto-
violence. Growing up in this environment, ethnography is described as a fusion between
Tony learnt what the expectations of the gang social science, literature, and the “living of
were in relation to his gender identity within life” (Ellis, 1999, p. 669). It provides a means
the gang, an identity that the gang expected to reveal social and cultural structures and
him to maintain in order to represent the influences from an authentic insider
group. As a young man Tony learned this perspective. It also encourages compassion and
through observing others and through his empathy in the reader by providing a way of
interactions with existing patched members. explaining concrete experiences and intimate
Once he had successfully completed the details. While being a gang member does give
initiation rituals of prospecting, Tony was access to resources such as alcohol, drugs, and
guided by other gang members, albeit through money, as well as some level of social support
violence, when he was ‘corrected’ (e.g. or kinship (Gilbert, 2013), it is also a hard life
punched) by those higher in the hierarchy if that can take a serious toll on members. It can
he conducted himself incorrectly. Through affect future relationships with other people
participating in such practices in a communal that a gang member has even after leaving the
environment, Tony developed a hyper- gang.
masculine identity. Although he has since Common criticisms of autoethnographic
distanced himself from such practices and approaches focus on issues of generalisability
reassessed his identity, the experiences from a single case. Concerns can also be raised
mentioned above and elaborated below shed in regards to the process of narrative selection
light on the development and characteristics – if the researcher is the topic of the narrative,
of hyper-masculinity. there is the potential for the moments that have
Method been selected to not have had the actual
This research is a selective auto- influence that they claim it to have. It may not
biography written retrospectively as an adult be the first instance of that behaviour. However
from the insider perspective of a boy who the use of the single case, or a limited number
grew up in a motorcycle gang environment. of cases, can be a valuable approach to
We draw on aspects and techniques of auto- research such as this. Individuals co-construct
ethnography in order to provide insight into meaning with others and no single voice is
how a boy growing up in such an environment completely isolated from the environments and
can come to consider hyper-masculinity as the people that surround them (Bochner, 2001).
preferred and acceptable identity to adopt Drawing upon in-depth cases of everyday life,
within society. particularly through insider perspectives,
In order to do this, three narratives, ensures that academic knowledge is practically
along with the photograph presented as Figure orientated (Hodgetts & Stolte, 2012; Philaretou
1, are analysed to provide insight and context. & Allen, 2006). Examining the processes on a
These narratives are based on three critical deeper level than broader, experimental
incidents in Tony’s life that are ‘flashbulb’ methods can encompass helps to illuminate
memories: first time experiences with how such processes shape people’s lives
violence against a person outside of Tony’s (Hodgetts & Stolte, 2012).
family in a new town and school, unrestricted This is particularly the case when
use of drugs and alcohol, and having sex. In researching sensitive topics such as gangs and
each case, Tony has employed the ‘heartful gender (cf. Philaretou & Allen, 2006). As
auto-ethnography’ techniques described by Philaretou and Allen (2006) explain,
Ellis (1999). This technique provided a way autoethnography allows the researcher to
for him to describe and analyse the emotions, provide valuable academic knowledge on
feelings, bodies, and spirits that these topics that may not otherwise be addressed.
evocative stories created. Through this Such approaches offer detailed evidence of
process Tony examined incidents from the how individuals make sense of personal events
perspective of personally lived experiences, as through reflections of the co-construction of
well as applying the auto-ethnographer’s gaze life worlds – in this instance the development

of a gang community of practice shaped by contribute to a more nuanced understanding of

the gang’s development and processes that are the role that context plays in the development of
illustrated in the narratives in the following hyper-masculinity.
section. Narratives were selected by Tony not Narrative One: Violence
necessarily because they were the first In this narrative Tony is ten years old and
instances, although some were, but because in his last year of primary school. The event
upon reflection these exemplars provide takes place midway through a lunch recess on a
insights into the development of a hyper- typical Aotearoa New Zealand day at the
masculine identity. school. His family had moved towns at the end
In the process of communicating and of the previous year and so he was a new
analysing these narratives, we hope to provide student at this primary school, which was very
a deeper understanding of what occurs within different to his previous one. Violence in
the context of gang life in order to contribute Tony’s family was considered normal,
to addressing practices that damage people’s acceptable behaviour. He had witnessed and
lives. The first step is to understand how such participated in violence his whole life and it was
identities are formed which is the scope of the considered by his family and the wider gang
present article. community as an acceptable and legitimate
The second and third authors, Dave and means of resolving any form of conflict.
Neville, add a further layer of analysis to the We’re on the lower school field
three narratives. Their outsider positioning, as and I’m playing a game of volley ball
neither have been members of a patched gang, with a bunch of kids I have recently
allows a particular level of critical distance. come to know. I am feeling very proud of
This further layer of analysis aims to capture myself and happy that I had got up, off
those practices or insights that can be my ass, and was playing sports. The
potentially overlooked by an insider opposition serves the ball and it goes
perspective. Each additional author also flying past me. I turn and run and catch
brings his own area of expertise and up with the ball. As I am running
experience in the areas of community towards where the ball is rolling, I see
psychology, communities of practice, gender, the ‘cool’ kids approaching. The ball is
and violence. The present article represents too fast for me, and it reaches the crowd
our attempt to analyse empirical materials that of cool kids first. The leader scoops up
were produced through Tony’s account of his the ball and he is just standing there
past experiences (cf. Davis & Ellis, 2008). waiting for me to arrive in front of him. I
The resulting interpretation encompasses both run right up to him, face to face. Without
etic and emic approaches. As an insider, Tony saying a word he starts moving the ball
is able to provide specific examples to include around, constantly keeping it out of my
in the study, while also having other insights reach in a way that makes me furious.
and personal reflections that guide the Out of breath from running and playing,
analysis and writing that may not be I know that what he is doing is a
immediately evident within the narratives. As deliberate attempt at mocking and
outsiders, Dave and Neville are able to situate belittling me. I am so offended and
these insider perspectives in the wider context angry, I punch him in the face as hard as
that includes other world views and academic I can, and knock him to the ground.
perspectives. After picking the ball back up, I
Findings think to myself “now who’s funny?”. He
The three narratives explore the role of finally gets to his feet, and I watch the
violence, substance abuse, and sex in the group quickly run to the office. I turn
development of a hyper-masculinity identity. around to go back to the game to
Each is preceded by contextual information to continue playing where we had left off. I
help the reader understand the narrative. The look at the other players and I am met
qualitative analysis of these narratives was with shocked looks on their faces. I
used to identify emergent themes which assumed we would all just carry on

playing volleyball. As I stand on the weekend. There were times when family and
edge of the court, most of the players gang members would discretely share a joint
are silently walking away. I ask or cigarette with him or would give him a bud
everyone “what is happening?” No one of marijuana. However this was not the norm
replies. My name comes over the loud and was frowned upon by his mother.
school speaker in an angry tone. The goal of this weekend, from his
I listen while the Principal calls family’s perspective, was to teach 12 year old
my mother and informs her I am Tony a lesson. Up until this point he was
suspended. What they are saying is not considered disrespectful and opinionated,
very comforting. I know I am in trouble. speaking about things he had yet to do. Tony
“But I only punched him?” thought he was already a man and could
Walking home, there really doesn’t handle more than he was given credit for. His
seem too much to be worried about. It family and the wider gang community
was just a punch. As I come through the decided to teach him a lesson by giving him
ranch slider at home, I feel a sting on my unlimited access to both alcohol and
ass. I turn around and see Mum about to marijuana in an attempt to make him more
land a second blow with a length of humble and less boastful. The adults found it
bamboo and she continues beating me easy to stay awake from Friday to Sunday as
with it. “Shit this hurts and sucks. What they all were using amphetamines (speed),
am I getting such a beating for?” I but none of them believed Tony would be
wonder. I feverishly rub the parts of my able to last Saturday until Sunday without
body that have the welts from the such help: nevertheless, he did. From this
bamboo after the sixth and final strike. night on everyone conceded that he could
After the beating I manage to consume as much alcohol and marijuana as
control the pain, hold back my tears, and he liked, anywhere, anytime. It therefore
stand upright. Several men around me marked a rite of passage for Tony.
pull money out of their jeans and vests What a day! Don’t have to go to
and walk over towards me smiling. They school this Friday and we’ll be partying
shake my hand and hand me the money all weekend. My brothers and I spend all
with comments such as “That’s how real Friday moving tables, chairs, glasses,
men handle their business Tony” and everything needed for the huge
“You’ll have your patch in no time!” celebration. I find myself all over town
Why am I getting a hiding and money for getting the things needed to the farm
the same thing? Feeling embarrassed house for the birthday party. This sure
but also accepted and encouraged at the beats sitting in class being bored,
same time, I just shake hands and thank wasting time at school. My brothers and
them. I sweat in the blistering heat moving all
Narrative Two: Drugs the equipment, working all day and
The party this drugs narrative describes getting very excited in anticipation of the
was the birthday party of one of Tony’s family weekend to come. Tomorrow will be so
members. Figure 1 is a photograph taken the much fun. I wish someone else had to go
day that the party concluded. Like violence, home and do the mundane chores.
alcohol and marijuana had always been a part Saturday morning, after
of Tony’s family and home life. Alcohol was completing my chores, my brother and I
viewed as normal and freely available to drive out to the party very excited about
anyone, rather than only being a drink for the thought of having unlimited access
adults. For example, Tony had been able to to the kegs and also marijuana for the
have drinks at parties, Christmas, and family first time. I cannot believe mum agreed
occasions since being a very young boy. with the members and gave me
Smoking cigarettes or marijuana had been permission to smoke as much as I like! I
actively discouraged by his mother until this saved money and have a small bag of

marijuana to smoke with the boys. No handling things far better than I am. I
one turns up to party with nothing. I hope try to hide that I am very wasted and
it is good enough smoke for them. I know feeling like I need a sleep. I will prove I
that everyone will have heaps of dope at can party like a man.
this time of the year, and probably better As always there is something to do,
than mine. I eagerly look forward to and during the early hours of Sunday
getting as smashed as I can. morning I am feeling tired and very cut,
When we arrive there are a lot of but damn it I am going to keep up with
people. I walk in with my brother the men. I am receiving a lot of banter
thinking ‘I cannot wait until I am old and comments from the older people
enough to have my own party’. I see referring to the state I am in, but I am
Mum and her husband: they had been also dishing out my fair share of
partying all night and they look good. I comments and jokes. At times I am
do my best to avoid eye contact with them inappropriate and loud because of being
both, knowing there is always a job to be so drunk and wasted. I try to be
done. I really would just like to party respectful, but at this stage of the party,
with the boys. respect and knowing my place have
As I walk up to the kegs to grab become blurred.
myself a handle, one of the members calls I wish these guys would find
me over to him with a job to do. After someone else to stoke the fires and do
completing the work I sit down to enjoy the bitch work, but I do get to walk
what I believe to be a well-earned drink around smoking and drinking. Life is not
and smoke with some members. They all bad.
have big bags of dope and give me some Well after midnight and into the
buds for the work I have put in, and tell early morning I am very inebriated. My
me I am doing a good job as usual. work is still being done, I am still
Throughout the afternoon and evening I holding coherent conversations and I
never really get a chance to party. appear to be on top of everything.
Someone always wants me to do People start to say comments like “You
cleaning, lifting or get something. really are the man!” and “I have seen
Knowing my place, I jump to attention hard men fold with less than that Tony”.
every time, without question. My thoughts have not changed all night;
I think to myself I cannot complain “I will show you guys I can make it until
too much, as all evening and night the morning, because yes I am the man.”
members and family are passing me a As the morning progresses I start feeling
smoke or giving me a shot of whiskey. I light-headed and exhausted, but see the
should just be happy as I know my sun start to rise. For the last few weeks
classmates at school think I am the man. and especially today, I have been
I also can help myself to the kegs when I shooting my mouth off and telling
am not on bar duty, which I am enjoying everyone I can handle drugs. As
very much. By late Saturday night I am Saturday turns into Sunday, it becomes
feeling very jaded and intoxicated. I sit harder and harder to stay awake and I
on a bale of hay and the world starts start to doubt my capabilities as a man. I
spinning. After a couple of minutes of this become excited as the sun breaks
I feel the distinctive feeling of needing to through the darkness and things
throw up. I struggle to put one foot in transform from night into daytime. I
front of the other and slowly walk out of really am going to make it. “Ha ha told
sight to be sick. I would hate to be caught you all!” I feel like I get a second wind
throwing up like a girl. Looking at the as I jump back into action and start
men around me they are all laughing, cleaning things up. This constant moving
standing upright and appear to be helps me stay focused, though I cannot

help but stumble around. should have used a different alias. However,
After daybreak some of the men we use this term here to illustrate how these
call me over to the house. As I walk over women are treated and to emphasise how a
to the house I notice many of the people hyper-masculine identity functions within this
present at the party are still drinking and context. Given the narrative is from Tony’s
smoking, and not looking a single bit experiences at the time, to change the name
tired. I wish I felt that way: they must be would be to alter the experience. Further,
hard men. As I walk through the ranch while autoethnographic approaches on
slider I am greeted with applause! Why? sensitive topics do require a duty of care to
I hear again “You’re the man!” and they those represented in personal reflections
make me stand for a picture, and then (Philaretou & Allen, 2006), in this case we
one of the members orders me to go felt that to censor the self-reflection would be
crash out in the back of a car. I just to minimise the plight of women in roles such
agree. I stumble to the car to collapse as this. This is particularly relevant given the
thinking “I did it! I can party like a man. other characters in this narrative were making
I am the man. I just think I am going to light of the disturbing situation related by
have to party as much as I can, to get as Tony.
good as the other guys”. What a hard week’s work! I cannot
Narrative Three: Sex believe how many wheelbarrows of
By age 13 Tony had graduated beyond concrete I pushed across the yard or
alcohol and marijuana, and had become a how many shovels full of concrete
regular user of speed and hallucinogens such as powder and metal I loaded into the
acid and magic mushrooms. Drug use assisted concrete mixer constructing the piggery
his energy levels when working very hard for this past week. Even after all the speed
long periods of time but although hard physical we snorted this week, I still feel
work was not uncommon for him, this week’s shattered and cannot wait for the party
work was particularly back breaking. The party tonight to relax and celebrate.
mentioned in this narrative was the first party After we finish cleaning the tools
Tony had attended where he was recognised as and make sure everything has gone back
one of the men and was treated like an equal, to where it lives, we all walk up as a
not a boy or prospect. As a 13-year-old Tony group to the main house, which we could
had the appearance and demeanour of someone not see from where we were working. As
a lot older and was often mistaken for someone we all walk around the side of the house
old enough to buy alcohol. This was also the we are all greeted with a poured handle
age that he became interested in the opposite of beer and one member has a CD cover
sex. Within gang culture women are not full of lines for us. I am wrapt as I am
considered equal: instead they are viewed as feeling very tired, sore, and worn out
possessions or servants. In the narrative below, from working so hard. After I have a few
a woman who frequented the clubrooms who lines, beers, and a joint I am back to
the gang members nick-named “Gumboot”, feeling full of energy, on top of the
was also at the party. She had been objectified world, and invincible.
and coerced into a particular gender role over a I walk around the party and ask if
number of years. In this role, she was expected anyone is in need of help like usual. I am
to cook, clean, and have sex with whomever a told by a member “Sit down boy! We
patched gang member told her to, but was not have the prospects and bitches taking
actually in a relationship with any gang care of everything. Go have a drink with
member or considered anyone’s partner. It is the men”. I sit down with the members
important to note here that while we use this and other men and I feel a sense of
alias to refer to her within this article, this is not achievement and status. I think to myself
meant to dehumanise or for us to participate in “I have made it to the men’s table”.
her degradation. Readers may feel that we I spend the night drinking,

smoking, snorting and eating. While all park. When we are out of sight of
this is happening, the women are taking everyone, she grabs me, kisses me and
care of everything. I am happy about this, immediately proceeds to unbutton my fly
but also feeling like I should help. I to give me a blow job. I feel a raft of
attempt to help and several times I am told emotions. Am I doing it right? What
“work like a man Tony and we will treat comes next? Is there an order? Will she
you like a man, leave it to them”. I cannot tell everyone how bad I am? Is my dick
take my eyes off this girl known as big enough? Luckily Gumboot is very
‘Gumboot’. It does not matter what she is experienced and is a very good teacher.
doing, she captures my undivided attention I am a little overwhelmed at her actions
throughout the night. Often she comes and thinking “aren’t men supposed to be in
asks me if I need anything and I find charge? Why would sex be different?”.
myself constantly tongue-tied and Still enjoying it regardless, we carry on
stumbling through whatever answer I am to the point of having sex.
trying to give her. I am infatuated with After Gumboot and I re-emerge,
her. we are met with applause. I am so
Before nightfall several of the people embarrassed, never having dealt with
I am drinking with notice my attraction to this situation, and feeling like the men
Gumboot. One member says “Tony just go can just see right through all the lies I
and grab her ass and take her out the back have told. I feel a sense of achievement
and give her one!” I feel very also; I have taken the final step and am
embarrassed and unsure about what being recognised as a man. Gumboot is
exactly is going on. I desperately want to not fazed at all and just goes back to her
be viewed and treated as a man, but to be duties. I get myself a beer and sit back at
known as a man you have to have had sex. the table. I cannot believe how amusing
I am starting to feel like a fake and not everyone finds the situation. I constantly
worthy of sitting at the table, being a hear comments for the next little while
virgin. The whole group at the table “Was it good?” “That didn’t take long”
decide to join in and tease me for what and “What does it feel like to be a real
feels like forever with questions like man?” I find all these questions
“Have you had a root Tony? When was uncomfortable, as I cannot truthfully
your last root?” I feel very uncomfortable, answer them without exposing my
so lie and make up stories. I have seen deception. I am sure they all know this,
many movies and books, so attempt to which as usual encourages them to carry
bluff my way through the questioning. on mocking me.
Desperately trying not to lose any of my I excuse myself to go to the toilet
newly acquired status, I wish they would with the goal of them leaving me alone. I
just drop this subject and leave me alone. return, and thankfully they have found
As we sit there as a group drinking someone else to pick on. I just sit there
and laughing, mainly at me, a senior thinking. Under the influence of several
member calls Gumboot over and whispers drugs, having just lost my virginity, and
something in her ear as I sit across the combined with all the hard work we had
table watching. I watch Gumboot listen for done this week and the results we
a few seconds and then look my way achieved, I feel proud. Tonight,
smiling. As the member continues throughout the party, I was not expected
whispering in her ear, she maintains eye to lift a finger. I feel on a par with the
contact with me. Immediately Gumboot men around me. I sit there knowing I am
walks over to me and asks me to come and a man.
help her with one of the kegs out of the Discussion
truck. I was wishing I could fuck her, but This section represents our critical
have no idea this is about to become a examination of Tony’s narratives through the
reality. I get up and follow her to the car combination of insider and outsider

perspectives of all three authors. We explore relative youth. Since the event discussed in
the events and processes that are a part of the narrative Tony had continued to use the
everyday life in a gang and which helped to hardest drugs available to him at the time,
form the hyper-masculine identity that has which reaffirmed his hyper-masculine
shaped Tony’s life (cf. Hodgetts & Stolte, identity as a ‘hard man’ through continued
2012). Three themes emerged during our risk taking.
analysis: the role of rites of passage, the use of Successfully navigating a rite of
violence and intimidation as a means to an end, passage is also represented in the sex
and sex and gender roles. Each played an narrative, and as a result of this achievement,
important role in the development of Tony’s Tony was promoted from doing menial tasks
previously-held hyper-masculine identity, an to being served by others. Through the third
identity, it is important to note, that can be, and narrative, his experiences of manual labour,
in Tony’s case was, reshaped later on in life. aggression, drug use, and then losing his
Rites of Passage and the Hyper-masculine Man virginity convinced Tony at the time that he
Interconnected throughout the three had made it as a man. Experiences like sitting
narratives outlined previously are the levels of with the men, being treated as an equal, and
acceptance within the gang community. not having to be a servant reinforced those
Actions that result in social mobility within beliefs. To 13-year old Tony, having sex was
groups such as gangs are often conceptualised the final stage of acceptance as a man in the
as rites of passages (Irwin, 2003). This can be gang. Having lived through many stages or
seen within the drugs and sex narratives. In the levels of acceptance, young Tony felt there
drugs narrative, 12-year old Tony was given was no further experience to have to make
access to drugs and as a result consumed a him ‘more of a man’. In his mind at that time,
large quantity. The next morning he was still and with limited life experience, Tony
awake and mobile, and this drew admiration compared himself with the men he observed
from the gang members. Being able to consume and interacted with and convinced himself
copious amounts of drugs at a young age was that he had imitated them correctly and had
viewed as particularly impressive by the gang, indeed achieved full manhood. Readers of
an element of risk-taking that Tony survived. this may question young Tony’s view of his
This risk taking is a component of Zaitchik and ‘full manhood’ given that he was only
Mosher’s (1993) conceptualisation of hyper- thirteen years of age. However, successfully
masculinity. In this narrative, while Tony is passing these rites of passage and engaging in
probably too young to be exposed to other hyper-masculine practices had accelerated his
more dangerous forms of risk-taking such as maturity in the eyes of his peers: that is, other
inter-gang violence, this drug-taking is still a patched members. Tony’s peers during this
form of risk. It provided a rite of passage into a time were always a minimum of ten years his
hyper-masculine identity that Tony passed. The senior, and trying to imitate these men
gang community of practice recognised this by resulted in Tony missing other important
acknowledging him with exclamations of social interactions that could have led to a
“you’re the man” and by taking a photograph. more pro-social identity developing (for
This in turn reaffirms to Tony that this hyper- example in school). He had very quickly, in
masculine identity is something he wishes to the space of thirteen years, become a member
attain in order to further connect to this of this community of practice and thought of
community - young Tony feels that he is “the himself as a man in its terms.
man” and that he wants to “party like those Each narrative constitutes a rite of
guys”. This experience, and subsequent others passage into a hyper-masculine identity that
throughout Tony’s life, represent a graduation Tony successfully accomplished through his
to full acceptance of a range of drugs by the actions. While Tony was not aware of them
age of 13 when the events described in the sex as such at the time, reflecting upon his
narrative took place, where Tony was an experiences allowed him to identify them as
accepted member of the gang despite his formative to his identity. Part of his reason

for identifying them as such was due to the Tony could conform to some aspects of the
acknowledgement given to him by the gang school community, but proving to himself
community of practice through the and other that he was tough enough to be a
appreciation shown by Tony’s role models, gang member was paramount to him. Doing
all of whom were men with hyper-masculine well and fitting in at school was very much a
identities. These experiences were how secondary consideration.
Tony learned how to ‘be a man’ in the way As noted, violence was a way of
that the gang required in order to be a maintaining hierarchies: a means for those
member. higher in the ranking to remind others of
Violence and Intimidation as a Means to an ‘their place.’ For example when Tony talked
End back to the gang member who gave him
Through examining these three alcohol, the gang member hit him: this was
narratives, status and power emerged as necessary to keep a prospect in his place.
dominant themes. These dominant themes However, Tony’s reaction shows that
are heavily implicated in the development of hierarchies are often contested. In this
a hyper-masculine identity. Status and instance, the gang member’s punch did not
power are achieved and a reputation is hurt Tony and instead helped reinforce his
established through successful use of view of himself as being sufficiently staunch
violence in order to reach goals. Violence, to absorb a full force punch to the face from a
or the threat of violence, is interwoven much older experienced man. While Tony
amongst many of the gang’s community kept to himself the thought “Is that all you
practices. In the school playground, at age have?”, the incident served to diminish the
10, Tony thought “now who’s funny?” after respect he had for the older man. Through
knocking the boy to the ground. The act of this experience, Tony learned that power and
violence gave him a sense of power and status meant being able to do things your own
superiority that he enjoyed. It positioned way because other people feared you. This
him as physically superior to the more association between being feared and being
popular boy. Violence helped him attain a respected characterises the hyper-masculine
form of status that, in comparison, the other identity common in Tony’s gang community.
boy could not access as successfully. At Actual violence is a common tool for
home, at this time of his life, Tony was disciplining and resolving disagreements in
regularly beaten by older brothers and gang the gang community. But even the threat of
members, with no chance of winning the violence can be used in order to establish and
conflict. At home, violence was a key tool in maintain status and power. Intimidation is an
establishing hierarchies and maintaining underlying theme that appears throughout all
status. It was a community practice with three narratives. Hyper-masculine men seem
which Tony was very familiar. to use intimidation as a way of taking control
The incident with the ball in the first and acquiring a position of power and
narrative was the first time he had used superiority over others. In all three narratives
physical violence outside of his gang Tony recalls an aura of superiority emanating
community. While violence was officially from the patched gang members. They were
frowned upon at school, within the gang, it ‘real men’ due to their physical superiority,
was a common practice, especially when their ability to consume more drugs than
issues of dominance or submission within a Tony and their sexual conquests. Once Tony
hierarchy were at stake. The ‘cool kid’ was believed he was able to keep up with the
‘mocking’ and ‘belittling’ Tony, in an men, he modelled his behaviour on theirs. He
obvious attempt at asserting a higher no longer felt inferior but considered himself
position in the hierarchy. In the gang ethos, to be an equal. Similarly, at school, Tony
the punch in the face was the only way to attempted to use physical intimidation, as
maintain credibility as being ‘staunch’: that learned in the gang environment, when he ran
is, aggressive and physically dominating. straight up to the other boy ‘face to face’ as

described in the first narrative. as manhood. Within Tony’s gang community

Often intimidation is very blunt and there were limited acceptable male identities
obvious; at other times, it can be established that he could adopt or develop. Tony, from a
by more subtle manipulation. The gang young age, recognised that if he did not
member with the moonshine in the second conform to the gang’s established rules and
narrative attempted to intimidate Tony by ways of knowing, he would not be a desirable
offering it to him, and when Tony ‘took it member and becoming accepted would
like a man’ and spoke back, the gang member become a much harder process.
had to resort to physical violence to re- Sex and Gender Roles
establish order. Tony also felt intimidated in Sex is not necessarily a hyper-
the third narrative when being mocked about masculine activity. It is hyper-masculine
being a virgin and attracted to the woman when men coerce women into performing
called Gumboot. In a gang environment, sexual acts, perhaps conditioning them to
making people feel uncomfortable can lead to think that this type of behaviour is kind and
them feeling inferior. This in turn gives the caring, when in reality it could be thought to
hyper-masculine gang member who is be more like rape than consensual sex. This is
intimidating a feeling of superiority, higher what occurred in the third narrative, with
status, and a sense of having a greater level ‘Gumboot’ being told to have sex with the
of knowledge and experience. From Tony’s then 13-year old Tony.
perspective as a young boy, people who The inferior status of women is an
became intimidated were viewed as weak, expected and reoccurring theme in gang
soft, or even feminine. This made narratives (Grennan, 2000). In naming her
intimidation a valued skill within the gang Gumboot, gang members were making a
community. Without the ability to intimidate statement about the status of this woman. She
others, full acceptance within the gang would was as an item of clothing, whose purpose
be almost impossible to achieve. The ability was to provide comfort for the male “wearer”
to intimidate is an important component of a – and as clothing goes, there are few items
hyper-masculine identity within the context which could be thought of as of lower status
of a white power motorcycle club in than the humble gumboot, exposed to mud
Aotearoa New Zealand. This is something and fit for only for that part of the body
Tony developed at an early age due to his which is furthest from the head.
physical size and early success in physical Hyper-masculine practices are enacted
confrontations with his peers, and his ability in ways that ensure gang members benefit
to deal with substantial drug use. from positioning women in a sub-ordinate
These three narratives show that status role. Women are used by the gang as a
and power, along with violence and resource that can be accessed when gang
intimidation, were interwoven throughout members prove themselves as ‘real men’. If
this stage of Tony’s life. Tony recognised at a the genders were equal, the gang members
very young age that attaining status and would lose power over the women, and
power resulted in substantial tangible, and in would no longer benefit from the tasks
many cases immediate, benefits. Upon women do in relation to cooking, cleaning
acquiring a certain level of power or status, and sex. In particular, sex between gang
Tony would always try extremely hard to members and unattached women is
make it to the next level on the hierarchy frequently an enforced transaction, devoid of
within his community. Tony’s desire for intimacy and romance. A gang member’s
status is reflected in his ambition to be able to power and status is expressed through his
drink and smoke all night and to be able to sit deciding when and how sex occurs. In this
at the table where the men sat. Having sex regard it might be noted that Tony, while
added to his feelings of attaining power and being interested in a particular woman, had
status. Tony could feel that he was moving only a limited say as to whether sex should or
through various levels of what he perceived was going to occur. While he had attained a

certain level of power, Tony was not of the feminine and thus unworthy of the hyper-
same level as the senior gang member who masculine man. In the gang community of
gave the woman the order. Tony was unsure practice, physical labour was valued
and scared. His agency was also whereas academic labour was not. This can
compromised, albeit in a different way to be seen in the drugs narrative as Tony was
hers. granted a day off school by the family to set
The practice of hyper-masculinity up a party. Wanting very much to be a full
involves constructions of femininity with and accepted member of this community,
which masculine actions and identities are Tony worked extra hard to attain a higher
contrasted. From a hyper-masculine man’s status by proving his physical worth to the
perspective in this culture, as discussed in the gang members, to the detriment of attending
narratives, cooking, cleaning and other school and gaining an education. The
household chores are referred to as ‘bitch identity Tony saw as desirable was
work’. This suggests that these types of jobs modelled on hyper-masculine men around
are suitable for women and boys who are not him, all of whom had been previously
yet men: they are not jobs for men who have convicted of at least one crime.
acquired status in the gang. This type of Conclusion
thinking places women on a par with Discussions of how identities and
children, except that boys are given the beliefs are formed can assist in challenging
chance to rise up and gain greater status by and changing antisocial identities such as
proving themselves and making the transition those that are hyper-masculine – a need that
from boy to man, something which is Tony is intimately connected to as he hopes
unattainable for girls. to continue research in this area to assist
Within the gang environment any duty others. Tony developed a hyper-masculine
or action perceived as feminine is considered identity through his membership of a gang
too embarrassing or degrading for a hyper- community of practice. He was born into it
masculine man to engage with. This is through his family and was immediately
similar to the embarrassment Tony felt after surrounded by hyper-masculine men, who
being hit by his mother with bamboo. In reaffirmed his developing gang identity
Tony’s mind as a boy, real men are not through financial reward and praise. As we
physically hurt by women. Though he had have shown, early exposure to violence,
received many beatings prior to this incident, drug use and sex was particularly important.
Tony had never been beaten in front of men The development of a hyper-masculine
he respected and admired, and for him this identity in this case was primarily the result
was a greater punishment than suspension, of Tony not knowing any other way. The
pain or his mother’s disapproval. This first men he admired were the men he modelled
narrative then was not just about violence but himself after, in this case violent, drug
was also about gender roles. Tony was beaten using, hyper-masculine men. However this
by his mother, a woman, but the potential for identity was not fixed as socialisation plays
him to gain status as a result of his gender a significant and ongoing role in identity
was still recognised by the men present, who development (cf. Paechter, 2003).
gave him money and words of Often people will reassess their lives
encouragement after the beating. with further life experiences and maturity.
To the hyper-masculine male within a While Tony acquired a hyper-masculine
motorcycle gang community, engaging in identity at an early age, he later rejected this
challenging physical labour or ‘working identity due to wider exposure to other
hard’ is man’s work. Tony’s family and gang belief systems. Through his experiences, he
placed little importance on academic now believes that hyper-masculine men may
achievements and, as a result, neither did desire to change once they realise that these
Tony. Academic work was viewed on a par identities are restrictive and destructive.
with household chores and as a result deemed Often men in gangs can struggle with such

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24
Resituating masculinity and power in preventing child sexual abuse
Keith Mowat
Ocean Clinical Psychology, Busselton, WA.
Leigh Coombes
Massey University, Aotearoa/New Zealand
Robbie Busch
University of Notre Dame Australia, Fremantle
While attempts to address the perpetration of child sexual abuse often reduce focus to
individual, psychopathological and actuarial levels of analysis in psychology, contextual
understandings of gendered power relations are largely unexamined. A statistical focus on
the prevalence and risk of sex offenders to the community excludes critical, contextual and
discursive understandings of how masculinity is practised and how it contributes to men’s
sexual offending. Through locating issues of child sexual abuse within hegemonic
institutional and social power relations of masculinity, we challenge dominant reductionist
positionings of the offender to simplified constructs of deviancy and abnormality. We
present two case studies of the experiences of men who were child sex offenders,
interviewed as part of a wider study. In investigating their narratives, we examine their
experiences of power and powerlessness, and the discursive resources available to them,
determined through their socio-political contexts, which influenced their masculine
identities, practices, and subsequent offending. Questioning masculinity as a socially
determined practice of power and powerlessness opened a space for the men to become
reflective of how their community contexts confirmed their gendered practices that led to
sexual offending. Such insights could create transformative possibilities and interventions
that could prevent child sex offending.
Gender based violence has been widely 1996; 1997; Fergusson et al., 2000). Other
recognised to be one of the most serious New Zealand research has found that
threats to the wellbeing of women and between 23.5% and 28.2% of girls are
children worldwide. In the United Nations subject to unwanted and distressing sexual
Report on the Status of Women published in contact or are forced to participate in sexual
2011, Aotearoa/New Zealand was ranked acts before they reach the age of fifteen
worst of all OECD countries in rates of (Fanslow et al., 2007; Fanslow et al., 2008).
sexual violence. New Zealand has an Prevalence studies may provide useful
alarmingly high rate of reported child sexual information to draw attention to the problem
abuse, although variations in definition and of sexual violence in the population, and to
methods make it difficult to ascertain the access resources to reduce it and its effects.
prevalence. A review of the international However, the problem with using prevalence
literature suggests that approximately 10% of data is that it excludes how experiences of
men and 20% of women experience some sexual abuse might be understood and
form of sexual abuse during their childhood reported. For example, victimisation studies
(Seto, 2008). New Zealand studies have such as the New Zealand Crime and Safety
suggested rates of childhood sexual abuse as Survey exclude children under the age of 15
high as 32% (Anderson et al., 1993). This from participation, and only ask participants
early study has been supported by to report their experience over the last 12
longitudinal research that indicates between months (Mayhew & Reilly, 2008). Despite
13.9% and 30.4% of girls and 2.7% - 6.1% of methodological issues, it is clear that girls
boys have experienced sexual victimisation are more frequently abused than boys, and
prior to the age of sixteen (Fergusson et al., that the actual incidence of victimisation is

Resituating Masculinity 25
much higher that reported. Most acts of violence, there remains a persistent ideology
sexual abuse against children are unreported that aims to reduce this phenomenon to an
with only an estimated 9% of incidents individual level of analysis in psychology
reported to police (Ministry of Women’s (Lea & Auburn, 2001).
Affairs, 2009). Prevalence studies also raise Much of the literature focuses on
questions as to how much is ‘enough’; treatment interventions or rehabilitation
whether it is 1 in 3, or 1 in 7, it is a problem programmes that seek to control the deviant
that warrants further resources for change. behaviour of particular ‘risky’ men, with
The problem of child sex offending is varying degrees of success. This is especially
not gender neutral. A key feature of official the case within forensic settings, where the
data that has been consistent over time is that main focus is on reducing an offender’s risk
the majority of those who sexually offend of reoffending (Woldgebreal, Day & Ward,
against children are men (Cowburn, 2010; 2014) based on cognitive behavioural and
Finkelhor, 1984; Seto, 2009) and that most do psychiatric approaches that locate ‘deviancy’
not encounter the criminal justice system. within the individual and neglect
International studies suggest that between sociocultural resources that mitigate or
0.95% and 5% of all sexual offences against normalise sexually harmful behaviour
children are perpetrated by women (Cortini & (Rickard, 2015). Despite the inconsistent
Gannon, 2011), which is reflected in New results of rehabilitation programme
Zealand Police apprehension data (NZFVC, effectiveness, in Australia and New Zealand
2015). According to Ranger (2014), less than they continue to operate in prisons and
2% of those arrested for child sexual abuse within the community. There has been
are women and 0.63% of incarcerated child international recognition that cognitive-
sex offenders in New Zealand are women. behavioural treatments targeting the links
Most of our attempts to address the between offence cognitions, emotions, and
perpetration of child sexual abuse relates to behaviour to address maladaptive processes
community safety, based on what we know within individuals have the potential to
about sex offenders. According to Cowburn enable offenders to manage the risk factors
(2010), the focus on known offenders is that are attributed to re-offending. There
misguided, given that most acts of sexual appears to be some consensus that treatment
abuse are unreported and even where following a cognitive behavioural (CBT)
incidences of child sexual abuse are reported, approach through the risk-need-responsivity
difficulties in reaching conviction are model (Andrews & Bonta, 2010) is effective
entrenched (Butler, Goodman-Delahunty, & in reducing the likelihood of recidivism. The
Lulham, 2012). Similar to international Good Lives Model (Ward, 2002; Ward &
studies, Butler et al. (2012) estimate that 15% Marshall, 2004) of offender treatment has
of all child sex offences reported in Australia gained momentum in the last decade. It
result in criminal proceedings and these do assumes that offending is a maladaptive
not necessarily translate into convictions. attempt to meet an individual’s self-
Given the relatively few convictions, determined needs, and treatment focuses
alleviating the harms caused by sexual abuse upon creating the conditions required (both
must surely go beyond interventions based on individual and social) to achieve human
forensic knowledge of convicted offenders. ‘goods’ in prosocial ways. These models
Furthermore, understandings of gender are both focus on individual factors that lead to
largely absent from criminological and an offender’s decision to offend and
psychological discourses that tend to focus on therefore target the reduction of risk or the
how to correct and manage deviance through opportunity to lead a prosocial life. The
the development of theories that explain success of treatment is assessed through
offending and their application to the recidivism data. For example, Lambie and
treatment of individuals. Despite the history Stewart (2012) evaluated community based
of feminist and critical inquiry into sexual sex offender programmes in New Zealand

and found offence recidivism for completers deviant individuals and media
to be 8.1% compared with 21% non- representations of child sex offenders as the
completers. However, offence recidivism is a monstrous other (Lewis & Mega, 2009;
measure that depends on offences being Simon, 1998; Young-Hauser, 2010) we also
reported and recorded as offences. continue to understand child sex offending as
Additionally, rehabilitating men in the the individual behaviour of strangers.
community depends on access to programme Contrary to what is portrayed in the
providers and has a high drop-out rate (45%) media, the academic literature reports that
when compared to prison programmes (15%), the majority of child sex offenders are not
especially when the duration of the strangers to their victims (Lambie, 2007). It
community programme exceeds probation is difficult to accept that a family member
supervision (Lambie & Stewart, 2012). can also be a child sex offender. However,
There have been two recent systematic by ignoring familial child sex offences,
reviews of the efficacy of treatment and media representations provide a false sense
rehabilitation interventions that have the of security (Cowburn & Dominelli, 2001)
prevention of reoffending as their focus and reproduce the notion that the nuclear
(Långström, et al., 2013; Walton & Chou, family is a safe haven for children, free from
2015). While there is some support for the threat of being sexually abused (Young-
reduced recidivism following treatment “the Hauser, 2010). The complex relationship
effectiveness of these treatments remains between the monstrous and the deviant other,
neither clearly nor convincingly the blurring of the boundaries between the
demonstrated” (Walton & Chou, 2015, p. media representation of the other and the
402). Furthermore, sexual offenders have psychological production of the subject
been found to have no unique psychosocial or (Mowat, 2012), is a necessary site for
psychopathological characteristics (Rickard, transforming our understanding of child sex
2015) suggesting that influences beyond the offending.
individual are at play. One problematic in the statistical
The focus on the assessment and narrative of deviant individuals is that the
treatment of offenders, often categorised by measures embody a hegemonic
an index offence, is misleading, especially understanding of sexual violence and
given underreporting even of recidivism of offenders (Cowburn, 2005); the meaning is
those who have come to the attention of the limited to legal definitions and embedded
criminal justice system. Despite the within a framework of legal and forensic
underreporting of child sexual abuse, institutional knowledge, ignoring the
community responses to the release of known gendered power relations in the sociocultural
sex offenders is often fuelled by fear of risk construction of masculinity. In developing
(Willis, Malinen & Johnston, 2013). This has strategies for community safety,
implications for our communities, where criminological and psychological discourse
media reports represent child sexual abuse as of assessment and risk management is
perpetrated by a few deviant, sick men rather predicated on knowledge of convicted sex
than as a socio-cultural problem that pervades offenders of whom the majority are men.
society (Mowat, 2012). Yet, in the research and literature on the
Media representations of child sex management and treatment of child sex
offenders reproduce the fear of the dangerous offenders there is “no mention of ‘men’ or
and deviant other so much so that in our ‘masculinity’ or ‘masculinities’ or ‘gender’
social imagination, communities become in their indexes” (Cowburn, 2010, p. 229). If
dangerous places where child molesters and the assumption of the Good Lives Model
paedophiles lurk as “signifiers of legal (Ward, Mann, & Gannon, 2006) is that
discourse on sex offending” (Mowlabocus, individual and social goods are likely to
2015, p. 2). While we continue to focus our increase various measures of well-being,
attention on the psychological narrative of then surely gender identity is a necessary site

of interest and masculinity/masculinities is/ accomplishment of a masculine construction

are relevant to facilitating personal change. of ‘manliness’. Hegemonic masculinity is,
As Cowburn (2010, p. 230) argues, therefore, not a static characteristic of
“identities are a complex area that underpin individual men or a gender identity. Rather,
attitudes and are embodied in behaviours. it is dynamic, subject to change and
This would involve exploring how convicted contested (Connell, 2008). It is through the
offenders behave as men and could change as performance of gendered social power
men”. Where the hegemony of men and relations that hegemonic masculinity is
practices of masculinity delimit research rendered meaningful (Messerschmidt, 2012),
through the authority of science, the where performativity is constituted “by the
knowledge produced is a hegemonic very expressions that are said to be its
discourse, and psychological discourse is results” (Butler, 2006, p. 34).
implicated in its perpetuation. Hegemonic masculinity therefore is
This paper attends to the omission of not the expression of real men, but
masculinity as a construct which, by virtue of constitutes real men as its subject. Where
its privileged status, has been awarded there is an embedded assumption of the
exemption from scrutiny (McCarry, 2007), unquestionable right for men to have
and to how this exemption has limited our heterosex (Gavey, 2005), the meaning of
opportunities for understanding child sex hegemonic masculinity is intensified in
offending and therefore the prevention child men’s struggles to enact meaningful
sex abuse. To engage with the problem of masculine performances of doing sex
child sex offending, attention to how men (Messerschmidt, 2000b). Hegemonic
exercise and maintain their individual and masculinity can thus be understood as a
collective power requires an interrogation of system of power that serves to justify the
the hegemony of men – the different ways of order of things institutionalised through
being men in relation to women and children gender relationships, including men’s
(Cowburn, 2005). Connell and heterosexual privilege.
Messerschmidt (2005) argue that men Discourses of normative
position themselves in and through discursive heterosexuality that assume men’s ‘natural
practices of gendered power relations of urge’ for sex, position women as justifiable
domination and subordination according to objects of sexual abuse (Gavey, 2005),
normative sociocultural understandings of normalising men’s sexual violence as ‘boys
masculinity and femininity (and ‘other’ being boys’ (Messerschmidt, 2012).
subordinate masculinities). Masculinity, Heteronormative discourses produce and
therefore, “does not represent a certain type reproduce men’s sexuality as active and
of man, but, rather, a way that men position women’s sexuality as passive. Within this
themselves through discursive discursive context, women are responsible
practices” (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, for male desire, for meeting or refusing his
p. 841). Normative understandings of gender sexual pleasure. Cossins (2000) argues that
operate within a hierarchy of masculinities the relationship of sexuality to the
“as a pattern of hegemony” (p. 844) that is construction of masculinity is where relations
contextually legitimated and associated with of power are established among men and
authority and social power within which between men and women. Heteronormative
hegemonic masculinity emerges as a material discourses therefore limit men’s
practice of authority, control, independence, accountability for aggressive, abusive and
competitive individualism, aggressiveness, criminal sexual behaviour, and at the same
heterosexualism, and the capacity for time, are implicated within the ever-present
violence, including sexual violence (Gough, risk of failure to be a real man (Connell &
2006; Messerschmidt, 2000b). It is through Messerschmidt, 2005; Cossins, 2000).
these socially available resources that men Cossins (2000) argues men’s position in the
can demonstrate to others the social hierarchy is achieved through

exploitative masculine sexuality. It is the and political space to actively influence all
prevailing discourses of desire structured its inhabitants as to how gender is performed
within hegemonic masculinity and (Connell, 1996) and they are implicated in
participation in the sets of gendered social the production of gendered violence (Renold,
power relations, that we argue, provide the 2007).
conditions for child sexual abuse. The focus on gender in educational
The institutionalisation of socially institutions has most often been directed to
dominant masculinities that legitimate the the construction of violent and hyper-
meaning of ‘manliness’ through the masculinities in school settings (Connell,
marginalisation or delegitimisation of 2000). An example of the performance of the
alternative forms of masculinity, are normalisation of sexual violence is
embedded in everyday socio-political Messerschmidt’s (2000b) study of sexually
contexts. Hegemonic masculinity is offending boys. He found adherence to a
structurally produced and reproduced across hegemonic masculine ideal was aggressively
historical and local socio-political contexts and violently policed in schools through a
embedded in intimate relations of “culture of cruelty”, whereby those who did
globalisation: institutional practices of not meet the socially specified standards
neoliberalism, western hegemony and were frequently rejected, ridiculed,
everyday practices of normalisation physically abused and given derogatory and
(Coombes & Morgan, 2015). In turn, they are emasculating labels, such as “wimp” and
reproduced in families, communities, “mama’s boy” (Messerschmidt, 2000b, p.
political, social and economic institutions. 27). The threat of being feminised represents
With a focus on critical analysis of the a failure of achieving ‘manliness’, and
institutionalisation of heterosexuality, Flood simultaneously reproduces the inferiority of
(2008) located the meaning of masculinity in women. To achieve social status, adherence
the homosocial organisation of men’s to this highly seductive, largely unobtainable
heterosexual relationships and found men’s world of masculine power influenced
sexual relations with women were “strongly Messerschmidt’s participants to the point
organised by their relationships with other where they sexually abused other children.
men”, (p. 340), including homophobic Messerschmidt (2000a) locates child
violence. Homosociality within the culture of sexual abuse in the tension between
the military, for example, includes the hegemonic and subordinate masculinities
ritualised sexual abuse of women to enhance where, in the absence of a competing
the relationship between men. Langa (2008) discourse, participants’ masculinity was
found that rape in the context of the military resolved through the enactment of sexual
is a legitimated expression of masculinity. It violence as a masculine rite of passage.
is the institutionalised gendered social power What emerged from Messerschmidt’s study
relations in the military, sports, social spaces, is that hegemonic masculinity is both
academic institutions and so on that bring institutionalised and enacted, and for these
hyper-masculinity, predicated on coercion boys there was limited space for subversive
and violence, into view in significant ways. performances. Without access to other forms
School is a particular site of producing of available masculinities for men and boys
and reproducing the gender hierarchy. Gilbert who may be marginalised, the failure to “be a
and Gilbert (1998) argue that structural and real man” has serious consequences. The
cultural mechanisms, such as the rules that failure to perform as a real man intensifies
govern behaviour and disciplinary practices, hyper-masculinity as the only meaningful
the allocation of space, the composition of masculinity for self-performance.
curriculum, participation in sport, and the The discursive constitution of
way authority is exercised, are all hegemonic masculinity provides the socio-
technologies of gendered power. These political conditions for the performance of
technologies of power constitute the social masculinities and gender negotiations,

including the conditions for child sex of the institutional and social power relations
offending (Messerschmidt, 2000b) and sexual that produce masculinities in particular ways
offending in general (Flood, 2008; Turckik & rather than individualising the problem to the
Edwards, 2010). Where masculinity and ‘known’ offender.
femininity are institutionalised as a Hearing the silenced. Hearing the narrative
relationship of domination and subordination accounts of child sex offenders is likely to
and reproduced as timeless and indisputable, meet with resistance and/or raise anxiety for
discourses of masculinity both enable and some researchers and practitioners. Giving a
constrain sexually harmful behaviour, voice to the most abhorrent elements of child
including child sexual abuse. Our efforts to sexual abuse and offending can be anxiety
eliminate child sexual abuse therefore require provoking. Child sex offenders are routinely
attention to the social and cultural conditions positioned outside of the discursive rules of
that enable sexual abuse to emerge (Flood, normativity, and are simultaneously subject
2002). to the governance and control from within.
The Study Once branded a child sex offender, men are
The purpose of this research was to silenced by the discourses that produce ‘him’
gather novel insights into the lives of child as deviant other: a subject with no right to a
sex offenders, providing possible points of compassionate hearing. Indeed, perhaps it is
intervention that could prevent child sexual intelligible to exclude and dehumanise
abuse from occurring. In particular, this study individual child sex offenders rather than
aimed to challenge the dominant confront the notion that somebody who has
understandings of child sex offending that committed a crime so ‘monstrous’ could be
produce the offender as a deviant ‘other’ to like ‘us’ (Cossins, 2000). We understand the
the norm. In addition, this study aimed to anxiety. However, hearing the voice of the
locate the problem of child sexual abuse other of normative discourse is an
within hegemonic institutional and social opportunity to negotiate multiple meanings
power relations of masculinity. The practices by locating our research and practices in
of masculinity were also examined as sites of ethically responsive methodologies.
transformation. Questioning masculinity Listening to the voice of the other enables us
opens space where men can talk, as men, to attend to the constitution of meaning in the
about the effects of masculinity for men and narratives of everyday lives, in the
speak to the silent privilege of gendered complexities and multiplicities that cannot be
social power. In doing so, we open up reduced to individual risk (Coombes, Denne,
possibilities for transforming performances of & Rangiwananga, 2016) so as to produce
masculinity that are pre-emptive. change in gendered social power
This research takes masculinity as the relationships.
site of inquiry in two ways. The first was In the following sections, we present
through listening to the narratives of child sex two case studies of child sex offenders who
offenders as they made sense of critical were part of a larger study, investigating how
periods and influences in their lives and the narratives of men who had sexually
negotiated the meaning of masculinity in abused children provide an opportunity to
conversational interviews with the first examine specific productions of socially and
author, often for the first time. The second culturally meaningful masculinities, and the
was an analysis of the discursive constitution relationship between these constructed
of masculinity in the men’s accounts. The meanings and the discursive resources
narrative approach to the interviews was available to the men in their particular socio-
necessary to the project to avoid positioning political contexts. The material social
the men as subjects of the psychological conditions, discourses and practices that
production or media representation of the informed their masculine identities across
deviant/monstrous other. The narrative- time were of interest; not an account of their
discursive analysis enabled the interrogation offending. This distinction is important as we

were focused on the resources available to particular social relationship. The men were
these men, as men, and Auburn and Lea encouraged to begin their stories from their
(2003) have found that men who have earliest childhood memories and, from there,
completed treatment programmes speak their narratives were loosely structured in a
about their offending through a culturally temporal ordering of key events including
constructed narrative consistent with the parental and familial relationships, school,
narrative of the programme. intimate relationships, occupations, offending
Method and how they understood masculinity
Informed consent through these events. Particular attention was
The research gained ethical approval paid to moments of special meaning in the
from Massey University Human Ethics men’s lives, regardless of whether these
Committee (MUHEC, Southern A 09/85). moments seemed to be especially relevant to
The information sheet provided to masculinity. For example, where the
participants reflected the tensions between interviewer noticed naturalised constructions
confidentiality and the requirement to report in the men’s language such as, “that’s just the
any potential risk of reoffending being way it is”, he responded with questions such
disclosed. Participants were informed that the as “where do you think that [feeling/belief]
research focused on their understandings and comes from?” .
experiences of masculinity and not their Gender specific language was
offending histories. The men were also explicitly used, and masculinity became
informed that the first author, and realised in the conversations when talking
interviewer, was a trainee psychologist about key moments and turning points in the
interested in the prevention of child sex men’s lives. For example, the question “you
abuse. described your father as a ‘manly man’; what
Recruitment was a manly man?” was asked to investigate
The criteria for participation were men a paternal performance of masculinity that
who had been convicted of sexual offences was being discussed. Often the conversations
against children, had completed a 12-month would lead to how particular discourses of
mandatory treatment programme in the masculinity had transformed through their
community, and were willing to engage in a lives. Further questions were asked
conversational interview about their life concerning the implications of adhering to a
experiences of masculinity. This history certain type of masculinity, for example,
provides a context for the conduct of the “what would it mean if you did cry in front
interviews. of your [male] friends?” or “how is it the
Interviews men at school had more authority?”. Such
All of the interviews were conducted at questions often developed insight for both
the location where the men completed their the interviewer and the men in the flow of the
treatment programmes, as required by the conversation as to the implications of
ethical protocol, and specified in the particular constructions of masculinity and
information sheet. This is significant in the the subject positions that were enabled and
production of the narratives that were constrained through them. The conversations
generated, as the storying in the present is lasted between 1 ¾ and 2 ¾ hours.
constrained by institutional, social and Process of Analysis
cultural discourses, and the setting for The analysis of the men’s narratives
interviews was the organisation that served as sought to identify the discursive positioning
the gatekeeper of the participants’ freedom performed by the men in storying their
previously. negotiations with masculinities, and their
The interviews were conversational so implications for understanding masculinity as
that both the interviewer and the participants a site for pre-emptive intervention. As
could meaningfully explore masculinity in researchers, we are very aware that in doing
the to-and-fro of talk between men, in a so, the analysis runs the risk of minimising

the effects that child sexual abuse has on constrained gendered experiences across
victims. On many occasions, it would have time and context. Language that adheres to
been easier to talk about researcher anxiety the rules of the permanency of gender
over some of what we heard in terms of indicates a naturalisation of the discourse
‘disgust’ or ‘revulsion’. We deeply (Hook, 2001). For example, comments such
acknowledge the harm the children suffered, as, “that’s just what men do” or, “it’s just the
although the stories of those harmed remain way it is” suggest that performances of
obscured. We are committed to the masculinity are embedded in the social and
prevention of child sexual abuse, not a cultural imaginary of men. This dimension of
reduction in the ‘risk’ of re-offending. the analysis also considers taken-for-granted
Applying such a methodology to the problem assumptions about heteronormativity that
of child sexual abuse, and questioning the might condone, or mitigate the subordination
most taken-for-granted assumptions, allows of women and children. For example, the
us the opportunity to examine the problem discursive construction of the right for men
and find new and useful ways to influence to have sex, to dominate, or to use violence
interventions. as a means of control is analysed. It is
The following analysis is organised precisely where dominant discourses are
around two case studies from the larger produced as stable in their adherence to
study. The two cases were selected to enrich hegemonic masculinity that the conditions
Cossins’ (2000) theorisation of masculinity for child sex offending are produced
with specific instances of the way that men’s (Messerschmidt, 2000b). Normalised
position in the social hierarchy implicates discursive practices of gendered social power
experiences of dynamic power relations relations that legitimate exploitation and
involving both domination and subordination. oppression in the performance of masculinity
While there is diversity of experience among are the focus of this analysis.
men and masculinities, the centrality of The men drew on dominant discourses
sexuality to the construction of masculinity of masculinity as they reflected on their own
locates sexuality as the site where position in the gender hierarchy. Such
masculinity and power are intimately discourses consisted of clusters of terms,
connected. networks of meanings or systems of
The case studies presented are statements that provided content to their
organised through a narrative analysis to understanding of masculinity as an ‘object’,
construct and present moments of Chris and in this case to their position as a man. The
Josh’s life stories with particular attention most salient discourse produced by the men
paid to key relationships and events that in this study was the ‘manly man’. As a
informed their positioning and the network of meaning, this discourse resonated
performance of their masculine identities. with discourses that reproduce traditional
Each case study is organised chronologically masculinity (Flood, 2010), where manly men
to form a pattern of meaning that represented are constituted as stoic, emotionally
how masculinity was negotiated from their restricted, independent, powerfully present,
childhood through to their offending and heterosexually virile, physically competent
beyond. They are represented through the and the protector and provider to the family.
storylines that emerged in the narrative (re) Analysis – Case Studies
construction of masculine identities to make Both participants (Chris and Josh) were
visible the ways in which masculinities were men in their thirties who had served a prison
produced, and resisted. sentence for sexual crimes against children.
We then consider how the men’s Josh could be considered privileged (in an
discursive positioning reproduced economic sense) and Chris located himself as
relationships of domination and “working class”. Chris had a career in the
subordination of normative heterosexuality, armed forces and Josh had pursued a
specifically how they enabled and specialist position in medicine.

Josh Josh positioned himself as less effective than

Josh came from a two parent, his brother in attracting women, another form
seemingly supportive, middle class of successful masculinity. Positioning his
conservative family. In the interview, he brother as “manly” like his father signified
constructed his identity through his difference his failure. His brother thrived in traditional
to their values, positioning himself as a risk masculine pursuits but achieved “average”
taker. grades at school. Josh, on the other hand,
I guess they’re kind of ‘one job achieved excellence academically and was an
for life’, the white picket fence, athletics champion, lower on the masculine
‘you’ve got to have good hierarchy, including in his physical
savings’, quite sort of presentation. He understood himself as
conservative, quite middle- class; failing at both masculinity and as a son. He
whereas I think I’m a lot more resisted the homosocial bond shared by his
adventurous, a lot more risk father and brother to produce an identity as
taking. I’m a bit more kind of ‘a an intellectual. While this may constitute a
sensualist’, like I’ll spend my subordinate position in the social hierarchy
money on rich foods and drinks of masculinity, a lack of physical and sexual
or travel or experiences like power is juxtaposed with a gain in
bungee jumping, whereas they’ll intelligence aligned with economic power.
be like ‘buy a new carpet for the I always felt that my brother had
lounge’. the closest relationship with dad
Within his narrative, Josh’s mother is than I did…I always saw [my
mostly absent and he attributed this to the brother] as a better athlete. He
culture of the military where the homosocial had more girlfriends, he was just
organisation of men’s heterosexual more the sort of ‘jock’ kind of
relationships formed the familial structure. guy and I was more the
Josh positions his mother in a relationship of academic, sort of booky, crafty
domination and subordination through his or whatever; whereas he was
grandfather’s powerful masculine presence more kind of physical. But, I
that not only subdued his mother, but also don’t know, I think we are very,
any feminine expression of emotion. very different people, I mean
Mum came from a family, which he’s more like my parents.
was, although it was four Josh positioned his father in the
daughters, utterly, utterly gendered social hierarchy through features of
dominated by my grandfather, masculinity that are authoritarian, physically
the father figure. He was a imposing, and emotionally restricted.
military guy, in the air force. I He’s like sort of an authority
think mum, compared to a lot of figure type of a man, so both in a
other mums, was quite subdued. hierarchical sense and in physical
So even she doesn’t kind of show capability. He was like, I guess
her emotions that much in what you’d call, a stereotypically
public, I get the feeling that she manly man. He’s kind of fairly
thinks if she does it’s a bad unemotional just gets things done.
thing it’s not something she is If there’s a tragedy, ‘ok we’ll deal
supposed to be doing. with it -no point getting upset
Competition was encouraged between about it’.
Josh and his brother and he felt that he failed Josh reflected that discipline and
to achieve the success expected of him. His boundaries were not a prominent part of his
brother was more accomplished in “popular” childhood. Both he and his brother were
sports such as rugby and cricket, and earned generally obedient, and as such, their parents
his masculine position alongside his father. adopted a “permissive” approach to

parenting that offered little in the way of the juniors are like around the
structured rules and guidance. Josh recalled outside and the back. It was all
that at school, discipline and guidance was just structured around moving to
similarly vague and seemingly unnecessary. the next level.
His academic achievements and his Josh discussed how the rules that
allegiance to the ‘academic’/‘geeks’ group govern masculine performance in the social
meant that he rarely resisted the schools hierarchy are maintained and consolidated
boundaries or behaved inappropriately. through participation in the violent
During his primary school years, Josh subordination of non-masculine boys.
was typically reserved and withdrawn. He Participation in the violent subordination of
described himself as “invisible” within the less ‘manly’ groups or individuals is
school culture. However, in his narrative (re) necessary to the construction of relations of
telling he drew on examples of using threats masculinity and power. In the relationship of
of violence when he felt criticised. Within power and powerlessness, proficiency in
the social spaces of school, institutionalised sport is a way authority is exercised and
forms of masculine violence were brought gender is performed.
into view. We had a guy in our class and we
When I was 8 or 9, [I’d do] used to have this game where we
things like picking a chair up were standing around the
and threatening to throw it at hallway waiting for the class to
one of the kids in the class be open and we’d bounce him
because they’d said something around. He was on the chess
that had pissed me off. I got in a team so it was like ‘ah that’s not
fight in form 3 at high school very manly thing to be so we’re
with, again it was a really good allowed to pick on you because
mate of mine, and again I can’t you’re on the chess team’. I
remember what set it off - would have got bullied like that
which shows how trivial it had I not been [an
probably was. I got really angry, accomplished athlete], I’m
then the 2 of us were rolling almost certain of it because I
around the floor knocking over would have just been this chess
desks in the class room; pulling playing geek.
each other’s ties and trying to like The rights associated within a
push each other into the floor. I masculine identity of athleticism enabled
had lots of examples…I’d take Josh to enact violence in the subordination of
things really personally or other boys, and simultaneously protect
whatever and eventually I guess I himself from his own vulnerable location in
kind of learned to deal with that the social hierarchy. Reflecting on his
and you know by the time I was participation in hegemonic relations of
16 or 17 it kind of all stopped. domination and subordination at school, Josh
Technologies of power that structure observed that he had enacted violence to
school life, including the hierarchical confirm his masculinity and maintaining
organisation of space and the authority to silence confirmed his position in the social
enact power relations between men impacted hierarchy. To take up a position of resistance
on Josh’s narrative of masculine identity. would represent a failure and a loss of
Every form was expected to protection.
hassle the form below. There I don’t think anyone would have
was very much division at school listened [if I tried to stop the
into juniors and seniors. The bullying]; it’s just one guy
assembly hall was set up with saying. Maybe that’s what I
Form 7 down the front and all felt sometimes, but I joined in

because that was going to be like whoa! What are you doing
more in my self-interest. sitting on me? Get off I’ve got a
As Josh repeatedly engaged in certain girlfriend!...More recently, I’ve
social practices that confirmed his been very bad at being faithful -
masculinity, adolescence heightened something changed around Form
sexuality as the site through which 7. I think it was, basically, that
masculinity and power produced and when I did cheat on someone it
reproduced power relations between men and was like ‘oh is that all it was?’
men between men and women. In his (re) I didn’t get struck down by
telling, Josh remembers being attracted to karma or anything. I think the
girls as an adolescent, but was too “afraid” to wrong thing to do was to start
approach them. Indeed, the masculine because then it became easier to
hierarchy at Josh’s school extended to do - like drinking and drugs….
expectations of sexual adventurousness, with It’s almost like there was this
those in their senior years expected to be barrier in my mind that was just
more sexually experienced. The school this illusion or I felt was just an
culture sexualised girls through stories of illusion.
sexual exploits, pornographic playing cards Josh recognised heterosexual power as
and biology lessons that objectified girls and a turning point in the narrative of his
women. Without access to alternative masculine identity. He recognised he had the
representations of women, his adherence to authority to break monogamy rules without
heterosexual normativity confirmed his consequence; shifting his moral boundaries
masculinity and continued to dominate his confirmed his masculinity. Josh reflected on
sexual relationships into adulthood. the tension between the relations of power in
I couldn’t really have girlfriends sexual relationships (dominant) and work
at school because it was all boys. (subordinate) where he experienced a
I just remember conversations like contradiction between agreement and
this one guy going on about ‘oh in entitlement. The experience of power and
3rd form you’re supposed to kiss powerlessness dominated Josh’s moral
and in 4th form you’re supposed positioning by his failure to meet the
to have a bit of a feel and in 5th contractual obligations of heterosexuality.
form you’re supposed to have sex’ I’m almost a bit obsessive
and this is just the way it is…it’s because even if it’s going to be
the older brother introducing the really inconvenient for me to
younger brother. Certainly in carry on doing this thing, even if
early uni’, most of uni’ actually, it’s something like meeting
girls were seen as a way to get a someone for coffee, but suddenly
bit of action. my day is really busy and I can’t
As Josh negotiated his masculine really fit it in, I’ll still do it but
identity both in resistance to his father and then I’ll be pissed off doing my
through relations of power and powerlessness other stuff later on because I’ll
among boys at school, he began to test have to stay late. When I feel
“boundaries and their consequences” that I’m fairly entitled to
especially in relation to heterosex. something you know, that’s put
I used to be extremely moral in a contract or something like
about the whole faithfulness that, and someone’s not giving it
thing. When I was with [my first to me then I’d be really pissed
girlfriend] I was at a party and off.
basically there were these drunk He also described being in a constant
fifth formers who were throwing tension between inside and outside a
themselves at everyone. I was heterosexual relationship, losing his self-

interested focus when in a relationship. experiences of losing both social and

Actually, I tend to go too far personal power, including his professional
when I’m in a relationship. identity as subordinate in the social hierarchy
Maybe I spend too much time at work, in relation to his understanding of
with them and don’t give myself the order of masculinity and his masculine
enough chance to do what I want identity.
to do. When I’m out of one I Effectively what happened was
spend a lot of time of my own and that there was a progression -
suddenly crave for it again. again it’s one of those barrier
Yet, through this tension, Josh also felt kind of breaking things. I was 24
a sense of freedom at the end of a at the time and so I started
relationship. Sex had become a key talking to people [on a social
experience through which power was derived networking website] who were
and his masculinity was accomplished. This 20 –24. I mean why would you
signalled the beginning of a trajectory in want to talk to someone who was
which moral boundaries were repeatedly 18 or something - that’s a first
broken, re-established and broken again. year student, you want nothing to
I thought, ‘man, I just fucked up do with them? But then,
in the biggest possible way but sometimes at night there weren’t
it’s done now, the relationship’s many people online it was like
over, now I can do whatever I ‘oh ok I’ll talk to this person
like’ and so there was this sense they’re only 19 or whatever’
of freedom as well, and so I went you know?...Once the barriers
through a sort of reckless sort of are broken then it’s not a barrier
period. anymore, ‘oh 17 that’s not big
In the accomplishment of his deal’…A lot of it was this desire
masculinity, the competing experiences of to just defer work for as long
success and failure continued to plague his as possible, um through going
narrative of identity. out, through drinking, through
I guess it’s a fear of not being chatting online, like chatting
respected or recognised as online until 3 in the morning…So
someone significant. I guess I they just got younger and
have this fear of being the guy in younger until it eventually got to
the corner that no-one wants to the point where I met up with
talk to because no-one’s someone who was 15 via this
interested so I don’t even start. I process of chatting. I mean
always like to be seen as someone eventually that’s when the
who is successful or someone who offending began. Never in a
is an achiever, and people who million years would I ever
know me maybe see that but imagine myself talking to
people who don’t know me don’t someone who was 15…I think it
like [the] first impression and was basically the availability
[may] not realise this kind of stuff and ease, [with younger girls]
about me. I don’t like giving the it was easier to get what I was
wrong impression so I’d rather after because they were much
give no impression. less guarded and cautious, they
Within the competing experiences of were more reckless than grown
power and powerlessness, Josh performed his up girls. There were two 15 year
masculine identity through its relation with old girls. Then at this party up
sex. In the following extract, he reflects on here [there were] a couple of
how he confirmed his masculinity through a [underage] girls who I hadn’t
narrative trajectory that brings into view his

had sex with but who I kissed and and powerlessness.

stuff…[and we’d] just lie on the [Dad] had a very rough
bed and talk or whatever and upbringing, his father used to
then have sex and then she’d go beat him and burn him with
home…I think a relationship is cigarettes. He’s one of these guys
the wrong word because it was where you hear stories about;
just meeting up for sex. ‘Oh I used to ride a horse to the
The narrative of offending here reflects school and keep my feet warm in
the tensions of power and powerless, both cow pats’… Dad was the
social and personal that produce a youngest so he was the one doing
vulnerability to masculinity in relations all the work as the youngest child.
among men. Cossins (2000) argues the I mean, if he got it wrong he’d get
pattern produces exploitative masculinity as a a whack. His dad used to cut his
response to heteronormative failure, where hair with sheep clippers – the old
masculinity can confirm gendered identity hand sheep clippers - and if he
through endless conquests, reproduced and moved while he was getting his
affirmed through the social and cultural hair cut it would be whack across
conditions of hegemony “where the the head with the sheep clippers.
characteristics of less powerful objects of Dad’s got scars across his head
desire include willingness, compliance, where his head’s been ripped
petiteness, submissiveness – in short, the open, so yeh it was pretty rough
characteristics of children” (p.115). for him.
Through a narrative of heterosexual
Chris violence, Chris’s father dominated his
Chris came from a two-parent working childhood memories to the point where he
class family that was organised around found it difficult to recall his mother. He
gender difference and maintained through understood the positioning of his mother as
physical violence against his mother and in subordinate to his father’s powerful
the discipline of Chris and his sister. When performance of masculinity.
considering his position in the family, he Mum was very quiet, I can’t pick
clearly understood that his gender necessarily any particular memories [of her],
meant disproportionate physical punishment. I mean mum’s always been there
I always felt sort of second best but always sort of quiet and in the
to my sister - with regards to my background. I suppose that’s
dad anyway, I always felt that from being suppressed by dad.
things were a bit harder, and a Chris experienced his father’s
bit rougher on me than her. He disciplinary practices as a requirement of
was always a very manly man. masculinity that is emotionally restricted,
Within his narrative, it was the where feelings were not an available
normality of violence both against women resource for being ‘manly’. Even experiences
and as a form of discipline, that signified of anger were produced as authorising
manliness. Positioning his father as manly, discipline, and therefore involving
through his expression of violence, maintenance of a physical (dominant) rather
maintained a hierarchy of masculinities, than an emotional (subordinate) relationship.
which consolidated Chris’s heterosexual We’d get pulled around and
identity at an early age. The intergenerational yelled at. [Dad’s] temper was on
narrative affirms violent masculinity in a a very short wick so if things
relation of domination and subordination weren’t going right he’d get
between men; male homosociality is angry pretty quick…he never
necessary to the use of interpersonal violence really explained why he did
and maintains a gendered hierarchy of power [discipline us]. I suppose it was

part of him as well - you don’t respected and dangerous. Approaching

talk about that sort of thing, you adolescence, the affirmation of his
don’t talk about feelings, you masculinity became entwined with a growing
don’t talk about all that sort of sexual interest in girls and women. During
stuff. his adolescence and early adulthood, and to
Chris found it difficult to consolidate not expose his vulnerability, his masculine
his understanding of his father as ‘manly’ identity was affirmed through competing
through the position of protector, especially experiences of success and failure at sex.
where he experienced harsh discipline Chris was initially fearful of rejection when
enacted through violence. negotiating sex. He had a long history of
I don’t exactly understand it casual sexual relationships before his first
myself but um manly man, the serious relationship, when he was 22 years
way I saw it was, the protector [of old.
the family] - which doesn’t make I certainly didn’t think much of
sense either – being the them [girls]. If I didn’t sort of like
protector and then beating up a girl, I didn’t think much of her
on the family. at all, you know?... I suppose it
The contradiction between protection was a bit more of a personal
and violence affirmed for Chris that build up but again or a like a
expression of emotion within the social reassurance thing, if I can get
hierarchy of masculinity was a weakness, and back a second time then I’ve
opened up a vulnerability that could be obviously done something right
exploited by other men. the first time so yeh I think that is
[Dad] didn’t get taught how to more what it was about as well –
teach me properly. He’s always personal reassurance.
been a ‘manly man’ and ‘don’t Chris constructed a set of rules to his
cry’ and, the ‘man of the house’ engagement with sexual relationships; casual
and ‘you’ve got to be strong’. relationships were privileged over one-night
Being brought up not to talk about stands. In this way his success at sex,
things - about feelings and um yeh confirmed his masculinity. Chris resisted
how we’re feeling and stuff like controlling girls through violence, stating he
that, you just didn’t talk about it. “didn’t really hit girls”, resisting the form of
In resistance to his subordinate position masculinity taken up by his father. The
at home, Chris manufactured a “macho” experience of power and powerlessness
identity that served to protect him from dominated his sexual relationships.
physical threat and elevate his masculine Chris’s chosen career was in the armed
status at school. He engaged in violence to forces, an institution that is overtly
gain power and demonstrate his masculinity. masculinised and stressful, particularly
It was something to hide behind, during deployment. The legitimate form of
so no-one sort of knew what was masculinity that is constructed through
really going on [at home]… I was homosocial bonds between men in the armed
just real confident, cocky um forces is constituted through the perpetuation
probably [portrayed being] of physical toughness, endurance,
bigger and tougher than I really aggression, heterosexuality and unemotional
was. It sort of helped a wee bit logic (Flood, 2008). The construction of a
that I got into a lot of fights and I masculine soldier identity therefore, is
very rarely lost, so the tough side affirmed through relations of
of the whole image sat quite well. homosociability. Voicing emotional distress
As he gained status through repeated following his deployment was understood by
performances of ‘winning fights’, he began to Chris to breach the homosocial bond and
confirm his masculinity; in control, strong, threaten his masculine identity. Chris

described the events of his deployment that of emotional powerlessness that threatened
overwhelmed him. his masculine identity as structured through
The hardest thing about dealing homosocial relations of power.
with mass graves was [the] Chris sexually assaulted his 13-year-
women and children. A lot of the old stepdaughter.
women were the same age as [my I started looking at porn on the
wife] and a lot of the children computer. I was using that as an
were the same age as my kids. I escape and the lack of sex that I
just had a baby three months was having at home and because
before I left and one of the bodies of my own issues that I was
I picked up was a baby about the having with detaching myself
same age as [my baby]. I picked from everyone and everything…I
up this [baby’s] body and it wasn’t coping with the fact that
basically disintegrated. I came [my wife] had medical issues that
home and would go to pick up my meant she couldn’t have sex.
own children and that’s the first We’d plan to have sex like a week
image that flicks through my head, in advance and then the kids
and that’s why I started to detach would do something and that
myself which was the start of my would just screw the whole thing
problems. up so I was getting real angry
However, it was a failure of with the kids and with [my wife]
masculinity that was a turning point in his and then I’d get angry at myself
masculine identity, where the expression of because I was getting angry at
emotional sensitivity was understood as them. Everything just sort of built
unmanly, and risked a loss of masculine up and built up, and um yeh, the
status. Chris had no means to produce an opportunity basically arose and I
account of his experiences and maintain his took that opportunity. I was um
masculine identity. Effectively, his adherence basically I was just being selfish,
to manly masculinity produced a I saw what I wanted and I went
vulnerability that could not be articulated. for it…I didn’t sort of realise I
If I have to talk about it then I’m was doing it until it was done and
going to break down and being I sort of sat back down and went
the manly man that I was I ‘shit what have I just done?’
couldn’t break down in front of Chris’s narrative of sexual offending
my family and friends. I suppose I emerges in “circumstances where there are
thought I was too much of a man real or perceived challenges to their
to be able to break down in front masculine power” (Cossins, 2000, p. 126), in
of my family. Every time I want to this case, vulnerability to his emotional
talk to someone about it, the response to trauma.
emotion came up and I just Masculinity as a Site of Intervention
wanted to break down and I The interviews with Chris and Josh,
couldn’t let that happen. Then I provided an opportunity to reflect on
started having sexual issues… masculinity and their experiences of the
Within the competing experiences of hegemony of men and opened up spaces for
power and powerlessness, where Chris’s them to discuss how pre-emptive
masculine identity was deeply embedded in a interventions might have been effective for
desire to be manly, he also confirmed his preventing their sexual victimisation of girls.
masculine identity through its relation with Both men reflected on the lack of available
sex. In the extract below, he reflects on how resources to warrant breaching the socio-
he confirmed his masculinity through a cultural norms that held their masculine
telling that brings into view the experiences identities in place.

Both participants made explicit the armed forces, especially for recognising
need for men to change their relationships, to signs of un-wellness and wishes he “had
shift from constructing their identities someone to talk to” prior to his offending,
through practices of masculinity that produce calling for a cultural level change that
independence and competitive individualism challenges masculine practices that inhibit
and particularly the feminisation of emotion help-seeking behaviour.
as markers of success. They wanted a shift to I think not only the army but
a more communicative recognition of everyone [would benefit from a]
interdependence, empathy and awareness of greater awareness of depression.
each other. I suppose at the end of the day
Drawing on his experience of greater awareness from
treatment, learning to communicate with commanders looking at their
other men opened the possibility for Josh to soldiers, or friends looking at
understand that homosocial relations could their friends and saying ‘look hey
provide the context for changing relations you need help, something’s going
between men. Treatment provided a context on, speak to someone’. I suppose
where men were encouraged or, arguably, in the army’s case they need to
forced to express emotion, discuss failures order their soldiers to have
and expose vulnerabilities; not just in private counselling. If something happens
sessions but in front of other men. that going to adversely affect
In the [treatment] programme it their soldiers, get some
[communication] was a lot easier counselling because their soldiers
to do once I could see other are going to be better for it.
people doing it in the group. So I (Chris)
think maybe at school, or [other Josh’s masculine identity depended on
institutions], small group work his academic success and independence.
[would be helpful] where you are When facing failure the possibility of asking
encouraged to share that sort of for help was incomprehensible to him.
stuff. I could see it working…let’s In our family we never, asked
just get together and share each other those sorts of
concerns. (Josh) questions…I never wanted to ask
my parents for help because I was
I think that as a society we’d do supposed to be this successful
well to do more of that rather than independent son who’d achieved
just let people cope on their own. this, this, and this. I knew that
That never really went on at my things were going badly and I
school…no-one really took a deep could have rung up mum and dad
interest in [me]. [It was the] same and said ‘look I’m really unhappy
in [postgraduate study where at the moment, can I come and
junior staff] were expected to be live at home for a few months?’
these robots that could do but it never crossed my mind to
everything. I think I have accepted do that because that’s not the
that it’s a really stressful job and done thing. (Josh)
that maybe people have poor For Josh, establishing networks of open
coping strategies and even if they communication for men is vital in preventing
are coping, just checking up on child sex abuse. He reflected that changing
people you know - ‘what’s going the culture of heteronormativity where
on?’, ‘how’s your relationship?’ people both recognise and feel they can
Things like that - more intervene and offer support when they notice
communication. (Josh) a friend is struggling, or acting harmfully to
Chris advocates for compulsory others, would go some way to preventing
education and counselling support across the

child sex abuse. that sort of thing you know’ I

I think that people should take a used to say that all the time ‘I’d
deeper interest in the lives of the never do that I hate people that
people around them. When I was do that’ but yet that’s exactly
[offending] I was living in a flat what I did because all you really
with 4 others and there were see is that end effect of the end
people coming and going in my offending, you don’t see what’s
room and no one said anything. gone on before. Had I known
It’s me that was doing it, I’m not about the build up to [offending]
blaming them or anything, but then I could have gone ‘hold on
things could have been completely whoa this is what I’m doing’. So I
different if one of my flatmates suppose the awareness of how it
had said ‘oh who was that girl she builds up and what leads up to it
looked kind of young what’s going [would be helpful]. (Chris)
on’? It has made me think a bit The purpose of this research was
about the people around me, is to gain insight into the lives of child sex
there anyone around me in offenders to provide possible points of
trouble? (Josh) intervention that could prevent child
More specifically, exposing sex offending. The analysis of the
heterosexual normativity by challenging the men’s narratives identified the relations
representations of child sex offenders as the of power and powerless between men
other was a site for intervention for Chris. and between men and women as they
Sexual offending is a huge thing negotiated their masculinity. The
and it’s happening all the time narrative analysis articulates the
and in places that you wouldn’t relationship between hegemonic
expect it to be happening and yet masculinity and child sex offending,
it’s probably the least talked where exploitative masculine sexuality
about thing in the world. (Chris) confirmed their gendered identity. The
Chris was unable to recognise the examination of child sex offending in
grooming that preceded his offending as his terms of what it tells us about
understanding of child sex offending was masculine social practices brought into
through the representation of the monstrous view the normative sexual elements that
other. Not recognising himself in that are affirmed through child sex abuse.
representation at the time of his offending, Listening to the stories of Josh and
during the interview, he was able to reflect on Chris provides an insight into pre-
the moments in the process where he might emptive strategies that locate the
have been able to stop the trajectory of possibility for transformation in
grooming he was undertaking. changing relations in the homosocial
I suppose for me being on the bond.
outside seeing that sort of thing Discussion
happen to someone else then I The two case studies, drawn from a
could step in and say ‘hey you larger study and analysed in this paper aimed
know this is what’s happening? to extend our understanding of preventing
You’ve got to be careful, you child sex offending by attending to
might need to go and see masculinity in the context of the hegemony
someone, do talk to someone of men that enables men to exercise
because this is what’s going on’ individual and collective power in relation to
… I think it would [help] but I women and children. Omitted as a construct
also think that a lot of people from the predominantly clinical and forensic
would sort of brush it off ‘oh it investigations of child sex offending,
won’t happen to me, I’d never do masculinity provided a site for interrogating

the homosocial bonds that bind men in threaten successful masculinity if emotional
relationships of power and powerlessness connectedness was felt or enacted. Unable to
through the dominance of a form of access compassion for the subordination of
hegemonic masculinity and the subordination women in their lives, women were positioned
of alternative masculinities. Engaging with within the homosocial bond as objects of
the case studies of Josh’s and Chris’s desire and sexual exploitation in the men’s
experiences of masculinity provided insights self-performance of sexual gratification.
into the trajectories of their sex offending What emerged through the analysis of
against children that began in their own the men’s narratives was a distinctive set of
childhoods, families of origin that were gendered social power relations; when their
steeped in the privilege and dominance of power was compromised because of their
men, the valuing of manly masculinity, and relationships with other men, child sex
the dominance and subordination of women offending became a particular practice to
and children. Throughout their childhoods achieve the successful performance of a
and into adulthood, Josh and Chris repeatedly manly man for themselves. Within the
encountered the dominance of manly men narrow confines of the manly man, the men
and sanctions, often violent, against deteriorated to a point where they committed
alternative masculinities within their families offences that had previously been
and other social spaces and institutions. unthinkable or abhorrent to them.
Although there are distinct differences We recognise the limitations of
between the two cases, they come together analysing only two case studies of
through the operation of hegemonic experiences of masculinity in the lives of
masculinity and heterosexual relations. As a child sex offenders. Nonetheless, this study
system of social power relations among men, indicates that the absence of gender analysis
hegemonic masculinity is enacted to produce from criminological and psychological
the characteristics of the manly man as a approaches limits opportunities to deepen our
figure of the successful achievement of understanding of the ways in which gendered
masculinity (Gough, 2006; Messerschmidt, power relations and the sociocultural
2000b). For Josh and Chris, the location of construction of masculinity are implicated in
the manly man within the homosocial child sex offending. By enabling Josh and
organisation of men’s heterosexual Chris to engage in reflective conversations
relationships was disciplined through a about their experiences of masculinity, and
regime of violence against alternative the development of their identities as men,
masculinities. The institutionalisation of this study draws attention to the crucial
gendered social power relations limited space importance of sociocultural phenomena that
for subversive performances of masculinity is often ignored when criminological and
where the failure to perform as a manly man psychological research and interventions
within the social hierarchy was sanctioned by focus on treating deviance and constructing
physical punishment or emotional abuse. child sex offenders as monstrous others
Real or perceived failure intensified the (Cowburn, 2005; Flood, 2002;
relationship of sexuality to masculinity Messerschmidt, 2000b).
through relations of power among men and Despite differences in their life-stories
between men and women. of masculinity, Josh and Chris exemplify
Significant to their narratives was the normative understandings of gender and tell
irrelevance of their mothers, except as of how they specifically operated in their
subordinate to the manly men in their lives to produce material practices of
families. The prevailing figure of the manly authority, control, independence, competitive
man excluded an account of women other individualism, aggressiveness,
than as inferior and as men’s subordinate. heterosexualism, and the capacity for
The feminisation of emotional expression and violence, including sexual violence. The
the subordination of women converged to interplay of power and powerlessness in their

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handle/10289/4450/thesis.pdf?sequence=3

Dr Keith Mowat,
Ocean Clinical Psychology,
53 Peel Terrace, Busselton.
Email: kmow_1@hotmail.com
Author Biographies
Dr Keith Mowat is a clinical psychologist
working in private practice in Busselton,
Western Australia. His research interests are
in critical psychology and clinical

46
An Angel at Your Table: Mentoring and domestic violence recovery

Carmel O’Brien
Doncare, Victoria
There are many services that assist women in recovery from domestic violence. This can
be a lengthy process and requires sensitive and skilled interventions. This article describes
an internal evaluation of an initiative that uses mentoring as a model of support, the
Doncare Angel for Women Network (DAWN). DAWN trains and utilises volunteers to
support women in recovery, as mentors or ‘personal champions’. This program has been
operating since mid 2007 and clients are asked to complete mental health inventories
before and after their DAWN experience. Entry and exit interviews are also conducted
with clients and volunteer ‘Angels’. Indications are that support from this program assists
women to remain safe and to regain mental health, confidence and hopefulness. The
DAWN Program emerges as a cost-efficient, practical, and manifestly positive means of
assisting recovery for women from domestic violence.
The support helped me hold myself violence is the largest contributor to death,
and my children up without falling disease and disability in Victoria (VicHealth,
apart. (Client: Vivien, Post- 2004). Much of the support funding goes to
DAWN Questionnaire) short-term and crisis services, and many
Recovery from domestic violence can studies have recommended more long-term
be a long and troubled journey; it is a journey support services, including Patton (2003) and
back to self after trauma has stripped you of O’Brien (2006).
safety and confidence. Each woman’s In 2007, a recovery initiative
journey is unique to her situation, affected by committed to the long term recovery process
the availability of suitable support and that many women require commenced in
resources, and by individual experiences and Melbourne’s eastern suburbs, called the
resilience. Such recovery is a long process Doncare Angels for Women Network, or
for most. DAWN. This article describes this mentoring
Those who have worked with survivors model and presents the outcomes of a five-
of domestic violence, in a supportive or year internal evaluation from the perspective
therapeutic role, know that the effects are of the women assisted by the program, and
dire, diverse and persistent. Whether the feedback from the volunteers.
abuse includes physical or sexual assault, the The DAWN Program
psychological impact stems not from bruises In late 2001, I took a position at
and broken bones, but from broken hearts. It Doncare, a community welfare organisation,
stems from humiliation, manipulation, managing a Counselling Program that
betrayal, shaming and constant offered over 3000 appointments per year. At
disparagement. The effects are similar to that time there were no programs specifically
brain-washing. Contrary to common belief, for women or children who had lived with
there is evidence that women resent and fear violence at home, and with CEO support, we
psychological abuse and its effects more than set out to remedy this, finally securing
physical abuse (Follingstad et al., 1990). And funding for support groups in 2004. From my
any kind of violence has a psychological involvement in Doncare’s counselling
impact, whether the abuse is physical, services, I had observed how well women
emotional, verbal, or some other recovered once they were safe and re-
manifestation of abusive and controlling connected to the community through
behaviour. counselling and support groups. A common
While women may need medical attention, thread in the lives of these women was the
usually for a number of days or weeks, the lack of social support.
psychological healing can take many years. Domestic violence is an alienating
This is one of the reasons that domestic experience in so many ways, cutting victims

Mentoring and Recovery 47
off not only from the people who might (and their children), thus improving their
support them, but also from their faith in mental health and their ability to manage
themselves. There is only so much a worker their lives, their children and their capacity to
can do to reconnect people positively with contribute to the community. This is done
their community, and usually workers are through a mentoring process, where
more likely to connect clients with other volunteers (‘Angels’) are matched with a
services. What it seemed these women client to provide in-home social support,
needed was a way to reconnect with other assistance with practical issues, and
people, other mothers, to make new friends, companionship. The program works to
to take up or renew their interests and to find combat feelings of shame, anxiety and
ways to once again live fulfilling lives. isolation that are common in women after
Antidotes to misery (depression) and worry leaving a relationship with an abusive man,
(anxiety), such as the capacity to find joy and especially given that most clients have been
to remain hopeful, are important, and in the forced to relocate and to live in reduced
case of those who live with abuse, the other circumstances.
vital factor is the attainment of safety. A long Clients are referred from other Doncare
-standing awareness amongst clinicians of the programs, women’s refuges, welfare services
complex recovery process for women and and police. Most clients have dependent
children after domestic violence, together children, and many therefore still have
with the desire to create opportunities for contact with the man who has abused them.
women and their children to be supported Women need to be safe in order to be
along this path, was thus the progenitor for matched with a volunteer, although many
the Doncare Angels for Women Network still have concerns about child contact
Project (DAWN). handovers and continued harassment of some
This paper documents an evaluation of sort. Women do not receive home visits
the DAWN Program after the first five years unless staff are comfortable that it is safe to
of client service. A further evaluation of the do so. Staff discuss safety concerns with
most recent three years of the program is clients at assessment, including current
about to be undertaken. intervention orders and access arrangements.
The DAWN program sits within a suite One client had a ‘phone Angel’ for some
of supports that Doncare offers to women months until she was safe to receive home
who have experienced the impact of domestic visits.
violence, including support groups, The program received 72 referrals in
counselling and practical and financial the first five years, and about one quarter of
assistance. Many women who are trying to those were deemed not suitable for the
regain their mental and/or physical health are program, or did not go through to matching.
also living in reduced financial This could be due to simple reasons such a
circumstances. They often cannot afford client moving out of area soon after referral,
services or goods that most families take for but sometimes decisions are made that a
granted. Small grants have been made woman is perhaps not yet safe enough to be
available to women for such expenses as home visited by a volunteer. Other reasons
computer training, self-esteem courses, include a client having serious immediate
driving lessons, necessary medical expenses mental health issues, or the referral being
and essential bills, moving costs and short more suitable for another program. Clients
term respite. not accepted into the program are referred to
DAWN provides long-term support to alternative services. Some DAWN clients are
women who have experienced domestic also accessing other services, such as
violence with the primary intention of counselling. Angels often alert the Co-
speeding the process of recovery. The aim is ordinator of the need for other services, and
to improve the safety, confidence, and facilitate linkages, some attending case
community connectedness of abused women conferences as a support person for the

client. Clients remain in the program from 10 medical appointments for issues ranging
to 24 months, with most being in the program from tooth extractions to chemotherapy.
for between 12 and 15 months. In carrying out this role, the Angels use
Doncare recruits women as volunteer a great deal of creativity and compassion.
mentors (‘Angels’) to provide weekly For example, one Angel was very concerned
domiciliary support to women clients for a about her client who had signs of having an
twelve-month period. Angels are recruited eating disorder, and would not eat when
through brochures distributed to local stressed. The Angel began taking home-
services and notices and articles in the local made soup with her to visit this client. This
paper. These women come from a wide assisted the Angel to feel she was being
variety of backgrounds, and the program useful, made it more likely that the client
looks for women who are practical, non- would share the food, and most importantly
judgemental and have good boundaries so led them both to being able to discuss this
they can maintain a semi-professional issue. Some join a community activity with
relationship with their client and the agency. their clients in order to encourage a return to
Over the years the program has been participation in social activities and to
operating, more than half these women have improve mood and anxiety levels. Over the
themselves had experience of domestic last few years Angels have participated with
violence, either directly or through friends or clients in dancing classes, visiting art
family members. They need to be well galleries, and exercise programs. Some
recovered themselves if they are to support Angels assist those who have young children
someone else, and to tolerate the pressures of by going to parks or helping with household
dealing with the stressors being experienced routines and management. One Angel, who
by their client. Not all volunteer applicants was supporting her client in her studies to be
have been accepted into the program. The a qualified beautician, was the client’s first
most common reasons for this are that some model for a facial. Many clients liken the
are still too close to their own experience of relationship to their ‘Angel’ to a mothering
domestic violence, or they are not deemed to relationship.
meet the selection criteria to perform the role. It was so reassuring to have (my
Monthly Team Meetings for the Angels Angel) to visit. She is like a mother
include some aspect of professional figure. The mother I have always
development as well as time for debriefing. wanted and needed.
Individual telephone and email support is (Client: Grace, Post-DAWN
always available. Questionnaire)
The volunteers usually meet with Five-year Evaluation of the DAWN
clients weekly, either at the client’s home or Program
they go out together, such as to a park or The rationale for the evaluation of this
coffee lounge. Their role is promoted as program was to provide the agency with
‘skilled companionship’ and can include information about the effectiveness of the
advocacy, personal support and attendance as program, and provide learnings about future
a support person at meetings and directions. It specifically aimed to capture
appointments. Angels help clients to access preliminary outcomes for participants and
services such as financial counselling, mentors and to identify areas for
women’s support groups, and children’s improvement in program design and
services. They advocate for their clients with implementation. Funding did not permit a
the Department of Housing, Centrelink, legal formal external evaluation, but the agency
services and in locating services for their was strongly committed to tracking outcomes
children. They may attend court with clients, where possible in as rigorous a way as could
as well as parent-teacher interviews, case be managed despite staffing constraints.
conferences, Victorian Civil and A number of processes are
Administrative Tribunal hearings and incorporated into the DAWN program’s

procedures to assist in evaluating the  Safe ------- Fearful

program’s effectiveness. Clients are asked  Ability to manage their problems
during the assessment interview what are (Excellent – Poor)
their hopes from the program, and also  Hopefulness (Excellent – Poor)
complete questionnaires at that point. Exit This questionnaire also asks clients how and
interviews are held where possible and when they would like to be supported by
‘Angels’ are also asked for verbal and written their ‘Angel’. Some clients prefer weekly
feedback. For the purposes of the evaluation, contact, some more or less often, some want
interviews were also conducted with the to pursue interests, some want support for
DAWN Coordinator, to gain a fuller picture court or children. Both client and volunteer
of the successes and challenges that arose in need to have compatible availability, such as
the program. This data was used in the whether evening or weekend support and/or
evaluation discussed here. Names have been email or phone support is required. Other
changed, as well as identifying details from matching criteria include shared interests and
client stories to protect anonymity. client requests regarding age or activities.
Clients are asked to complete two At the end of their time in the program,
standard inventories at the beginning and the clients are asked to rate themselves
end of their involvement with the program: according to the same continua as the pre-
the Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale DAWN Questionnaire. This questionnaire
(DASS21) (Psychology Foundation of then asks clients to comment on what they
Australia, http://www2.psy.unsw.edu.au/ have gained from the program, and whether
dass/) and the Impact of Events Scale (Weiss, they have any suggestions to improve the
2007). These inventories are designed to program.
assess levels of anxiety, stress, depression Evaluation Findings
and trauma symptoms. Much of this report is told in the words
During the first five years of the of clients and volunteers taken from
program, 32 clients completed the inventories evaluation forms and interviews, as this
at the beginning of their DAWN experience provides a powerful and authentic first hand
(at assessment). Twenty-eight clients account of their experience.
completed the inventories at the end of their Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale
DAWN experience (at closure). Combined (DASS21). The Pre-DAWN scores for most
pre and post DAWN data thus reflect the clients fell within the Severe or Extremely
responses of 28 of these 32 clients. Not all Severe range on one or more of the three
clients completed the evaluation forms, for a scales (i.e. Depression, Anxiety and Stress),
number of reasons. Some had to move out of each scored from 1-30. High scores on the
area with short notice, if public housing DASS21 alert the clinician to a high level of
became available or they were located by an distress in clients and warrant further
ex-partner; some were not sufficiently literate exploration. The overall average (the
in English to be able to complete the average of the average scores on the three
evaluation forms; some declined because they scales) was 21.6. The comparative data in
were too busy with court or children; and in Table 1 show that the average scores on all
some cases the clients lost contact for other scales had reduced considerably during the
reasons. DAWN involvement of these clients, with
Before commencing with their the overall average having dropped from
volunteer Angel, clients are also asked to 21.6 to 14.1.
complete a third questionnaire developed for Depression: Average reduction from
the program that asks clients to rate 22 to 16, or Severe to Moderate.
themselves on a 5 point scale according to the Pre-DAWN, only 7 out of 32 women
following continua: scored in the normal or mild range on this
 Calm ------- Agitated/Angry scale, and 8 scored in the moderate range.
 Happy ------- Sad Seventeen women had depression scores that

Table 1: DA SS21 Results, Pre and Post DA W N A verages
indicated severe or extremely severe (61%). The Stress Scale tends to reflect life
depression. Post-DAWN, of the 28 that stressors, the most common faced by DAWN
returned data, 11 women scored in the normal clients being Family Court processes,
or mild range on this scale; and 9 scored in stalking and housing stress.
the moderate range. Only three women Someone is hanging in there with
remained in the Extremely Severe range. The you so you keep hanging in there.
three women whose depression scores (Client: Patricia, Post-DAWN
worsened had life stresses that were clearly Questionnaire)
contributing to their depression. Impact of Events Scale. The Impact of
Anxiety: Average score Pre-DAWN Events Scale (IES) measures subjective
was 17, with 8 clients reporting scores in the distress caused by traumatic events. It also
Normal to Mild range in their Pre-DAWN has three sub-scales to measure three clusters
assessment and 14 clients scoring in the of common trauma symptoms. These are:
Extremely Severe Range. The average score  Intrusion: e.g., nightmares and
on this scale Post-DAWN, was 11 (in the low intrusive thoughts and feelings
moderate range), with only four clients still  Avoidance: e.g., emotional numbing,
reporting Extremely Severe Anxiety scores avoiding thoughts or feelings about the
and 15 clients now in the Normal to Mild event
range. Only one woman’s score had risen  Hyperarousal: e.g., anger, irritability,
from a lower category to Severe. This woman jumpiness, startle responses.
was in the midst of a protracted property A total score above 33 indicates a
battle in the Family Court. This indicates a likelihood of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
significant reduction in anxiety scores Post- (PTSD). Table 2 presents the Pre- and Post-
DAWN. Dawn scores for the 28 clients who
Stress: The average score on this scale completed the IES both times.
Pre-DAWN was 26 (Severe range). The One of the most positive outcomes of
average score on this scale Post-DAWN was the DAWN Program is that most women
19 (Mild range). Pre-DAWN, only 8 out of reported significant improvement in their
32 women (28%) scored in the Normal or post-trauma symptoms following their
Mild range on this scale; while Post DAWN experience with the DAWN program. Only
this had increased to 17 out of 28 women one woman reported an increase in trauma

symptoms and one woman’s scores did not warranting further investigation. These
change. Most significant is that when women were offered individual
originally assessed, 30 of 32 clients had psychological support. The average Pre-
scores above the point which indicates a DAWN Score was 52, and the average Post-
likelihood of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder DAWN score was 31.8, below the clinical
Table 2: IES Totals Pre-DAWN and Post-DAWN
Shirley’s story1
Shirley did not leave her husband, he left her. She had presented at Doncare
long before this happened, weeping bitterly and saying “I hate my life. I hate
myself. I hate my home.” In her counselling sessions she revealed a long history
of anxiety and depression, and told tales of her husband’s controlling behaviour.
He allowed her no say in decisions, even taking her inheritance when her mother
passed away and not allowing her access to it. He criticized her cooking, her hair,
her mothering and also for shaking when he shouted at her, which to him proved
her inherent weakness. He regarded her as completely inadequate, and she seemed
to believe him. However, when he left, she was clear that she wanted to live a
very different life without him, although she did not know how. She was so
fearful of his presence even after he left that she slept on the living room floor
rather than in the marital bed.
Before being matched to her Angel, Shirley said “I had a very difficult time
with my husband because he was head of everything. I couldn’t make even a
simple decision.” Shirley’s Angel found this to be absolutely true. When they
went shopping, Shirley could not choose which tea towels to buy. She was 61
years old.
Post DAWN, Shirley’s scores on all scales had improved. Responding to
patient encouragement, she took to independence with enthusiasm. When asked
about a ‘turning point’ for her, she recalled a particularly important day when she
realised she could choose herself what she would buy her grandson for his
birthday. With her ‘Angel’ Shirley opened her first bank account, learned to drive,
and began to cook and eat what she wished. Six months later she travelled
overseas to visit relatives, and a year later sold her house to buy a home where she
felt no fear.

Table 3: DA W N-Specific Questionnaire: Averages
Increase 28% 33% 20% 37.5% 17%
cut-off point, although still significant. All manage their problems. Some women
Doncare’s Domestic Violence, Advocacy and reported lower scores on their Post DAWN
Support team (DVAS) workers have come to Questionnaire, but most reported improved
expect high degrees of post-traumatic stress functioning and mood.
in clients, many of whom are referred to  25 women (90%) reported being more
counselling and other services as part of the calm,
assessment process. The Post-DAWN scores  24 women (87%) reported feeling
indicated improvements in 26 out of 28 happier,
women. Post DAWN, the percentage of  22 women (78%) reported feeling
women whose scores indicated PTSD had safer,
dropped from 94% (30 out of 32) to 31% (11  23 women (83%) reported feeling more
out of 28). Reduction in symptoms occurred confident, and
across all three sub-scales to a similar degree.  23 women (83%) reported feeling more
I feel perfectly comfortable with her – hopeful.
there is no-one else in my life where I However nearly one quarter of women
feel like this. (Client: Sarah, Post- in the program reported feeling less safe Post
DAWN Questionnaire) -DAWN, and this was usually due to
DAWN-specific Questionnaire. The continued harassment from their former
DAWN-specific pre-and post-program partner, and in one case was due to a recent
questionnaire asked women to rate assault by the woman’s former partner.
themselves on five continua along a scale of Although a thorough assessment of physical
0 to 5, as shown above in Table 3. safety is part of the assessment, many clients
Women reported feeling calmer, are mothers of dependent children and still
happier, that they were managing better and have some degree of contact with their
were more hopeful. The most marked former partners in relation to child contact
average increase (37.5 per cent) was in the arrangements.
self-reported confidence in their ability to

Table 4: Pre and Post-DAWN results for Client: Louise
DASS21 PRE-DAWN POST-DAWN

Depression Severe Severe
Anxiety Severe Mild
Stress Severe Normal
IES 46 (indicating PTSD) 15 (with a marked reduction in all
categories of symptoms)
Hopefulness 0/5 3/5
I’m safe, my children are safe. The magistrates Court and Family Court, and
only thing we have to escape from described Louise as being calmer and
these days is the past. (Client: stronger. While Louise still scored high on
Kerry, Post-DAWN the Depression scale, and complained of
Questionnaire) being ‘lonely’, all other domains showed
Qualitative data. As well as seeking marked improvement.
scored responses, the evaluation The support that (my Angel) gives
questionnaire included open questions that me, encouragement, practical, fun,
gave clients an opportunity to describe their caring, is a light in my dark tunnel
experience both before and after DAWN, and that is getting bigger and stronger
to make suggestions about the program. One daily.
before-and-after example is that of Betsy, (Client: Louise, Post-DAWN
who before the program said “I have never Questionnaire)
felt safe.” In her post-DAWN questionnaire Perspectives from the Angels
she wrote “I am learning to believe in myself I have had a temporary daughter
and my thoughts.” and 3 temporary grandchildren.
Individual Case: “Louise”. Louise (Stella, Angel)
entered the program as a depressed and A major key to the success of the
anxious young woman, who was receiving DAWN Program seems to be the unique
threatening text messages many times per relationship between the mentor and the
week from her ex-partner. So far, the police client, sitting somewhere between a paid
had failed to act on these, despite the fact worker and a friend, with all the safety and
they were breaches of an Intervention Order. respect of both. The ‘Angels’ were asked for
I don’t really see any future for feedback about their experience as volunteer
myself. I’m just going through the mentors in the Program. Some of this was
motions of staying alive, largely.… through face-to-face interviews, and some
It all seems too big and I lack through written feedback forms and
confidence in the police and legal volunteer group discussions. They
system to bring the promised commented on many aspects of the program
freedom. (Client: Louise, Pre- and illustrative comments are grouped below
DAWN Questionnaire) into themes.
After 14 months in the program, Louise had Observations about the mentoring process.
forged a new path that included returning to Staff are accustomed to some anxiety
study and moving to better accommodation. on the part of both the client and their
Her ‘Angel’ had accompanied her to both ‘Angel’ prior to the matching meeting, and

they are sometimes anxious themselves about her dependence on me and maybe
whether they have chosen the best mentor for helping her to realise that she can
the client. They are often amused by the cope herself.”
frequency of later responses such as ‘How “Her ability to manage daily life
did you know?’ and ‘She’s the perfect match has definitely improved although
for me’. she still struggles with issues of
“I feel that I have been perfectly establishing routines… “
matched with my client. I really “She is more hopeful about the
love her personality and her future and her plans are more
strength and character.” realistic, therefore less subject to
“Looking back, I believe that I deflation.”
transitioned from an ‘occasional “I believe this relationship has
support mate’ to being a coach or led her to ‘give myself
facilitator, to a full on case permission’ to care about
worker. Now, as we wind down, herself’.”
the transition is reversing.” “(My client) is studying and
“It was interesting forming a looking for a job. She dresses
relationship with a stranger that much nicer and laughs more
sat somewhere between often.”
professional and personal.” Observations about clients and their
“I think she trusted me to listen children. The DAWN program is always
and understand and accept her mindful of the care of children, and their
reality without trying to offer recovery and progress delights their mothers
solutions, and that was very and their ‘Angels’. One common challenge is
important to her.” that volunteers may work with a much
“The simplicity of the program is younger mother who has different views or
what works – it leaves you to be expectations about parenting from their own.
flexible and work in with your They have to support without judging, and
clients.” are often asked for advice when in fact the
Observations about clients and their volunteer training encourages them not to
progress. Most Angels commented on their give advice. Staff members support the
clients’ improved confidence and self-esteem, ‘Angels’ to offer suggestions or ideas and
and their ability to manage, be a better parent, watch the outcome. One example was an
and cope with less support. Many also ‘Angel’ who was a kindergarten teacher and
commented on problems their clients were was concerned about the amount of time her
having with practical day-to-day issues, such client’s children spent watching television. In
as parenting, housing, social isolation and this case, staff helped the ‘Angel’ work with
financial issues. the children to each create a scrapbook about
A few clients commenced new themselves, which they compiled beautifully
relationships during their time in the despite the ever-present television backdrop.
program, and in some cases this proved Usually, despite their differences, the
problematic with the new partners abusing ‘Angels’ are impressed with the clients’
the clients. One was assisted to get an efforts to mother well in the midst of their
Intervention Order; another successfully experiences, and find ways to gently support
broke off the relationship. Although these and encourage.
relationships were unhelpful, the learning for “She does really well as a mum.
these women was profound. Her daughter still struggles with
“I haven’t always been able to not being able to see her
respond/visit when (the client) Dad.” (contact disallowed due to
wanted me to – I think this has child abuse)
been beneficial for her, reducing “Manages well, has some

difficulty imposing boundaries for Volunteers in the DAWN Program receive a

children’s behaviour due to three-day training program, which covers
disparity in father and mother’s information about domestic violence and its
expectations.” impact, the role of an ‘Angel’, and the way
“My client has taken on board the program works. They also attend a
many of the parenting issues we monthly meeting which allows time for de-
have discussed and has emulated briefing and also for professional
some of the ways I interact with development, often with a guest speaker.
her children. All the children now Angels are encouraged to call the coordinator
attend appropriate school at any time, and they complete a short report
regularly.” after each client visit. Contact sheets
“My client frequently completed by volunteers are a good way for
demonstrates a more positive and the co-ordinator to be made aware of issues
loving attitude towards her that need attention and other supports that
children.” may need to be put in place. The evaluation
“All the children appear happier incorporated reflections from some Angels
now that they are developing more on the support they received from Doncare
age-appropriately.” and their fellow Angels.
“Networking with the other
Observations in relation to those still Angels is a very special privilege.
struggling. Not all of the women were ready I am learning so much from them,
to finish at the end of the 12-month period, especially those who have
and about one in five matches were extended survived domestic violence.”
for a further 3 to 12 months. This is advised “My experience of being in that
and facilitated according to individual team of women with (the Doncare
circumstances, such as reduced safety, or staff) offering so much support
mental or physical health issues, as in and appreciation is quite
Jessica’s case. Some of the comments from amazing.”
these Angels were: “I enjoy being an Angel so that I
“I know at times she would have a can be there for someone who
glimmer of insight into how much knows that I will not judge them
she was abused by both her and will be a listening ear and a
husband and her parents and then shoulder for them to cry on.”
it would all disappear again … so
maybe it was the planting of a Discussion
seed that will eventually grow.” The differences that occur in many
“I found the debrief last week women’s lives during their DAWN
extremely beneficial… It left me experience can be significant. There are
feeling that maybe I had supported existential improvements in functioning, and
her through the worst and in women’s core beliefs about themselves.
therefore given her a bit more These seem to free women up to make
strength to move on.” decisions they could not have imagined
“At times it was exhausting, making only a year or two earlier. Some take
emotionally draining and left me on employment and study opportunities they
feeling totally inadequate – but the never imagined themselves being able to
support from DAWN and my achieve. One woman bought a small farm in
family (plus a scotch) always got another state, something she had always
me back on my feet.” wanted to do. Many attend courses such as
skills development or parenting classes, and
change patterns that have seemed intractable.
Observations about the Angel team. There is something peculiarly heart-

warming, if not wonderful about the impact compassion. Volunteers can identify changes
for these clients of having this very special in client attitudes and behaviour. Some of the
relationship in their lives, and it often comes changes have been significant and volunteers
when they have lost hope in relationships notice a clear and positive impact on the
altogether. children of DAWN clients.
Of course, the encouraging outcomes The feedback received from the Angels
for women in the DAWN Program may have shows what a tremendous commitment they
occurred for these women without the make as volunteers with DAWN. The
assistance of the program, but the Doncare experience for them, while enjoyable, can be
team has noticed faster and greater demanding, challenging, and at times, they
improvements in mood and functioning for can be genuinely worried about their clients.
those in the program than among many The feedback confirms how important the
women who only access support groups or training is, and how well supported they need
counselling. This evaluation in no way to be, so that volunteers do not feel over-
definitive proof of the effectiveness of this responsible or become distressed by the
type of mentoring; it is offered as a promising mentoring experience.
cost-effective recovery alternative, and the Conclusion
responses from both clients and ‘Angels’ The DAWN program has proven to be one of
shows why the team has such faith in this the most cost-efficient forms of support that
initiative. can be offered to women who have
This program can only be effective if it experienced violence. Up to twenty
is well resourced by experienced, volunteers and clients can be supported
professional staff. The complexities of the through weekly home visits from a volunteer,
work involve assessment of safety, mental supported by a part-time skilled worker with
health, and sometimes child protection issues, agency and supervisory support. Staff,
involving a wide array of services from volunteers and clients were universal in
police to legal and allied health professionals. stating their belief that the program should be
The assessment of referrals to this program is ongoing and more broadly available. The
both highly sensitive and highly complex, effectiveness of DAWN seems to lie in the
and needs to be in the hands of staff who are following factors:
very experienced in the field of domestic  careful selection of support staff, who
violence recovery. The evaluation measures need a background in domestic
outlined in this report leave no doubt that violence work and good counselling
DAWN staff assess and assist women with and case management skills
alarming levels of depression, anxiety and  mindful selection of volunteers and
trauma symptoms. Some have long standing provision of ongoing regular support
mental health issues and many are still living and professional development for this
in fear of their former partners. Linking group. Regular meetings that bond the
clients to other services is important volunteers are part of this support
throughout the life of the Program. These process
links need to be active and timely.  attention to safety and suitability when
Home visits to clients, and the assessing clients referred to the
personalised matching of needs and interests, program. Clients must be safe to visit
as well as the flexibility of the nature and and able to understand the nature and
timing of support seems to be a vital factor in limits of a mentoring relationship
the enthusiasm of clients to participate.  a non-judgemental, client-directed and
Volunteers engage very well with their positive approach to recovery
clients and demonstrate a strong commitment  referral to other suitable support
to the program. They seek support when services as necessary, so that the
needed and demonstrate appropriate support volunteer knows that particular
to each other with enthusiasm and difficulties or issues are being dealt

with Along the way we have heard terrifying

 timely and sensitive responding to accounts of women’s and children’s
client needs, and to the termination experiences, and inspiring stories of survival
process. and growth. All clients have expressed
This evaluation has shown the DAWN immense gratitude to the service and some
Program to be efficient, practical, and clients have expressed a desire to become an
manifestly powerful in an overwhelmingly ‘Angel’ for DAWN in the future. The
positive way. Clients reported, through volunteers’ endless patience and creativity,
formal questionnaires and informal and staff members’ level of expertise are
interviews, that they saw DAWN as an both key to the program’s success. Doncare
important factor in their recovery, and the is immensely proud of DAWN.
program also provides an immensely I miss my Angel – the title is 100%
rewarding experience for the volunteers. accurate. (Client: Kerry, Post-
DAWN Questionnaire)
Jessica’s story1
The worker who referred Jessica regarded her as one of her ‘most difficult’
clients. Both Jessica’s childhood and adulthood were full of abuse, and she was
seriously and chronically depressed. She sometimes stayed in bed for days,
relying on her older children to look after the younger ones. She had a history of
difficulties with workers, who were often the target of her anger. Because she was
abrasive, conversations often escalated to the point where Jessica would either
hang up or refuse to return workers’ calls. She was in hiding from her ex-partner,
who had been extremely violent.
After a few months, Jessica’s Angel described her as identifying “intense
feelings of long-standing wounding, betrayal and disappointment”, and being in a
continual state of crisis. The ‘Angel’ assigned to Jessica was a practical, positive
woman and a good problem solver, with plenty of patience and humour. The
effect on Jessica was amazing. After several months, Jessica told the DAWN Co-
ordinator “I have done more in the last four weeks than I have in the last four
years!” This relationship was extended for a further nine months, in order for
progress to be maintained and to ensure that Jessica could really manage on her
own, as well as use her improved ability to engage with services to seek help in
the future.
NOTE: Jessica’s ‘Angel’ discovered early in the relationship that Jessica had
long-standing dental problems and was often in pain, but had no money to seek
the help she needed, and was terrified of dentists. The ‘Angel’ set about helping
to find the funding and eventually accompanied Jessica to have her dental work
done over a series of sessions. The ‘Angel’ told workers this was the ‘door
through which Jessica let (her) in’ – into her life and into a life-changing
experience. The trust that was built through this process led to Jessica finding the
courage and hopefulness to make a different life for herself and for her children.

References related issues, as well in general counselling

Follingstad, D.R., Rutledge, L.L, Berg, B.J., practice. Carmel was for many years the
Hause, E.S., & Polek, D.S. (1990). The Director of Clinical Services at a Melbourne
Role of Emotional Abuse in Physically welfare agency, managing a large
Abusive Relationships. Journal of Family counselling program and developing a suite
Relationships, 5, 105-120. of domestic violence support programs for
O’Brien, C. (2012). The DAWN Report 2007 women and children. Carmel is the recipient
-12. Melbourne, Australia: Doncaster of a Menzies Award (2009) and the APS
Community Care and Counselling Centre. Women & Psychology Elaine Dignan Award
O’Brien, C. (2006). The Dimensions Report. (2010), and is a Fellow of both the Australian
Melbourne, Australia: Doncaster Psychological Society and the Cairnmillar
Community Care and Counselling Centre. Institute.
Patton, S. (2003). Pathways: how women
leave violent men. Hobart, Australia:
Women Tasmania.
Psychology Foundation of Australia (nd).
Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale
(DASS21). Sydney, Australia: University
of New South Wales. Accessed 10th
October 2015 from http://
www2.psy.unsw.edu.au/dass/
VicHealth. (2004). The Health Costs of
Violence: Measuring the Burden of
Disease Caused by Intimate Partner
Violence, a summary of findings.
Department of Human Services, Victoria.
Weiss, D.S. (2007). The Impact of Events
Scale-Revised, in J.P. Wilson & T.M.
Keane (Eds.), A ssessing psychological
trauma and PTSD: a practitioner's
handbook (2nd ed.), pp. 168-189. New
York: Guilford Press.

Carmel O’Brien
Email: psychrespect@optusnet.com.au
Note
1
Case examples are in the writer’s words.
The writer was involved directly in assessing
and supporting all clients in the program over
the first five years and interviewed each of
the women in these case examples as part of
the closure process.
Author Biography
Carmel O’Brien is a Counselling
Psychologist. After initially working in the
rehabilitation sector, she has spent the last 23
years working with individuals and families
who have experienced trauma, violence and

59
Protective mothers: Women’s understandings of protecting children in
the context of legal interventions into intimate partner violence
Mandy Morgan
Leigh Coombes
Massey University, Aotearoa/New Zealand
.
There has been increasing recognition that children are harmed by witnessing assaults or
abuse that their mothers experience as victims of intimate partner violence (IPV). At the
same time, an expectation that mothers can and will protect their children from harm is
widespread. This paper discusses how mothers’ understandings of protecting their children
are intertwined with the complexities of IPV in the context of legal interventions. We draw
on accounts by mothers and advocates who participated in two qualitative studies
evaluating of the kinds of services provided for them after criminal justice interventions
brought their partners before a specialist family violence court in Aotearoa/New Zealand.
Although we did not specifically ask about protection of children, crucial issues around
their children’s safety were frequently addressed by the women and their advocates during
the interviews. We discuss how the women made sense of their responsibilities for
protecting their children at different times during their relationship and how the meaning of
protecting their children changed as they engaged with court processes and advocacy
services.
In the literature on child abuse and witnessing violence perpetrated by one adult
neglect, protective mothers proactively against another within the household (New
safeguard their children from harm (Salter, Zealand Domestic Violence Amendment
2014). Yet in the context of intimate partner Act, 2013; Banner, 2015; Hart, 2013). As
violence (IPV), protective mothers are Hart (2013) argues, this is a significant
simultaneously subjected to an ongoing legislative change that has potential to
pattern of emotional, psychological, physical, recognise how coercion and control is
sexual, and financial abuse: victimised experienced by children as abuse. Yet it also
themselves by their partners who are poses a further complication for protective
frequently their children’s fathers or father mothers to safeguard their children from
figures in their children’s lives. Violence and harm.
abuse often continue even if, or when Legal and community interventions to
victimised mothers separate from their protect women and children constitute a
partners, with child custody and access issues complex network of different legal
providing a context in which abusive ex- jurisdictions, such as criminal and family
partners can use tactics such as abduction law, as well as public policy settings that
threats, child neglect or manipulation of understand the problems of IPV differently
access arrangements in attempts to regain (Powell & Murray, 2008). For example,
control of the children’s mothers (Elizabeth, while domestic violence legislation may
2015; Morrison, 2015; Toews & Bermea, provide for mothers to apply for orders of
2015; Zeoli, Rivera, Sullivan, & Kubiak, protection for themselves and their children,
2013). common law may also provide for them to
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is now be charged with failing to protect their
also widely recognised as harmful to children children from their partners’ violence,
(Coulter & Mercado-Crespo, 2015; Powell & without recourse to defences that take
Murray, 2008). Not only is there broader account of her victimisation (Midson, 2014).
recognition of the co-occurrence of intimate Failure to protect laws are child-centred,
partner and child abuse within households while domestic violence legislation is victim
(Jeffries, 2016), legislation in Aotearoa/New -centred (Lindauer, 2012) and evidence from
Zealand, as in Australia and other western the United States (U.S.), Aotearoa/New
nations, defines child abuse so as to include Zealand and the United Kingdom (U.K.)

Protective Mothers 60
shows that mothers are increasingly subject help that might be needed to do so from the
to failure to protect laws in the context of community agencies, like women’s refuges
IPV (Banner, 2015; Lindauer, 2012; Midson, and advocacy services that can provide
2014). Reviewing several cases across these specialised support, or engaging with
jurisdictions, Midson connects the criminal justice or family court systems.
predominance of victimized mothers charged While not specific to the context of
with failure to protect their children with IPV, the common law duties of mothers to
social expectations that “a mother will go protect their children from harm in Aotearoa/
further in order to protect her child” (2014, p. New Zealand largely involve notifying
304). authorities, such as police or child protection
In this paper, our concern with how services, removing the child from the
mothers understand their experiences of situation in which they are at risk, or seeking
protecting their children in the context of help (Midson, 2014): those same proactive
legal interventions into IPV arises from steps that the stigma of IPV makes difficult
growing disquiet in the research literature for women to take. In other jurisdictions, in
with various tensions that arise at the Australia, Canada and the United States,
intersections of social expectations and children’s exposure to IPV is specifically
stereotypes with the approaches of disparate included in definitions of abuse and neglect
jurisdictions, statutory and community that are mandatory to report to authorities,
organisations involved in interventions to with one U.S. state including the failure of a
protect victims of intimate abuse and hold parent to apply for legal protection from
offenders accountable for perpetrating violence within the family in their definition
violence. of child neglect (Mathews & Kenny, 2008).
That mothers are widely expected to be Perhaps paradoxically with the intent of the
able to protect their children from the harms legislated definitions, disclosure of IPV is
of witnessing violence perpetrated against thus inhibited by mothers’ fears that their
them is evidenced through Weisz and children will be removed from their care by
Wiersma’s (2011) U.S. study showing a statutory agencies for child protection
broad consensus that mothers should be held (Keeling & van Wormer, 2012). Such
accountable for not protecting their children agencies may also require mothers to
from witnessing their abuse even when they undertake “self-improvement” programmes
cannot stop their partners from abusing them. such as parenting training, or counselling
These expectations are framed by social that affirms a woman’s responsibility for any
stigma associated with IPV victimisation re-victimisation she experiences from her
where there is a public perception that (ex)partner (Meyer, 2015) and re-asserts the
victims of IPV are complicit with their victim-blaming social stigma of IPV.
perpetrator and stereotypes of victims as Although the widespread expectations
failing to protect themselves by staying with that mothers experiencing IPV can and
or returning to their relationship with their should protect their children by separating
abuser (Meyer, 2015). Blaming victims for from their violent partners, disclosing
complicity with their abuser and the stigma intimate violence and abuse within family
of IPV victimisation have been associated court systems dealing with child custody
with women and children’s reluctance to after separation does not ensure that
disclose IPV (Stanley, Miller & Foster, mothers’ proactive strategies to protect their
2012), further entrenching the perception that children are recognised and supported.
women fail to protect their children by Family courts are reportedly lacking in
refusing to proactively seek help to end lawyers, child advocates, mental health
violence against them. In this context, the professionals, court appointed guardians and
implication for mothers is that they might mediators who have specialised training in,
best prevent the harms of IPV by separating or experience working with, the dynamics
from their violent partner, seeking out the and patterns of IPV (Fields, 2008; Jeffries,

2016). Despite increasing numbers of partners, or removed their children from the
custody disputes involving allegations of country in which their (ex)partner resided
intimate partner and child abuse, as well as when it became impossible to protect their
contemporary directives for family court children from further harm without doing so.
professionals to consider the impact of IPV A particular form of pathologising mothers
and child abuse in custody determinations, who respond to fear and concern for their
research across jurisdictions in Australia, children’s safety by challenging custody and
New Zealand, the U.K. and the U.S. access is the use of the construct of ‘parental
demonstrates an overriding assumption that alienation’ by many court evaluators,
children’s best interests are served by including psychologists, psychiatrists and
ongoing relationships with both parents social workers despite the American
(Elizabeth, 2010; Flood, 2010; Jeffries, Psychological Association disallowing it as a
2016). In Ireland, Naughton, O’Donnell, psychological diagnosis and it being
Greenwood and Muldoon (2015) found inadmissible in court (Davis, O’Sullivan,
evidence that judges trivialised women’s Susser & Fields, 2010). Mothers involved in
allegations of IPV and drew on idealised cases where professionals working in the
versions of nuclear families to support pro- courts have minimised, trivialised or
access decisions. pathologised their accounts of victimisation
The increased risk of violence to by their partner and their concerns for their
women who end relationships with abusive own and children’s safety, may be
partners and the ways that controlling abusers understood as experiencing secondary
use custody or access of children to continue victimisation through the victim-blaming,
abusing the child’s mother are not disempowering processes to which they are
considerations in many judicial decisions or subjected as they take proactive steps to
in the evaluations of professionals whose protect their children from further harm
expert advice informs those decisions (Fleury (Rivera, Sullivan, & Zeoli, 2012).
-Steiner et al., 2014; Elizabeth, Gavey & Researchers have also considered how
Tolmie, 2010, 2012; Harrison, 2008; Jeffries, professionals working with mothers in
2016; Watson & Ansis, 2012). Research with community and statutory agencies
mothers who have been involved with family understand protection of children by women
court matters in the context of IPV has found who are experiencing IPV. In an Israeli
cases where the court system explicitly failed study using focus group methodology to
to protect them from experiencing re- investigate shelter/refuge workers
victimisation from their (ex)partner during perceptions of mothering by women in
court required mediation processes (Rivera, shelters, Peled and Dekel (2010) identified a
Zeoli & Sullivan, 2012). deficit perspective of victimised women’s
Arguably, women who disclose their mothering skills in the discussions with the
victimisation and the risks that their children participants. Although the shelter workers
face to the professionals and officers of understood that any deficiency in maternal
family court are often those who meet the skills was excusable given their clients’
social expectations of protective mothers, victimisation by partners and the
since they are compliant with expectations significance of the problems they were
that they will notify authorities and seek facing in their lives, little attention was paid
assistance to proactively safeguard their to the women’s strengths and competencies.
children. Yet most judges in the Naughton et The researchers also found evidence that a
al. (2015) study and in cases discussed by binary choice between ‘staying’ or ‘leaving’
Salter (2014), pathologised or problematised their relationship operated with regard to
women who were proactive for long-term women’s responsibilities for protecting
protection of their children. In these cases, themselves and their children from their
mothers had disputed decisions to allow partners’ violence. Leaving their partner was
contact between their children and their (ex) emphasised by the shelter workers as the

most appropriate response to abuse to enable for social workers and courts to have the
to women and their children to live more expectation that victims will obtain orders of
safely. protection or separate from their partners,
In Australia, Douglas and Walsh without accounting for the complexities of
(2010) investigated advocates’ experiences of financial abuse and social isolation
the way that child protection workers associated with IPV.
perceived the mothers they were working There have also been calls for
with. Participants identified victim-blaming understanding that IPV has negative impacts
and mother-blaming as key issues in their such as anxiety or depression arising from
dealings with child protection workers, with inequality of power and affecting mothers’
the complementary concern that a double parenting capabilities (see for example,
standard operated for mothers and fathers in Craigie, 2011). Midson (2014) argues for the
cases where the women were victimised by legal creation of an ‘affirmative defence’ for
their partners: perpetrators were perceived as mothers charged with failure to protect their
‘good fathers’ yet victimised mothers were child, taking account of the circumstances of
held responsible for the safety of their her victimization when considering whether
children. or not she could reasonably be expected to
From research in community and have taken the kind of proactive steps
courts, recent evidence provides support for assumed to be protective, such as notifying
Lapierre’s (2008) description of a pervasive authorities or removing the child from the
model of maternal failure and deficit risk of violence or abuse. In each case, the
influencing social policy and shifting focus call for increased understanding of the way
away from perpetrators of violence. Mothers in which protective mothers’ strategies for
experiencing IPV potentially risk diverse protecting their children are impacted by the
sanctions relating to their children’s dynamics of power and control in IPV seeks
experiences of their victimisation, as broadly to re-dress a context in which social
as victim-blaming social stigma and as expectations and social stigma related to
specifically as trivialising post-separation re- intimate victimisation compromise women’s
victimisation within court systems or and children’s ongoing safety in the context
punitive requirements from child protection of complex legal interventions.
authorities. Increasingly in the past decade, there
In the complexities of legislative, has also been more research attention paid to
community and policy arenas where the meaning of protection of children in the
interventions to protect women and children context of IPV for those most personally
from the harms of IPV are differently focused affected (Lapierre, 2010; Nixon,
and co-occur with victim- and mother- Bonnycastle & Ens, 2015; Wendt,
blaming social expectations of violence Buchanan, & Moulding, 2015). In a study
prevention, literature arguing for better involving adults who had witnessed IPV in
understanding of the dynamics and effects of their homes as they were growing up
IPV on victimised mothers has proliferated. Buchanan, Wendt and Moulding (2014)
For example, Stanley et al. (2012) highlight found that participants did not expect their
the dangers of assuming that separation from abusive fathers to protect them, and while
a violent partner reduces risk of harms from some held their mothers responsible for their
IPV since violence often continues after victimisation, many were ambivalent,
separation, and appeal to social workers to sympathetic towards or puzzled by their
refrain from setting separation as a goal of mothers’ repeated victimisation. While the
intervention. Jeffries (2016) draws the legal researchers discussed the connection
profession’s attention to research evidence on between the pervasiveness of mother-blame
post-separation violence, including incidents in social attitudes to IPV and the adult
where the severity of assault is lethal. children’s expectations that their mothers
Lindauer (2012) argues that it is unrealistic would protect them from their fathers’ abuse

by leaving, they also found evidence of attempts to keep the world of mothering
diverse and responsive strategies that the separate from the world of victimisation is
children recognised their mothers had used to questionable, yet their strategies appeared to
protect them. Nonetheless, the mother-child maintain their confidence in their mothering
relationships reported from these adult skills and preserve their dignity as good
children’s perspectives were intertwined in mothers who prioritise their children.
complex ways with the children’s Similar protective strategies were
perspectives and expectations of their identified earlier by Radford and Hester
mothers’ protection. For instance, women (2006) and more recently by Nixon et al.
were more likely than men to report changes (2015). Among the additional strategies
in how they understood their mother over reported in these studies were the efforts of
time, and understanding of the complex mothers to sustain the social perception of
implications of her victimisation, yet neither their family’s stability and normality; their
women nor men reported changes in their choices to leave the family home to prevent
lack of expectation of protection from their further violence or stay because their
fathers. children needed a father (Radford & Hester,
There has also been increasing research 2006); their attempts to seek help and
attention paid to addressing the perspectives support (Nixon et al.,2015; Radford &
and understandings of mothers with regard to Hester, 2006); and their efforts to educate
their protection of children in the context of their children on IPV dynamics to prevent
their own victimization. Two projects with them from experiencing violence in their
women in the U.K. (Lapierre 2010; Radford own relationships (Nixon et al., 2015).
& Hester, 2006) found that participants Wendt et al. (2015) described the
prioritised their children’s protection and strategies identified in their study with
safety, providing and caring for them in ways mothers experiences of IPV as a ‘continuum’
they understood ‘good mothers’ would do, that involved both acts to prevent physical
even while living in the threatening context violence and verbal abuse of the children,
of partner violence. Lapierre(2010) identified and constant processes of providing stability,
a lack of social recognition of the normality and a sense that the children’s
complexities of intimate partner violence that environment was violence-free. Participants
affected mothers’ proactive strategies for also spoke of their compliance with
protecting their children. Peled and Gil controlling partners to preserve the image of
(2011) found that mothers were primarily a ‘good father’ and loving family for their
concerned with creating a buffer between the children. Yet there were limitations to how
children’s lives and the violence that they well they could protect their children. At
themselves experienced. It was as if the times, they were feeling so overwhelmed by
women ‘split’ the two dimensions of their hopelessness and fear that their strategies
home-life in an effort to ensure their failed. Feelings of shame and guilt emerged
mothering was as unaffected by their when their fears, anxieties or hopelessness
victimisation as possible, and their children affected how they treated their children.
protected from the effects of witnessing Efforts to sustain their families for the sake
violence. Such a difficult separation required of their children conflicted with the
the women to engage in multiple strategies realisation that eventually no matter what
aimed at keeping their experiences of strategies they used, they could not protect
emotional and physical pain from impacting their children as well as they wanted to. The
on their mothering, by minimising the researchers argued that maternal
violence they experienced, being compliant protectiveness in the context of domestic
to avoid arguments, remaining silent about violence cannot be well understood without
their victimisation, and presenting themselves an analysis of the complexities of gender
as optimistic and positive role models for power relations, and attending to these
their children. The success of the women’s complexities also requires noticing when the

focus of attention for protection remains on intervention into their intimate relationships.
mothers so that fathers who perpetrate The women’s advocates also raised issues
violence appear to have less responsibility for that they faced when children were involved
protection (Wendt et al.,2015). in their clients’ cases, and we included their
While there are now more studies experiences within our analysis to enhance
focusing on mothers’ perspectives on appreciation of the complexity and
proactively protecting their children in the challenges that protective mothers face as
context of IPV, and considerable consensus they engage with services explicitly aiming
on the complicating social expectations of to enhance their safety and that of their
mothers and their influence in different legal children.
interventions, our concern is specifically with Method
how mothers understand protecting their Participants
children within these complex contexts. The Collaborating with advocates at the
strategies that mothers use to protect their refuge service formed part of our ethical
children have been categorised as short and protocol to ensure the safety of potential
long term and characterised as creative, participants. As part of routine follow-up
flexible, organised and variable according to practices, the refuge conducted safety
children’s everyday “physical and emotional assessments of clients who were no longer
wellbeing” (Nixon et.al., 2015, p.4). To involved in their partners’ court proceedings
extend these analyses, in the following and invited those women who were assessed
sections we report on a study attending to the as not currently at risk of harm to participate
ways in which women who are embedded in in the larger study. This approach meant that
the legal system as a means of intervention both current safety assessments and follow-
for their safety from IPV make sense of up support were available to potential
proactively protecting their children. participants. While we interviewed 24
The current study participants from a potential pool of 1464
Protective mothering in the context of clients whose partners’ cases had been
IPV is one aspect of a larger study disposed, the protocol identified ongoing
investigating women’s experiences of the safety concerns for more than 50% of the
coordinated community and criminal justice service’s former clients. Of those who
response that formed the specialised Family declined to take part in the research, many
Violence Court established in Waitakere, did not want to revisit the time when they
New Zealand (WFVC). While the larger needed advocacy services, or did not want to
study focused on the services provided for talk about the court process because they had
women, and how their safety was enhanced not wanted legal intervention into their
or compromised through their engagement relationship. Others had separated from their
with court processes and community services partners and while they appreciated the
involved with the court, issues concerning services, they didn’t want to be reminded of
their children’s safety were crucial for the their previous relationship. Some were
mothers in our studies, the women’s unwell, either physically or psychologically.
advocates and for ourselves (Coombes, Some declined because their lives were too
Morgan, Blake, & McGray, 2009; Morgan, full managing childcare and work
Coombes, Te Hiwi, & McGray, 2008). In this responsibilities. Others showed an initial
particular location, more than half the women interest in participating but cancelled
who sought the services of the refuge scheduled interviews due to changes in
advocacy services were mothers (Coombes, circumstances.
Morgan, & McGray, 2007). From the WFVC Many of the former clients who
studies, we became aware of the importance declined to take part in the research re-
of understanding how the women made sense engaged with services because of their
of protecting their children and the ongoing safety concerns or because they
difficulties they faced in the context of legal were now involved with Family Court and

needed support. Twenty-one of the 24 safety concerns throughout the phases of

women who participated in the larger study interview, transcript release and analysis.
reengaged with advocacy services following Interviewers were also able to identify
their interviews. Reengagement with unanticipated, significant information about
services supported the purpose of ensuring a specific instances of IPV and the
safe recruitment strategy, but at the same complexities of legal processes as the
time, put considerable pressure on the women talked about their experiences.
advocacy resources available to women in As a result, we were able to gather
the area. Twenty-three of the twenty-four detailed accounts to analyse the meanings of
participants in the broader study were safety, protection, harm and violence from
mothers who had primary responsibility for the participants’ points of view as they
the care of their children. talked about the key moments and
Recruitment of advocates was relationships that were part of their
purposeful, and we selected 3 advocates from engagement with the advocacy services in
the refuge service and 2 from separate the context of the legal system. Interviews
organisations that were part of the ranged between 40 minutes and 4 hours. All
community collaboration with the WFVC. were digitally recorded and transcribed word
All participants in the advocate group had for word, and returned to the participants in
been working with women engaged in the another face to face meeting for any
legal system and had between 5 and 15 years’ amendments before the analysis stage. All
experience in the sector, and together identifying information was removed to
provided insight into the issues facing the protect confidentiality.
many women who declined to, or were not in Analysis.
a position to participate.1 This paper reports the narrative
Data generation. analysis of themes relating to children
All participants took part in through a temporal sequence that represents
conversational interviews with either Māori the links between the participants’
or Pākehā interviewers depending on their experiences of protecting their children and
preference. Interviews were conducted their experiences of key events related to
privately at either the participant’s home or a IPV and legal intervention: the history of
local community service office depending on violence in their relationship; their partner’s
convenience and safety for the participant. arrest and their first contact with advocacy
Conversational interviews allowed services; and their engagement with
participants to guide the conversation while advocacy services. The narrative analysis of
also ensuring that it was relevant to the the themes aims to situate the women’s
research goals. In the larger study, the proactive strategies for protecting their
community collaboration agreed to using children in the context of their understanding
Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis of harm at that time, and the advocates’
(IPA) (Smith, Jarman& Osborne, 1999; collective knowledge of maternal protection
Smith & Osborn, 2003) and narrative embedded in the complex relationships
analysis (Riessman, 1993; Polkinghorne, involved in negotiating safety.
1988, 1995) as these methods enable a Analysis: Women’s understandings of
participant-led idiographic focus in the data protecting their children through the process
collection and analysis, as well as a focus on of legal interventions into Intimate Partner
the meaning of key events and relationships Violence
for participants. IPA and narrative analysis The women who participated in our
also provide ethical advantages for studies had been involved with the WFVC
researchers where participant safety is a because their partner had been arrested for
concern, since there are opportunities for physical violence against them. It is rare for
safety assessment through the process of perpetrators to be arrested for psychological
arranging interviews, and their ideographic or emotional abuse, and although some
focus enables the identification of on-going offenders are prosecuted through the court

system for breaching protection orders, few Before his arrest: A history of violence.
of the women had been granted orders by the Participants’ experiences of violence in their
Family Court when their partner was relationships varied, but each described a
arrested, and none of their partners had been history of physical violence by their partner,
arrested for breaching a protection order. The in some cases going back many years. We
women’s encounter with the criminal justice were not surprised by this, since it is widely
system, as victims of physical violence, was understood that incidents of intimate partner
most commonly their first involvement with violence are rarely reported to police, and
any legal intervention related to IPV. that there are even fewer arrests than
After their partner’s arrest, women reported incidents (see for example, Burton,
participants had been provided with advocacy 2008; Garner & Maxwell, 2009; Groves, &
services available for victims through the Thomas, 2013; Hester, 2005). In our analysis
WFVC’s collaboration with community of women’s accounts of the violence they
organisations. One of the court’s goals was to experienced prior to their partner’s arrest, we
improve safety for victims, and advocates identified a number of stereotypes that
from community services were granted influenced participants’ understandings of
speaking rights in the court so that the judges IPV, including in relation to the protection of
were made aware of safety concerns their children.
(Morgan, Coombes, & McGray, 2007). All When they spoke of their experiences
the women participating in our studies of protecting their children during the pre-
received a range of services from victim arrest period of violence in their relationship,
advocates, including help to develop safety the participants recalled that physical harm
plans and prepare victim statements for court was the focus of their attention, which fits
proceedings as well as referrals to other with a stereotype of violence as physical
community services that could assist them assault. Some spoke with us about making
with various needs, such as housing, finance decisions to protect their children from
or health services. By the time we conducted possible physical harm by putting
the interviews, all of the women had themselves at risk.
separated from their partners and had become I actually stepped in, like one
involved with other agencies and legal [verbal] incident… [I said
interventions. something] and I was standing
In the following sections we discuss the sideways at the bench and he
ways in which participants made sense of kicked me… . (WP)
proactive strategies for protecting their Others told us that their partners did not
children in three specific contexts: Before physically hurt the children.
their partner’s arrest; as they engaged with He wouldn’t attack [the kids]
advocacy services provided as their partners ….But he didn’t mind doing it [to
were prosecuted in the criminal justice me] in front of them. (WP)
system; and after the disposal of their
partner’s criminal case, when they separated You know, and the last thing in
from their partners and became involved with the world is that I would want
Family Court matters related to their him to hurt my [child] and he
children’s custody and access arrangements. never ever did. He was always
We begin each section with an overview that lovely, you know, which was
locates the women’s understandings of hard…. (WP)
protecting their children in the context of
their involvement with legal interventions For these women at these times,
into IPV and the processes through which protecting their children meant ensuring
they engaged to move towards living more their partner did not physically assault the
safely with their children.2 children. Their understanding of violence as
physical assault was also influenced by

stereotypes of IPV as battering that involves them was another proactive strategy they
frequent and extreme physical violence, and needed to protect their children.
some participants told us they had not My son has never witnessed like
recognised that their partner was violent any of it, he’s a heavy sleeper and
because they compared their situation to this he never ever witnessed any of it.
stereotype. We noticed that when (WP)
participants understood IPV in relation to a
stereotype of physical battering, they In a social context where they could
minimised the seriousness of assaults they not identify their experience within
experienced, and spoke of them as occurring stereotypes of battering, they took
relatively infrequently. responsibility for managing their partner’s
At the time I didn’t even physical violence against them, engaging
recognise it as violence to be strategies to placate him and accepting
honest, I just thought, ‘it’s blame for their victimisation.
normal, just a couple’s tiff’, I I looked at him and I thought
thought. (WP) something isn’t sitting right and I
thought, “oh god”, I
…over the years there was a bit automatically thought of the
of violence, the odd punch or the [other] incident and thought,
slap, that sort of thing. (WP) “oh cripes”, so keeping things
very low key, like he’s big and
Associated with the stereotype of physical could hurt me, really badly and
battering was an image of perpetrators as also the kids were there. (WP)
cruel individuals, who habitually resorted to
violence, And all the time all the family
… it was hard to actually tell the members used to come over,
doctor he had done that to me relatives from [geographical
because [partner]’s such a nice location]. I had hid the truth
person. (WP) from everybody because I kept
thinking it’s probably me, it’s
Understanding their partners through probably me. (WP)
such a stereotype of batterers also meant that
the women regarded them as good fathers, so The processes involved with
long as they did not assault their children. participants’ comparisons of their situations
There were times when you with stereotypes of IPV as physical assault
couldn’t have asked for a better and battering not only involved minimising
dad as a kid. (WP) violence and blaming themselves for their
victimisation, but also keeping their
We interpret the women’s accounts of partner’s assaults hidden from others as a
their concern to protect their children strategy to protect themselves, their children,
throughout the history of physical violence and their partner from the social stigma of
against them in their relationships, as IPV.
confirming other researchers’ conclusions I felt a lot of shame as well. I was
that mothers usually prioritise protecting really, really ashamed and
children (Peled& Gill, 2014; Radford & embarrassed. (WP)
Hester, 2006), even while they are being
attacked. Women rarely fail to protect and
A few months down the track I
shield their children in these circumstances
started noticing little things
(Radford & Hester, 2006). At these times,
about him… and I just kind of let
participants understood that keeping their
it go, and once he started hitting
children from witnessing assaults against

me and stuff like that I didn’t tell calling the police themselves over an
anyone. (WP) incident that involved directly protecting a
In the women’s accounts of the history child. In both cases, although their partners
of IPV they had experienced, we identified had assaulted them previously, this was the
many of the strategies that other researchers first time a child had been put at risk and so
have associated with proactively protecting they decided to initiate police intervention
children: minimising violence, avoiding for the first time. The mothers’ interventions
arguments, keeping their victimisation hidden prevented their children coming to physical
(Nixon et al., 2015; Peled & Gil, 2011; harm:
Radford & Hester, 2006). Like Lapierre All participants reported that their first
(2010), we also found that participants’ engagement with advocacy services came
accounts gave testimony to the ways in which from information sharing about their cases
the stereotypes and stigma of a social context within the co-ordinated network of police
in which the dynamics and complexities of and community organisations collaborating
IPV are not well recognised directly affected with the WFVC. Arresting police passed
the proactive strategies that participants used victims’ details to the advocacy services.
to protect their children. Understanding IPV Advocates responded quickly, and in some
as battering and violence as physical assault cases women engaged immediately, while
meant that mothers focused their protective for others the time of their partner’s arrest
strategies on preventing physical harm, not was chaotic and frightening. They were
always recognising that they were victimised unsure who they could trust and were more
if their experiences didn’t conform to such tentative in their first contacts with
stereotypes. advocates.
The social stigma of IPV meant that Whether they engaged quickly or took
mothers also understood that their children longer to trust advocates, the participants
should also be protected from the shame of recalled that the advocates’ help to
their mother’s victimisation or recognition of understand the scope and the dynamics of
their father as a perpetrator. Stereotypes and IPV significantly changed the ways in which
stigma constrained the women’s awareness of they understood their partners’ violence, and
the harms to which their children were the ways in which they understood harm for
exposed, both in the more complex context of themselves and for their children.Although
patterns of abuse in their relationships, and some women had become sufficiently aware
during specific incidents of physical violence of the risks they were facing in their
against them. The arrest of their partner for a relationships and could acknowledge to
particular incident of violence precipitated a themselves that they were being victimised
crisis in their relationship, and the criminal before engaging with advocacy, most
justice intervention confronted them with the participants only began to recognise patterns
extent of the harm they were experiencing of psychological, emotional, economic and
and the dangers they and their children faced. physical abuse in their experiences of IPV
after advocates started working with them.
After his arrest: Engaging with advocacy
services. For many participants, the arrest [They] helped me to see some
that brought them into contact with the patterns… they taught me, about
WFVC was the first time police had been how they, you know, there’s like
involved in a violent incident perpetrated by a plateau of it and it’s like a
their partner. It was often neighbours or other cycle and they start off, you get
witnesses, rather than victims themselves, the aggressive and cool down,
who called police. As participants explained, the loving period and that’s
it was often not possible for them to call where they woo you back. And
police during an assault, or unsafe for them to then, the yelling starts and then
do so afterwards. Two participants reported bang! They explode again, and it

starts again, and you forgive information on how it actually

them and it’s so true. You wake does, which is huge and my sister
up and they’d be crying and just is like “oh my god!” (WP)
horrified at what they’d done to
you, and they’d be so lovely. And Participants also talked with us about
the moment your bruises were learning of another cycle of violence in
healed it’d start again. (WP) which their partner becomes a role model for
exercising control over others, and using
In this context, advocates recognised violence instrumentally. The women came to
that their clients’ focus on protecting their understand that through this
children from physical violence and threats transgenerational cycle, their children could
of physical violence, their sensitivity to learn to accept and potentially perpetrate
victim blaming and social stigma could make violence themselves. Protecting them
it particularly difficult to help them come to included breaking this cycle.
terms with the kind of psycho-social and [Child] cannot be like his dad. I
developmental harms that children may think that was a huge thing as
experience when their mother is abused. well, and [advocate] has pointed
It’s trying to explain to them their it out, that too, that it does, the
children don’t actually need to be cycle can be broken. (WP)
in the room to be affected by
what’s actually happening. That In some cases, clients also learnt that it was
is a really tough point with me. not beneficial to their children for them to be
That’s really hard to do that. silent about their partners’ abuse, or excuse
They might say he’s a good his actions and represent him as a loving
father, it’s really hard to talk to father.
them about, trying to get them to I wouldn’t say anything and
see it does actually hurt your that’s why I’ve had to go to the
children, it does affect them, it [trauma] counselling with them
affects their development, and it because what I was doing was
affects the way they are wrong. I kept telling them that
themselves. That’s really hard “daddy loves you. You’ll see
sometimes. (KI) daddy again one day.”
Everything, making excuses for
Since the advocates’ clients did not him whereas I made a false
always understand patterns and cycles of plateau for them not realising it.
emotional abuse and control in their I put him up ‘there’ whereas I
relationship, it was not surprising to find that should have said, “yes he did do
they often didn’t recognise the psychological that, and that’s not okay”
and developmental harms of IPV on their whereas I kept shutting it out and
children. Some women who believed that not talking about it. (WP)
their children didn’t know about the violence
they experienced hadn’t realised that their In this situation, trauma counselling for the
children had been affected, or that they had participants’ children provided them with a
been witnesses to the violence against their context for safely discussing their father’s
mother even if they were not present and did violence and abuse, their mother’s
not let their mother know about what they victimisation and their responses to it.
had heard or understood. Mothers often continued to defend their
‘Cause my sister didn’t think it children’s fathers, believing that it was in the
had affected the kids because children’s best interests to preserve the
“the kids didn’t know”. And image of their father as a ‘good father’, even
[advocate] gave me all this after they had begun to understand more of

the dynamics and patterns of their own evidence that children are abused, or at risk
victimisation. of abuse. They understand the difficulty of
Participants also learned that despite this situation, given that some women will
trying to keep their victimisation hidden from become more protective of their partner and
their children, they had not succeeded, and less likely to report incidents of violence
their children had been exposed to emotional when they know that someone associated
and psychological abuse. The mothers in our with the services designed to support them
study recognised their social responsibility to could make child protection notifications.
protect their children from harm. They …it’s really hard to monitor the
accepted that in the terms of that social children’s safety as well if she is
responsibility they had failed to understand protective of him and you don’t
thattheir children were also being abused get the full story of what is
when their partner was abusing them. They actually happening. Because
accepted blame for not adequately protecting once they click on to
their children from psychological and [notifications to] Child Youth
emotional harm. and Family, because they might
I lost my pride, I had to go in and come and take the children away,
admit I didn’t know what to do. they can get protective of him.
You’ve got to admit, the hardest (KI)
thing for me was admitting what I
let my kids see and I suppose I Although they are working for the
felt so, I had to admit that I was a safety and protection of women victims and
bad mother. That was really their children, advocates are also bound by
hard. Well I didn’t have to admit the requirements of institutions, like the
it but that’s what it felt like. I’ve criminal justice and social welfare systems
had too many nights when my that often assume the choices facing
kids have had nightmares but victimised women are relatively
that’s myself too. I’m to blame for straightforward.
that, I didn’t leave sooner. (WP) The other main thing they all say
is, “ we’ll take your kids while
For some participants, the risk of being you sort yourself out and then
viewed as ‘bad mothers’ became a fear and a you can apply for your kids
risk of losing custody of their children back”… they said that’s what
because of notifications to Child, Youth and would happen if I couldn’t find a
Family services that were made on the basis safe place to go to get away from
of their victimisation. him because he had been let out
And then there’s still that on bail… back to my house. (WP)
underlying fear that someone’s
going to read this [victim] impact Advocates are caught between their
statement and maybe I’ll say understanding of mothers’ victimisation and
something like he used to use my the contradictory social and institutionalised
kids against me…and I was expectations that mothers can and should
always worried that if I did say separate from violent partners for the
this and it was written down protection of their children, even though they
somewhere I’d have CYPs on my are also responsible for keeping the family
front door saying why didn’t you together for the children’s benefit. This
protect your kids and that’s not often means working with women to ensure
the way it was. (WP) that they understand that their partners’
violence, not a deficit in their care, puts them
Advocates are ethically bound to notify at risk of losing their children to child
child protection services if they have services, while also making it clear that child

services will be notified of child abuse if will separate from violent partners as soon as
there is sufficient evidence. Advocates then they realise that their children are at risk. We
support their clients to keep the care of their recognise a contradiction in this situation:
children in the longer term. the women had believed they were
[Child protection] became protecting their children at the time when
involved with the kids. Me and their understanding of protection was
[advocate] talked about it and focused on the stereotypical meaning of
basically I agreed for the kids into violence as physical assault, yet challenging
care. Told my ex-partner, I had to those stereotypes and learning the extent of
when [child protection] turned harms they and their children were facing
up. I was looking like there was undermined rather than supported their sense
really something I wanted to say, of worth as mothers.
but after twenty years how to do
you say it and mean it? It’s kind After his criminal case: Separation and
of like, oh my god, and I had family court. By the time their partners’
nowhere else to go… So it was cases had been disposed in the criminal court
like, “say it, and get the hell out and participants had come to understand that
of here to [refuge].”(WP) protecting their children meant more than
attempting to prevent them from being
While it was relatively uncommon for physically assaulted, they were also clear
the women in our studies to be in situations that the social expectation for them to
where their children were removed from their separate from their partners to protect their
care even temporarily, the risks of losing children left them with few options. They
custody and care of their children were clear. had repeatedly been advised by others to end
The likelihood of being regarded as ‘bad their relationship, and they felt a burden of
mothers’ and the recognition that care of their responsibility to leave themselves, despite
children was at risk among participants in our their partner’s responsibility for the violence
studies gave testimony to arguments in the and abuse.
literature that mothers’ fears of the That was everybody's answer;
requirements of statutory child protection everywhere I went. Everybody
agencies affirm the victim-blaming social just said: “oh just pack up, get in
expectations of mothers who are your car, and run.” (WP)
experiencing IPV (Meyer, 2015).
Participants commonly reported feeling Although ‘leaving’ may be commonly
guilty because they did not realise the risks regarded as more protective of children than
posed to their children earlier. They also ‘staying’, since it is assumed to remove the
spoke of accepting responsibility for immediate threats of physical harm and the
repeatedly putting their children at risk when emotional and psychological harms of
they reconciled with their partners after witnessing violence against their mothers,
violent incidents, even though they also participants gave testimony to continuing
believed that their children were entitled to threats, intimidation and emotional harm
relationships with their fathers and it was from their (ex)partners. Separation did not
their maternal responsibility to keep the ensure their safety, though their engagement
family together for the sake of the children. with advocates meant that they had learned
When they became increasingly aware that safety planning and, where appropriate, their
repeated reconciliations with their partners children had also been involved in safety
were implicated in the patterns of violence plans.
through which they were victimised, they One time [ex-partner] came over
continued to accept responsibility for and he started throwing me
harming their children, based on the around. [My daughter] followed
commonly held view that ‘good mothers’ [the advocate’s] safety plan, she,

to the point she grabbed my keys In the context of continuing violence

from my handbag, she got in the and abuse post-separation, it is evident that
car…she just ran, got in the car, the binary choice between ‘leaving’ and
locked the doors and sat there ‘staying’ in a relationship with their partner
beeping the horn and ringing on (Peled & Dekel, 2010; Peled, Davidson-
the cell phone. And she was Arad, &Perel, 2010) does not take account of
sitting in the car beeping the the consequences of either choice for the
horn. All the neighbours came women and their children. Some of the
over and… . (WP) women in our study explained that the
process of deciding to separate took time,
As is the case in previous research and was far from a simple choice. They
(Wendt et al., 2015), participants in our study needed to be supported and in a position to
were also aware of their responsibilities for meet their own and their children’s needs.
protecting children from instability and social I hit that point…and thinking
stigma. Often these responsibilities meant back I, that point of getting
that safety from post-separation violence was myself into a position where I
complicated by the risk of consequences for could take the kids and go, just
children and other members of the women’s took me a while to do it but that’s
families. where I was heading. I was
Yeah for me to clear the slate I’d getting [advocacy] support, I was
have to move, I’d have to move… getting, had a good job, earning
away, but then I feel for my family my own money. (WP)
because he knows where they are
you know, it makes it kind of hard. The support of advocates was vital for
But he knows where I work, he the safety of the women and their children
knows everything about my life during the process of their partners’
which is hard to break free of…he prosecution through the WFVC. Post-
knows where son goes to school; separation though, the advocates’ clients
he knows where I live and where sought legal interventions for issues of child
my parents live and where my custody and their ex-partners’ access to their
sister lives. And they are the main children through the Family Court. Along
people in my life and he knows with separation, mothers’ applications for
everything about it. To get a clean orders of protection are cited as evidence
slate I’d have to move. (WP4) that they are adequately seeking help to
protect their children in the context of IPV,
Re-location, however, does become even though this is an unrealistic expectation
necessary for safety for some women and in many cases (Lindauer, 2012).
their children. Participants in our studies who I was advised to apply for the
re-located gave similar accounts of protection and all these things,
significant losses to those who participated in safety things for children and for
Thomas et al.’s (2015) research. families, and I haven’t. I don’t
I had to give up our home know. I went to a lawyer once,
because we certainly couldn’t but [they] just listed all the risks
live there because it wasn’t a safe and all the costs I’d have to pay if
place and because there was no I want to get some protection
one close. So we had all that against those things and I just
upheaval, the kids had to change couldn’t. (WP)
schools and like we were
[temporarily living with relatives Advocates were not provided with the
and] we couldn’t stay there. (WP) same rights to support their clients in relation
to the Family Court as was the case with the
WFVC. The different jurisdictions of the

courts mean that it has not been possible for the children from their fathers. The
Judges in the Criminal Court jurisdiction to assumption that children’s best interests are
recommend that the Family Court issue served by ongoing contact with fathers who
orders of protection for victims of those perpetrate IPV, regardless of the wishes of
convicted of family violence offences. the child or their mother, was apparent to the
Advocates continued to support clients with women in the proceedings of the Family
legal proceedings in the Family Court, and in Court.
some cases were able to assist with access to The Family Court, they seem to
temporary protection orders quickly. keep saying the children need
The kids just wanted to go home both mother and father. They
and they [advocates] managed to need to see everything, all of the
get the kids and me back in the effects. They need to see what
house. I got occupation orders, happens to these children, and I
protection order, furniture order, really want [child] to see
interim custody, and they got me [child’s] father but… [child’s]
all of those temporary ones still saying [child] doesn’t want,
within 24 hours. And then they doesn’t want visitation. (WP)
got, within three months, they
were finalised. (WP) By the time the women whose partners
have been convicted of violence against
However, the women’s experiences of them in the WFVC encounter the challenges
Family Court were noticeably different from of disbelief, mistrust and misunderstanding
those of the Family Violence Court. Without of the Family Court, they have learned to
their advocate’s representation in Family question the stereotypes that limited their
Court, some participants could not convince understanding of IPV and enabled them to
the Court that there was a legitimate need for accept responsibility for his actions. They
their legal protection, and that the risks to have shifted the meaning of harm to
their children were also significant. encompass psychological, emotional,
It’s all, everything’s manipulated financial and spiritual abuse. Protecting their
and misconstrued so it looks like children has come to mean more than
you know, like this whole, this diverting physical assault to themselves,
serious thing - where in front of complying to keep the peace or ensuring
his children - he said he was their children are not present during an
getting his knife and killing me. assault against them. In this context, they
“Oh, they should have got over experienced Family Court as obstructing
that by now and probably it never them in their attempts to protect their
happened because you just children and reproducing stereotypes of
imagined it, why don’t the victim-blame and mother-blame that
children want to see their burdened them with responsibility for their
father?” Oh because I was partners’ violence. They had taken
poisoning their minds and responsibility for the safety of themselves
making them think that he’s a bad and their children, separated, endured the
man, so this is the, so this is, this social stigma of victimisation as well as
mental pressure I’ve been under. ongoing post-separation abuse from their
(WP) partners.
The paradox that emerges for the
Participants gave testimony to the kind participants in relation to the Family Court is
of concerns raised by Davis et al. (2011), not only a matter of the obvious
when assessments provided to Family Court contradiction between the legislative intent
by professionals report victimised women’s of the Domestic Violence Act (1995/2013)
attempts to protect their children as alienating to protect victims of family violence and the

failure of the Court to take their victimisation violence, but their priority was on managing
seriously. The ongoing complexities of IPV potentially lethal or systematically
that were essential for the women in our controlling physical violence, and preventing
study to understand so that they could better their children from being assaulted. As their
protect their children were not understood in partners came to have less unimpeded access
the family justice system. While the criminal to them through the interventions of the
justice intervention brought participants into Family Violence Court, the women had
contact with advocacy services that supported opportunities to learn about and reflect on
them to enhance their own and their the psychological and social abuses that their
children’s safety, the family justice system children were experiencing. They held hope
became a site where their partners’ ongoing for the possibilities of safety with the support
abuse was not recognised and their children’s of legal interventions that would protect
safety was compromised. them and their children from physical harm,
Discussion and longer-term support for recovery and
When the mothers participating in our healing the harms they were experiencing.
studies spoke with us about their experiences Yet the formal and legislative systems
of harm, safety and protecting their children, ostensibly created to assist them largely
their stories of significant relationships and failed to do so. Child protection services
events involved complex intersections held the potential for a threatening
between the responses of police, the Family intervention that could mean losing custody
Violence Court, the Family Court, advocates, of their children. Family Court proceedings
neighbours, friends and families with their were fraught with risks of sanctioned,
own responses and those of their children. ongoing contact between their children and
Through analysing the women’s stories, we their abuser. Some professionals in the court
came to understand harm, safety and held the view that children’s best interests
protecting their children as situated in a are served by relationships with both parents,
complex of social relationships, where and there were occasions when access was
unpredictable responses by others, including granted to fathers who had been convicted of
their ex-partners, created contingencies that violence in the WFVC because women’s
complicated the women’s pathways to safety accounts of violence against them were not
for themselves and their children. believed.
The women understood harm, The participants in our study were well
protection and safety in relation to specific aware that mothers who are victimised by
events where their immediate and long-term their partners are expected to take
risks and needs varied according to their responsibility for protecting their children,
circumstances and contingencies beyond and carry a burden of responsibility for
their control. The meaning of violence, managing or stopping their partners’
abuse, safety or protection shifted and violence against them. As with other
changed as the women’s experiences and research (Lapierre, 2010; Peled & Gil, 2011;
understandings unfolded throughout the Radford & Hester, 2006; Wendt et al., 2015),
process of their partner’s arrest and we found mothers prioritised protecting their
prosecution, their engagement with advocacy children, even while their understanding of
services, their decisions to leave their partner safety, protection and harm shifted and
and their involvement with community changed. They expected to leave their
services, professionals and family court partner to escape violence, although often
proceedings. leaving increased immediate safety risks for
Initially, participants were focused on themselves and their children, and it proved
physical safety and protecting their children impossible for many to ‘escape’ since they
from assault and witnessing assaults on them. were embedded in family relationships and
They may have been aware that the children subject to custody and access arrangements
were emotionally harmed by their partner’s that continued to provide their partners with

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abuse of women and their children:
Boundary-setting and family court Address for Correspondence
utilization among victimized mothers. Mandy Morgan
Journal of family violence, 28(6), 547- Email: c.a.morgan@massey.ac.nz
560. Leigh Coombes
Email: l.coombes@massey.ac.nz
Notes
1
There are no comparable statistics available Author Biographies
nationally. The National Collective of
Independent Women’s Refuges (NCIWR) Mandy Morgan is Professor of Feminist
report that in 2014-2015 52% of the 16,507 Psychology at the School of Psychology at
people using their services were women and Massey University in Aotearoa/New
48% were children, but do not report how Zealand. Her research is broadly located in
many of the women were mothers (NCIWR, critical feminist theory and research. One
2015). New Zealand Police statistics report area is concerned with theoretical
that there were 101, 981 Family Violence psychology, especially poststructuralist
investigations in 2014 and 62,923 children feminism. A second area is a programme of
under the age of 16 were linked to those critical and discursive projects on the ways
investigations (New Zealand Family in which domestic violence service and
Violence Clearinghouse, 2015). intervention providers and clients understand
their experiences.
2
Although we removed all identifying
information from transcriptions of interviews Leigh Coombes is a Senior Lecturer in the
prior to analysis, as an additional device to School of Psychology/Te Kura Hinengaro
protect confidentiality, we have not followed Tangata, Massey University, Aotearoa/New
the usual practice of providing pseudonyms Zealand. Her research is theoretically and
for participants when citing evidence from methodologically committed to social
their transcripts. We were concerned with justice, especially issues of gender and
the possibility that confidentiality could be violence. Central to this are concerns with
breached if specific episodes were able to be the context of social inequities and their
connected with a particular participant across transformation, including historical, social
themes. We have included quotes from and cultural conditions of gender and the
women participants who were clients of the effects of colonisation on particular
advocacy services involved with the WFVC, communities.
as well as some quotes from advocates as key
informants. To clearly distinguish clients
and advocates, the former are indicated by
the initials WP and the latter by the initials
KI.
Acknowledgements
We thank the women who participated in the
studies evaluating the WFVC and services
provided through the court, our colleagues at
the WFVC and the team of advocates who
supported us and the women participating in
our study. We would also like to
acknowledge the support of Frances Neill-
Weston, and two anonymous reviewers who

79
Children as the forgotten victims of domestic and family violence:
Time for reform in Western Australian Refuges
Lorren Stainton
Women’s Council for Domestic and Family Violence
Domestic and family violence is a crime where the overwhelming majority of victims are
women and children and perpetrators are men. While sociopolitical movements in
Australia have focused on women, there is a critical need to focus on child victims. The
second wave feminist movement strived for the acknowledgement of women as individuals,
as opposed to being someone’s wife or mother. Children were typically viewed as silent
witnesses to violence, unable to comprehend it and therefore, not experience it. This
contextualises why historically, Refuges may not have focused on supporting children as
much as women. While legislatively children’s rights are not protected as such in
Australia, non-legal frameworks such as those that promote policy-level reforms can help
protect children’s rights in Refuges. The Women’s Council for Domestic and Family
Violence Services (WA) (WCDFVS) developed the Good Practice Guidelines for Working
with Children and Young People in Refuges (the Guidelines) to help ensure that children’s
needs are met while residing in Refuges. The aim of this article is to explain how the
Guidelines can support children at individual, relational and collective levels, and create
cultural change whereby children are seen as clients in their own right whilst living in
Western Australian Refuges.
Feminist researchers have shown for through the Keeping Kids Safe (KKS)
decades that domestic and family violence is project run by the WCDFVS, and funded by
a gendered crime that both reflects and the Department for Child Protection and
reinforces gender inequity (Bagshaw & Family Support (DCPFS), the Good Practice
Chung, 2000). In 2012, it was estimated that Guidelines for Working with Children and
of all the women killed during that year, Young People in Refuges (the Guidelines)
almost half were killed by intimate partners or were released. In recognising the need to
family members (UN Women, 2014). The address children’s wellbeing at the
United Nations (2005) State of the W orld individual, relational and collective levels,
Population report explains that domestic the Guidelines utilise community
violence constitutes the single biggest health psychology principles by: providing for
risk to Australian women of reproductive age. strengths-based approaches to practice;
Violence against women has been shown to promoting empowerment; facilitating
be more of a risk for women between the ages healthy mother-child relational bonding after
of 15 and 44 than cancer (UN Women, 2014). escaping violence and rapport-building with
However, while a major current focus is on Child Advocate (CA) Refuge staff; and
violence against women, addressing violence providing a platform for reforming policies
against children is not gaining enough in Refuges that relate to the care of children.
attention and traction where feminist-based The Guidelines demonstrate the value of
reform is concerned. using a community psychology approach in
The Women’s Council for Domestic focusing on the child’s needs, and offer
and Family Violence Services (WA) Response-Based Practice (RBP) as a
(WCDFVS) is the peak body in Western paradigm that is emerging within child
Australia (WA) for domestic and family protection practice in several different
violence. Primarily, it serves the interests of countries to offer empowerment to victims
Refuges that accommodate women and their of interpersonal violence, and to help hold
children across the state, and provides perpetrators accountable for their actions.
advocacy and representation on behalf of its The Guidelines are intended to be a catalyst
members to government and other for collective level change in the WA Refuge
stakeholders (WCDFVS, 2015). Recently, sector and beyond, to ensure that children

Child Victims of Domestic and Family Violence 80
are not the forgotten victims of domestic and underreported (ABS, 2007), and the
family violence. understanding that one in four children
The aim of this article is to explain how experience family and domestic violence in
the Guidelines can support children at Australia (Indemaur, 2001), current
individual, relational and collective levels, sociopolitical movements such as the White
and create cultural change whereby children Ribbon campaign (White Ribbon, 2003),
are seen as clients in their own right whilst Ending Violence Against Women (UN
living in Western Australian Refuges. Women National Committee Australia,
Child abuse: A gendered crime 2010), and Stop Violence Against Women
Child abuse is one form of domestic (Amnesty International, 2005) tend to focus
and family violence. Research on identifying primarily on violence against women. To
perpetrators of child sexual abuse has been some extent, government and other non-
extensive and evidence overwhelmingly government agencies have addressed the
indicates that the largest cohort of child need to focus on perpetrators and hold them
sexual abusers are male relatives of the child accountable for their use of violence against
(ABS, 2005; McCloskey & Raphael, 2005; women and children by, for example,
Peter, 2009; Richards, 2011). Men are also enforcing harsher penalties for breaching
more likely to physically abuse children VROs (Council of Australian Governments,
(ABS, 2005). 2015) and implementing national
Research on domestic and family accreditation for men’s behaviour change
violence and the co-occurrence of child programs (Vlais, 2014).
physical abuse shows it is a significant issue, While supporting women and holding
ranging from 40% to 80% (Holt, Buckley men accountable for their actions have been
&Whelan, 2008). In a study conducted by priorities, the focus on children has not been
Mouzos and Makkai (2004), of all the women as apparent, either in the literature or in
surveyed about their experiences of violence, public discourse. Child protection practice
over a third (36%) had children in their care has also focused mainly on the woman and
who also experienced the violence. Children her ability to keep her child(ren) safe.
suffer emotional abuse when they see or sense Initiatives such as Polished Man (YGAP,
violence perpetrated against their mothers or 2014) and Never Alone (Luke Batty
other family members. Children are often Foundation, 2015) aimed at addressing
used as a weapon against their mothers, and violence specifically perpetrated against
they may experience the violence in many children have received far less public
ways including: being made to watch or join exposure. The campaigns aimed at
in the assaults, being told they are to blame addressing violence against children in the
for the violence because of their behaviour, context of domestic and family violence are
forced to spy on a parent, used as a hostage, far more recent than the women-focused
defending their mother against the violence, campaigns, which is indicative of the lack of
and/or intervening to stop it (Edleson, 1999; consideration given to young victims of
Humphreys, 2007). Children are also used as abuse until recently.
a means of communicating to women where There has been some recent focus on
perpetrators have violence restraining orders good practice in supporting children who
(VROs) against them, can be manipulated have experienced trauma both nationally
into exhibiting abusive behaviours towards (Dwyer, O’Keefe, Scott & Wilson, 2012)
their mothers, and can also be used as tools to and at a state level (e.g., Department of
solicit information about their mother’s Health & Human Services Victoria, 2012).
whereabouts and movements. However, despite these recent publications,
Family Violence Movements need to be Child there has been no guidance until now
-Focused specifically on how Refuges in Western
Despite the acknowledgement that Australia should work with children.
domestic and family violence goes Children as ‘Accompanying Units’

The current sociopolitical landscape, therapeutically with children in WA

quite significantly influenced by 2015 Refuges; anecdotal evidence provided by
Australian of the Year, Ms. Rosemary Batty, CAs about the perceived status of child
has begun to illuminate the issue of child advocacy work and the lack of recognition of
victims of domestic and family violence. children as clients; and the fact that many of
Historically though, children were not the Refuges today are still referred to as
considered victims in the sense that they are Women’s Refuges, Women’s Centres, or
now viewed. Children were thought to be Women’s Shelters(despite children being the
passive recipients of abuse, they were ‘seen largest cohort of clients).
but not heard’, ‘silent witnesses’ to violence The CA position is absolutely critical
lacking in their capacity to comprehend and when advocating for the rights of the
experience abuse (Laing, 2000; Bromfield, children in Refuges and ensuring their needs
Lamont, Parker &Horsfall, 2010; Callaghan are met. Where no CA is employed at a
& Alexander, 2015). In the context of the WA service, the child-focused work is lost and
Refuge sector, children were (and still are) the service regresses to antiquated practices
recorded as ‘accompanying units’ to the reminiscent of the 1970s of the kind noted in
‘primary client’, which is the woman. the UK by Hauge et al. (1996), where
Children are often viewed as too young to children were not a major focus. Humphreys
understand domestic and family violence (2014) notes that debates have raged in the
perpetrated against them and their mother, so refuge system about whether children’s
typically, Refuge work has centred on workers are child ‘minders’ or should be
women. considered child advocates, with a more
During the second wave feminist therapeutic-based role. In a study conducted
movement in the 1970s when the Refuge by Stainton (2015a) on the perceived roles
sector gained momentum, women were and key issues facing CAs in Refuges, just
attempting to delineate themselves from being under half (46%) of all surveyed referred to
the ‘other’ in a relationship: from being a child-minding as one of their key roles. One
man’s wife or a child’s mother (Hauge, Kelly, CA noted that she was not supported to carry
Malos & Mullender, 1996). Therefore, out her role and comply with policy:
focusing on children in Refuges might have A key issue I face is treating children
been seen as going against what the as clients in their own right, as
movement was trying to assert: women as required by [my] job role and
individuals. As a result, the extent to which [Refuge] policy, when this is not
Refuge work during this time focused on reflected in the reality of the daily
children is somewhat unclear, as the history operations of the Refuge.
of work within WA Refuges in general is Another commented on the restrictions of
particularly hidden. There is little not being employed full time:
documentation on the history of the Refuge [I have a] limited ability to make an
movement in WA, and anecdotally, some of impact on some clients when only
the information that is available is debated. working part time, this role needs
The work done with children is even less much more support. It needs 1.5 or 2
readily available, as children’s work has full time positions to cope with the
typically been given a lower status than work load, e.g., 5 Mothers = 10 – 15
Refuge work undertaken with women (Hauge children.
et al., 1996). Unfortunately, this inadvertent Saunders’ (1995) early research
legacy has meant that children are still rarely highlighted such challenges, stating that
seen as clients in their own right in insufficient attention had been given to the
contemporary Refuge settings. Three current children who experience domestic and
factors highlight this: the low numbers of family violence and reside in Refuges. As
specific Child Advocate (CA) Refuge staff evidenced in Stainton’s study (2015a), two
who undertake case management and work decades later, this is still the case. In 2009,

of the 35 Refuges across WA that support Guidelines aim to fulfil several goals. Their
women and children, over a third did not have overarching purpose is to set a benchmark
a designated CA position (Leggett, 2009). In for working with children and young people
2014, this number increased to 38%, and of in WA Refuges and the aim is to achieve this
those that did, only 40% worked full time using a variety of measures: ensuring the
(Stainton, 2015a). The majority of Refuges safety and wellbeing of children and young
with no CA position are in regional/remote people in Refuges; providing them with
locations which see the highest number of resources and program knowledge (e.g.,
young clients who potentially face additional safety planning and protective behaviours) to
compounding disadvantages, for example, maximise safety after leaving the Refuge;
living in a remote setting (Hastings & teaching children and young people about
MacLean, 2002),identifying as an Aboriginal domestic and family violence and reiterating
or Torres Strait Islander person (Flood & that the violence is not their fault;
Fergus, 2008), or drug and alcohol issues acknowledging children and young people as
(Nicholas et al., 2012).The only metropolitan clients in their own right; strengthening
Refuge not to have a CA is an Aboriginal mother-child bonds; and advancing the role
service where Aboriginal children may be in a of the CAs in Refuges (Stainton, 2015b, p4).
greater need of support (Stainton, 2015a). These Guidelines also provide contemporary
Good Practice Guidelines for Working evidence-based information that challenges
with Children and Young People in the discourses evident in Refuges about the
Refuges importance of child advocacy work and the
Only 41 countries have implemented a need to view the child as a client of the
comprehensive and explicit legal ban on service.
violence against children, while only 2 per Founded on feminist understandings of
cent of countries report a comprehensive legal domestic and family violence (and taking
framework to prevent violence (Steven, account of Aboriginal and Torres Strait
2015). Although Australia ratified the United Islander definitions of family violence), the
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child Guidelines developed by the WCDFVS
on 17th December 1990, it does not have a illustrate the importance of aligning with
legal framework to prevent violence against community psychology principles. The
children, as children’s rights have not been principles of inclusion and empowerment
incorporated into Australian law (Unicef, emphasise the need to consider the
2011).However, children’s rights can still be oppressive contexts in which people live,
upheld using non-legal frameworks through critically examine those contexts to reveal
documents that guide policy-level reforms. their illegitimacy, and seek justice to
The WA Guidelines provide an opportunity empower those that are oppressed.1
for reform in Refuges across WA that support One of the most significant principles
children by utilising community psychology in the Guidelines is that of empowerment.
principles such as empowerment, diversity, The Guidelines assert that Refuges need to
inclusion and social justice. Prior to 2015 empower and be inclusive of all children
however, no guidelines for working with (e.g., through utilising independent
children existed. While it has taken over 40 translators where English may not be their
years to develop guidelines since the Refuge first language, or empowering children of
movement first began in WA, this recent diverse gender clients who may need tailored
development is a positive step toward seeing support). Frameworks such as Reponses-
children as clients in their own right whilst in Based Practice (RBP) are consistent with
the care of Refuges. community psychology principles in seeking
Developed as part of the Keeping Kids to challenge dominant discourses in Refuges
Safe (KKS) project, and run through the about children’s capacity. RBP also disrupts
WCDFVS to support CAs and consequently, the status quo in mental health service
children living in WA Refuges, the provision by steering away from

pathologising children with ‘mental health any mental or behavioural act

disorders’ where their responses to violence through which a person attempts
can be viewed as intelligible responses to to expose, withstand, repel, stop,
oppression (Wade, 2013). prevent, abstain from, strive
Using the traditional medical model of against, impede, refuse to
service delivery is problematic as it narrowly comply with, or oppose any form
focusses on the individual and their biological of violence or oppression
responses to violence. The Guidelines do (including any type of
consider neurobiological responses to disrespect), or the conditions that
violence and the importance of trauma- make such acts possible, may be
informed practice; however this is achieved understood as a form of
through the application of the resistance. (p. 25)
Neurosequential Model of Therapeutics The two critical underpinnings of RBP
(NMT) (Perry, 2006) in the Refuge setting. are: whenever people are oppressed they will
NMT is grounded predominantly in always resist, and, language and social
neuroscience and offers a framework for responses are powerful tools in shaping
addressing work with children who have outcomes for victims and perpetrators
experienced domestic and family violence. It (Wade, 1997). The Guidelines use RBP to
highlights how violence shapes brain promote the idea that children and young
development, therefore offering practitioners people will act to preserve their dignity by
treatment options for their young clients. resisting violence in a variety of complex
While the NMT is active in maintaining that ways. Acts as small as avoiding eye contact,
mothers and practitioners have a significant orientating their bodies away from the
role to play in ensuring positive outcomes for yelling abuser, or thinking of something else
traumatised children, some trauma-informed while experiencing violence (Stainton,
practices can tend to over-focus on the victim, 2015b) can be considered as intelligible
and condemn them as neurobiologically and forms of resistance in the context of
psychosocially damaged. To counter this experiencing abuse. RBP explains that
tendency, the contemporary evidence-based children’s unique responses in the context of
approach RBP is also used in the Guidelines, domestic and family violence can be
which views a child’s trauma as a complex considered a form of resistance. For
issue embedded in a social context that is, in example; two young boys are in their shared
part, resultant from negative social responses bedroom getting ready to sleep. Their father
by others (Routledge, 2014). regularly rapes them in his bedroom, but
Response–Based Practice never both of them in one night. Sometimes
The Guidelines are consistent with what the elder boy enters his father’s room
Prilleltensky (2005) suggests are the knowing that he may be raped, rather than
important community psychology principles his younger brother. To a psychologist using
of empowerment, prevention, strengths-based a traditional clinical approach, this boy could
practice and taking account of community be negatively labelled, but to a practitioner
conditions. These principles are reflected in who is familiar with RBP, the social context
the adoption of Reponse-Based Practice would be explored more deeply, and they
(RBP) (Wade, 1997) as a major tenet of the would discover that the elder boy was self-
Guidelines; RBP considers the social context sacrificing in order to protect his younger
in which violence and trauma has occurred, brother.
and positions the young victim as an The Guidelines emphasise that
autonomously acting agent who actively empowering children and allowing them to
responds to and resists violence, instead of understand their own behaviours in the
being seen as an object that is ‘affected’ or context of violence is essential to their
acted upon. Wade (1997) defines resistance wellbeing. RBP is a strengths-based
as: framework that posits a link between

psychopathology and the quality of social Conclusion

responses to the abused child. It seems there There is a multitude of responses to
is an inverse proportionality where the more domestic and family violence, from national
positive social responses a child receives, the campaigns to individual Refuge services,
less likelihood there is of them acquiring and they all have an integral role to play in
mental health labelling (such as PTSD) addressing gendered violence. Refuges in
(Ulman & Philipas, 2001) and vice versa. particular are a key response within a holistic
When children receive negative social strategy to support women and children in
responses they are: less likely to cooperate crisis. The need for guidelines such as those
with authorities; less likely to disclose developed by the WCDFVS has taken a long
violence again; and more likely to receive a time to be placed on the agenda. This is
diagnosis of a mental disorder (Wade, 2014). probably due to a lack of sociopolitical drive
However, when they receive positive social to address gendered violence against
responses they: tend to recover more quickly children generally in Australia.
and fully; are more likely to work with The Guidelines endeavour to set a
authorities; and are more likely to report benchmark for responses to children and
violence in future (Wade, 2014). young people living in Refuges in WA. They
The Guidelines also include case represent a drive towards changing cultural
studies and practical tools for practitioners to attitudes regarding the perception of how
use in the day-to-day operations of Refuge children and young people experience
work, providing a basis to challenge domestic and family violence, as well as
mainstream discourses about child advocacy challenging the historical views that children
work and empower children. In the case are ‘silent witnesses’ to abuse. For the
studies there is an emphasis on the Refuge sector this shift from a traditionally
importance of mother-child relational women-focused domain to a client-focused
bonding activities and educating children domain where children are also seen as
about violence as early intervention and clients, is a significant step in not only
prevention approaches, and on advancing the providing a better service to young clients,
role of the CA so that children’s needs can be but also acting as a catalyst to create cultural
met and their rights can be upheld whilst change that will hopefully be reflected in
living in Refuges. wider policies. Documents such as the WA
Perceived limitations Guidelines can be influential in policy
There are potential limitations in reform and need to drive strong messages,
developing Guidelines that focus on the child advocating for the rights of children
in the context of family violence. The first is escaping violence with their mothers. It is
that children’s safety is often viewed as being essential that protocols such as the
dependent on their mother’s actions/lack of Guidelines are produced and implemented
action, which has historically led to victim- widely, so that children are no longer the
blaming. The second perceived shortfall forgotten victims of domestic and family
could be that Refuge practice neglects violence.
working with mother and child together,
instead, only working with the child in
isolation. However, the Guidelines are very
clear about positioning the child(ren) and
their mother as victims, and those who choose
to use violence as the perpetrators. It is also
clearly stated that one of the most important
messages throughout the Guidelines is the
need to facilitate mother-child bonding as it is
so often a target of the perpetrator.

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Retrieved from: http:// Stainton, L. (2015a). W orking with children
nceta.flinders.edu.au/ & young people in Western Australian
files/6513/5285/7437/ refuges: A comparative analysis between
EN469_Nicholas_2012.pdf the role of Child Advocates and Child
Perry, B. D. (2006). Applying principles of Support Workers in Western Australian
neurodevelopment to clinical work with refuge services. West Perth: Women’s
maltreated and traumatized children: The Council for Domestic and Family
neurosequential model of therapeutics. In Violence Services (WA). Retrieved form:
N. B. Webb. (Ed.), W orking with http://media.wix.com/ugd/
Traumatised Youth in Child Welfare (pp. e9fe85_ce1c0d333908400d9b1cbd8c2c9b
27-52), New York: The Guilford Press. 9d8b.pdf
Retrieved from: http://childtrauma.org/w p Stainton, L. (2015b). Good Practice
-content/uploads/2013/08/Perry-Bruce- Guidelines for working with children and
neurosequentialmodel_06.pdf young people in Refuges. West Perth:
Peter, T. (2009). Exploring taboos: Women’s Council for Domestic and
Comparing male- and female-perpetrated Family Violence Services (WA).
child sexual abuse. Journal of Steven, D. (2015). Children in danger: Act to
Interpersonal Violence, 24(7), 1111-1128. end violence against children. Unicef
Prilleltensky, I. (2005). Promoting well- United Kingdom. Retrieved from: http://
being: Time for a paradigm shift in health www.unicef.org.uk/Documents/
and human services. Scandinavian Journal Publications/
of Public Health, 33(66), 53-60. Retrieved Unicef_ChildreninDanger_Violencereport
from: http://www.education.miami.edu/ W.pdf
takingaction/Publications/ Ulman, S.E. & Philipas, H.H. (2001).
Prilleltensky_2005.pdf Predictors of PTSD symptom severity and
Richards, K. (2011).Misperceptions about social reactions in sexual assault victims.
child sex offenders: Trends & issues in Journal of Traumatic Stress, 14(2), 369-
crime and criminal justice. Canberra: 389. Retrieved from: http://
Australian Institute of Criminology. www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articl es/
Routledge, R. (2014). Response-Based PMC3583013/pdf/nihms-46630.pdf
Neurology in Psychiatric Practice. UN Women National Committee Australia.
Handout for “Response-Based Neurology (2010). Ending violence against women.
in Psychiatric Practice” workshop Retrieved from: https://unwomen.org.au/
presented at the In Dignity: Addressing focus-areas/ending-violence-against-
Violence and Injustice through Response- women
Based Practice Conference February 18- Unicef. (2011). Listen to Children: 2011
20, Yellowknife, Canada. Retrieved from: Child Rights NGO Report. Sydney:
http://www.statusofwomen.nt.ca/in% Unicef. Retrieved from: http://
20dignity%20conference.html www.unicef.org.au/Upload/UNICEF/
Saunders, A. (1995). “It hurts me too”: Media/Documents/
Children’s experiences of domestic ListenToChildren2011report.pdf
violence and refuge life. London: National
Institute for Social Work.

Unicef. (2014). Hidden in plain sight: A Note

1
statistical analysis of violence against According to Hovane and Cox (2011),
children. New York: Unicef. Retrieved Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples
from: http://files.unicef.org/publications/ prior to European invasion had no inequality
files/ between men and women. Everyone had a
Hidden_in_plain_sight_statistical_analysis place in society and everyone was
_EN_3_Sept_2014.pdf considered equally valuable. Male power
United Nations Population Fund. (2005). and privilege is a social construct that was
State Of World Population 2005: The introduced to Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Promise of Equality, Gender Equity, Islander peoples. To address family violence
Reproductive Health and the Millennium for Aboriginal Torres Strait Islander people,
Development Goals. New York: United concepts of violence need to be far broader
Nations Population Fund. Retrieved from: and encompass the fragmentation of the
http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/ holistic relationship between spiritual,
pub-pdf/swp05_eng.pdf cultural, and environmental dimensions of
Vlais, R. (2014). Ten Challenges and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander life that
Opportunities for Domestic Violence has taken place since colonisation.
Perpetrator Program Work. No To
Violence Male Family Violence Prevention Acknowledgements
Association. Retrieved from: http:// I would sincerely like to thank all of the
ntv.org.au/wp-content/uploads/141022- Child Advocates for their tireless efforts in
NTV-10challenges-final.pdf advocating for the children and young
Wade, A. (1997). Small Acts of Living: people in Refuges escaping violence with
Everyday Resistance to Violence and their mothers/caretakers. I would also like to
Other Forms of Oppression. Journal of thank my former lecturer and colleague Dr.
Contemporary Family Therapy, 19(1), 23– Sharon McCarthy for her support over the
40. Retrieved from: http://solutions- past few years.
centre.org/pdf/wade_1997.pdf
Wade, A. (2013). Lessons from Pippy Address for correspondence
Longstocking. Handout for the “Lessons If you would like to receive a copy of the
from Pippy Longstocking” workshop Good Practice Guidelines please email the
presented at the Lessons from Pippy author. Lorren Stainton
Longstocking: How Children and Young Email: lorren.stainton1@my.nd.edu.au
People Resist Violence and Oppression
Conference May 6, West Perth, Western Short biography of author
Australia. Lorren studied Behavioural Science at the
Wade, A. (2014). From Case Notes to University of Notre Dame, Australia
Transcripts. Presented at Response Based (UNDA) where she undertook an internship
Practice Conference. April 14-15, at the Women’s Council for Domestic and
Busselton, Western Australia. Family Violence Services (WA)
White Ribbon. (2003). A ustralia’s campaign (WCDFVS). After completing her studies,
to stop violence against women. Retrieved Lorren was employed at the WCDFVS as the
from: http://www.whiteribbon.org.au/ Children and Young People’s Policy Officer,
Women’s Council for Domestic and Family and at UNDA tutoring in developmental
Violence Services (WA). (2015). A bout psychology. Her research interests are child
Us. Retrieved from: http:// development, child protection, domestic and
www.womenscouncil.com.au/about- family violence, and Aboriginal health and
us.html wellbeing.
YGAP. (2014). Polished Man. Retrieved
from: http://www.polishedman.com.au/

Appendix: WCDFVS Good Practice Guidelines Contents Page

90
Reproductive coercion and the Australian state: A new chapter?
Patricia Hayes
Victoria University
While the concept of reproductive coercion is most commonly used in understanding tactics
employed by some male perpetrators of violence against women, it is also used to identify
policy and legislative environments of nation states that may be supportive of reducing
women’s levels of autonomy and self-determination in relation to their reproductive health
and family planning decisions. The offshore detention immigration policies of successive
Australian governments have created several cases over the last decade where community
workers in Australia have had to identify and understand how best to work with the power
relations inherent in counselling work with women as asylum seekers who are making
decisions about their pregnancies in the context of state-based reproductive coercion. The
answer to working with this complex ethical issue lies beyond the scope of mere
interpersonal and intra-psychic counselling interventions.
stark. The capacity of women in offshore

detention to provide ‘free and full consent’
to an ‘autonomous choice’ of either
continuing their pregnancy or having an
abortion is strongly compromised by their
involuntary detention. It is worth
remembering that this detention is
mandatory and women are detained without
proof of a crime being committed, the luxury
of a trial or recourse to a timely appeal
process, courtesy of the immigration policies
of the Australian Government. The power
relations inherent within such a relationship
prompt the question: Does the phenomenon
Illustration: Australian Financial Review, of women making decisions about their
September 2015. Copyright David Rowe/ pregnancies in this environment herald a
Fairfax Syndication, Reproduced with new chapter in a history of reproductive
permission. coercion in Australia? As social workers,
psychologists, counsellors and health
Counsellors working in the field of professionals, it also implores us to ask
unplanned pregnancy and abortion in questions about how we make sense of our
Australia often bear witness to women role in this context.
making choices for abortion and/or From interpersonal to state violence: A
continuing a pregnancy as choices that can continuum
occur along a continuum of consent to The term reproductive coercion has
coercion. Issues such as domestic violence, traditionally been used to describe a range of
homelessness, mental health and poverty all coercive tactics used by intimate partners
constitute impediments to a free choice for and others to control a woman’s
women who of necessity must sort through reproductive decisions: a decision to either
and consider these imperfect contexts in order bear children or to terminate a pregnancy. A
to reach their decision. However, for women recent study by the University of Queensland
who are asylum seekers and forced into Pro Bono Centre (Cheung et al., 2014)
offshore detention facilities by the Australian defined reproductive coercion in domestic
Government, the point of difference between violence as occurring where:
their context of ‘choice’ and ‘consent’,
compared to mainland Australian residents, is

Reproductive Coercion 91
The male partner convince[es] the navigate in relation to decisions about their
woman that he will leave her if she pregnancies when confronted by individual
does not become pregnant; acts of coercion and threat from intimate
The male partner engag[es] in birth partners and family members. However,
control sabotage (such as destroying Australia as a nation also has a long history
birth control pills, pulling out vaginal of dalliances with reproductive coercion,
rings etc.); especially when it comes to women on the
The male partner exercis[es] financial margins of Australian society. The
control, so as to limit access to birth intersections of ethnicity, class, (dis)ability
control; and gender have proven fertile sites for the
The male partner insist[s] on State to try to control particular women’s
unprotected sex or rape. (p.2) reproductive choices.
Central to the idea of reproductive Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
coercion is the deprivation of the conditions Women
that constitute autonomy in women’s Earlier colonial attempts to ‘breed out’
reproductive decision making. The leading Aboriginality included notorious
US sexual and reproductive health rights miscegenation projects such as those
think tank, The Guttmacher Institute, thus promoted by A.O. Neville in Western
defines the idea of reproductive coercion as Australia (Bashford & Levine, 2010). Up
‘the deprivation of voluntarism and informed until the mid-1970s Aboriginal and Torres
consent in relation to family planning’ (Barot, Strait Islander women felt the brutal impact
2012a, np). and legacy of forced sterilisation, and
However, reproductive coercion exists historians argue that in many ways, the
on a continuum. It is perpetrated at one end making and remaking of the Australian
by an individual or family then continues nation was founded upon projects of
through to governments and the state. A reproductive control in relation to race
Guttmacher policy analysis (Barot, 2012b) (Bulbeck, 1998; Grimshaw et al., 1996).
defined reproductive coercion as including Women with Disabilities
policies, legislations and incentives used by Women with disabilities have also
governments to either prevent childbearing or encountered and continue to encounter
compel it. reproductive coercion. The 2013 Senate
This principle applies across inquiry into the sterilisation of women and
national borders and at all levels girls with disabilities in Australia
of government, whether it's local documented a litany of reproductive
Chinese officials forcing women coercion (manipulation, intimidation) and
to terminate a wanted pregnancy reproductive force (involuntary sterilisation
or U.S. state legislatures passing procedures without any consent) (PWDA,
increasingly coercive abortion 2013). The inquiry received submissions
restrictions to keep women from that detailed histories of women and girls
ending an unwanted one. (Barot, with disabilities in foster care and other
2012a, p.1) community residential settings who were
Chapters of reproductive coercion in subject to both coercion and force in relation
Australia: a potted history to contraception and sterilization
Women’s rights to reproductive (Frohmader, 2012).
autonomy have always existed along a State-based ‘Care’ Institutions
continuum of coercion―often in relation to Recent evidence given by former
their socio-economic circumstances, available Victorian wards of state at the Royal
social supports and exposure to violence, as Commission into Institutional Responses to
well as policy and legislative contexts. As a Child Sexual Abuse has uncovered examples
counsellor I’ve often assisted women to of coercion by state authorities, including the
examine what levels of coercion they have to forced administration of gynaecological

examinations as well as Depo Provera no greater if they have a single

contraceptive injections (Hall, 2015). elective first-trimester abortion
Intimate partner violence and reproductive than if they deliver that
coercion pregnancy. (APA, 2008, p.90)
For social workers and others working Robust research into protective and
in the field of counselling in community risk factors for abortion is gradually
services in Australia, and more specifically, emerging, and Australian researchers Taft
women’s services, the phenomenon of and Watson (2008) have begun to document
violence against women is not a new one. the risks of co-occurring factors such as
Intimate partner violence and family violence intimate partner violence and its negative
has been a perennial and powerful force: the effects on women experiencing unplanned
spectre of male violence, coercion and abuse, pregnancies in this context. Most notably, in
played out at the interpersonal and social relation to reproductive coercion, their
level, has been raised and heard in research found that there is a link between
counselling rooms. Its dramatic impacts on women who have experienced key aspects of
women’s physical, emotional and social intimate partner violence - such as forced or
wellbeing are well documented (VicHealth, pressured sex and forced or pressured
2004; World Health Organisation, 2013). abortion - and depression. Research in this
Similarly, for social workers area is often highly contested due to the
counselling women in relation to unplanned influence of anti-choice forces seeking to
pregnancy and abortion, the phenomenon of demonstrate abortion as a universal
violence against women in the context of their ‘negative’ event no matter whether
pregnancy decision is also not a new one. As reproductive coercion is present or not.
discussed previously, reproductive coercion - Research into the area of coercion or
constituted by interpersonal threats or acts of force as a risk factor for post-termination
violence in relation to women and their psychological distress is a burgeoning area
pregnancies (becoming a parent or ending a (Chibber et al., 2014). However, anti-choice
pregnancy) - is also not a new phenomenon; coalitions seek to argue that distress is
however it is one that is only beginning to be caused only by forced abortion, rather than
documented in research as well as included in ‘forced maternity’. It is vital to remember
standardised risk framework assessments in that reproductive coercion can occur both
community and health services. The ways: by coercing or forcing a woman to
phenomenon of reproductive coercion in either continue or terminate her pregnancy.
intimate relationships is beginning to be A leading US public health thinktank, Public
understood and discussed as a key factor in Health Watch (PHW), argues that state-
women’s safety and wellbeing (Taft,2008; based restrictive laws that prevent
Cheung, 2014). termination access are a prime example of
Risk and protective factors for abortion reproductive coercion or violence in relation
For the vast majority of women seeking to continuing a pregnancy:
an abortion (outside offshore detention) and Many health professionals and
who have reproductive autonomy, it is clear legal experts say that forcing a
that abortion poses no greater risk to their woman to carry an unwanted
mental health than continuing with the pregnancy to term is a form of
pregnancy. Indeed, in 2008, the American reproductive coercion in
Psychological Association taskforce on itself―and a violation of their
mental health and abortion found that: human rights. (PHW, 2008, np)
The best scientific evidence The next chapter: ‘choices’ in the context
published indicates that among of asylum seeker reproductive coercion
adult women who have an The vulnerability of asylum seeker
unplanned pregnancy the relative women in offshore detention has meant that
risk of mental health problems is the Australian state and its policies of

offshore detention now represent a significant situation. Thoughts and feelings wash
threat to their reproductive choices. As through our brains and hearts: reflections on
discussed hereafter, the next historical chapter the anguish, hardship and violence that the
of reproductive coercion to be written must woman has been exposed to as well as the
now surely include the spectre of state-based courage, resilience, survival and the act of
reproductive coercion in offshore detention in protective parenting and preventative harm
the early 21stCentury. Women who are held in that the choice of abortion constitutes for her
detention for lengthy periods in conditions of in this context. Professional self-doubt is
psychological and physical danger have also present:
inherently impaired family planning Am I an agent of social control
autonomy, given the unsafe conditions in here? I’m certainly not an agent
which they exist. of social justice or social change
Consider the environment where here. Whose advocate am I - the
women are brought to the mainland for woman’s or the state’s?
pregnancy options and abortion counselling The Australian Association of Social
and/or to have an abortion. Health Workers (AASW) requires its members to
professionals working with women in these commit to three core values: respect for
situations can encounter women’s persons, social justice and professional
contradictory consent: integrity. Central to social work theory and
I don’t want an abortion. I want to practice have been ongoing debates over its
keep my baby. But I can’t have a ambiguous role as the ‘agent of social
child in detention. I don’t know control’ versus ‘agent of social change’. It is
how long I’ll be there. I don’t generally acknowledged that social work is
know if I’ll survive. Why are they in a state of flux within the current neo-
doing this to us? Please, please liberal policy environment (Dominelli, 1999;
help me. Wallace & Pease, 2011), with increasing
I write this article as a social worker emphasis on managerialism (tightly
with many years of experience in women’s managed organisations with loss of
sexual and reproductive health and I write professional autonomy for workers) and risk
about the scenarios I have seen and heard in management, including the use of gag-
these roles. These include observations of clauses within a neo-liberal public policy
steely, unflinching doctors in women’s health environment which propounds
clinics who’ve ‘seen it all’ over their twenty individualisation (social problems being
years in public health, yet who are unnerved asked to be solved by individuals often at the
and unsure in the presence of the ambivalence expense of advocacy or work for social
so apparent in the women who voice their change). The choice to speak up and speak
terror and their ambiguities in their consulting out for both clients and workers is seemingly
rooms. Vicariously traumatised, their stifled at every turn, even though our
normally steady and authoritative voices professional body requires a commitment for
trembling with tears, the doctors ring the social workers to work to ‘achieve human
social workers afterwards, sometimes to rights…through social and systemic
consult and sometimes to debrief: ‘What can change’ (AASW, 2010, p.7) …and to raise
we do?’ they ask. ‘This isn’t right’. ‘Surely awareness of ‘structural and systemic
someone should be speaking out about this?’ inequalities’ (p.8).
Hardy nurses request not to see these patients Social workers must reconcile the
because it’s too upsetting. tension between the rational and the
Social workers are committed to emotional when confronted with the terrors
respecting the dignity, autonomy and self- our clients convey. We seek refuge and
determination of their clients, and to social certainty in a professional identity, including
justice: we find it hard to define what an integrity that compels us to look to the
professional integrity looks like in this rational to continue on our work with our

clients without becoming overwhelmed hospital, it is very dirty…no

ourselves. We ask ourselves ‘Which social hygiene. I can't think about that.
work and counselling tools do I use to work I can't," said Fairuza, who has
with this woman?’ already suffered a miscarriage in
Rights-based frameworks (Ife, 2012; detention. "I can't feel happy
UNFPA, 1994) which emphasise women’s about this baby. In the tent it's
choice and legal rights seem hollow, empty hot, with the mice…how can I
and vacuous and are inoperable in this look after a small
context: these women are stateless and baby?" (Hasham, 2015, np)
without rights. Advocacy practices (Baines, Equally, their partners can’t find joy in the
2011; Mullaly, 2010) to remedy or challenge idea of another child, having witnessed the
the cause of the injustice are limited, as legal impacts of the detention environment on the
recourse to challenge the detention process is children they’ve already had:
next to impossible to achieve. Across "We have two kids and the new
Australia, a woman’s capacity to understand baby coming also, [they have] no
and make an informed decision (in future. My kids have lost their
conjunction with the medical professional life," he said. My daughter has
involved) constitutes a fairly common very bad mental health: she is
understanding of women’s consent in relation very depressed and she is very
to termination of pregnancy. However these stressed. Always she cries, and
very conditions are hollow in relation to the asks me 'Why Dad, why are we
reality of women’s arbitrary and indefinite here?' My son when he wakes up
detention. Strengths-based approaches, from his sleep in the morning,
although generally key in this work, are asks me 'Dad, are we going to
useful but also have limited application Australia today?' Sometimes I
(Saleebey, 2012) due to the overtly ask them please, don't ask me,
oppressive limitations on women’s resources. please leave me alone, because I
Anti-oppressive frameworks are laudable don't have any
(Dominelli & Campling, 2002), but merely answers." (Hasham, 2015, np)
decorative in a situation as stark as this, State-based reproductive coercion: we’re
which is imbued with power imbalance and not really like that, are we?
human rights violations. Crisis pregnancy- In the late 1980s in my suburban
counselling practice frameworks (Allanson, Catholic school in Melbourne, and courtesy
2007) within a trauma-informed framework of my Year Ten geography teacher Miss
(Rothschild, 2011) are useful given their Hockey, I recall learning about the one child
focus on managing the levels of anxiety that policy in China. I remember being
will accompany decisions that often thoroughly confused and alarmed about the
overwhelm clients’ coping mechanisms, but idea of a nation or ‘the state’ having so much
they are also limited in providing answers to power that it could influence a woman’s life
the client’s basic needs for seeking safety and so intimately, to the point of deciding for her
certainty in an ongoing context of trauma that if she did or didn’t have any more children.
includes both physical and psychological Whilst I’m quite sure that the notion of
danger. ‘forced’ or ‘coerced abortions’ probably
At the other end of the reproductive wasn’t raised directly as a concept at this
continuum to women considering termination time―given the unseemly implications of
of pregnancy, women who continue their mentioning such a topic in this particular
pregnancy in detention have also spoken of religious context―I’m fairly sure that it sat
their ambivalence: there as an elephant in the room. It
“We are very worried about the constituted an implied understanding of what
birth. There are no specialists in could happen when the state over-reached its
the hospital at Nauru. I saw the mandate to intervene in its citizens’ lives.

China, it seemed and I presumed from this last decade has been to arbitrarily force
education, was the antithesis of a commitment peoplewho arrive by boat and seek asylum in
to an exemplary human rights framework: the Australia into offshore detention
western liberal-democratic notions of pro- immigration centres (Fleay & Briskman,
natalist or maternalist reproductive autonomy 2013). Subsequently, women and men who
to which Australian democracy proudly are detained in immigration detention centres
hoisted its flag. like Manus Island and Nauru live for
Twenty-five years ago, I doubt I could prolonged periods of involuntary detention
have dreamed that, in the second decade of in locations that have a range of inherent,
the twenty-first century, this ‘proud well-documented, safety and health risks.
Australian democracy’ might have progressed The mental, physical, social and emotional
to the point where it could invite a illness due to this prolonged detention is well
comparison of its own human rights policies -documented (Silove, Austin & Steel, 2007).
and infringements of liberty in any Recent case studies of offshore detention
uncomfortable proximity to China’s arrangements have also highlighted women’s
established record of coercion in relation to vulnerability to sexual assault, and to
reproductive autonomy. However, in the last pregnancy as a result of such assaults
decade in Australia, successive Australian (Doherty, 2016). Such cases have
governments’ commitments to the policies of encompassed women seeking abortion and
offshore detention have raised disconcerting stating they have been denied timely access
questions around the predicaments of women to the procedure, while other cases have
seeking asylum in Australia and the role of involved women stating they felt unhappy
the Australian state in relation to reproductive about having to have an abortion but feeling
coercion. there was no other choice available due to
From consent to coercion in the offshore their arbitrary detention (Wordsworth,
detention context 2014). This oppressive context of detention
As social workers counselling is thus a major factor that women consider
vulnerable asylum seekers, it seems when deciding whether they might be ready,
incumbent upon us to ensure that such able and willing to parent a child.
uncomfortable questions about women’s An unplanned pregnancy, of course,
experiences in detention―in relation to their will expedite the need for women to consider
experiences of reproductive health and the vexed question of whether or not to
autonomy―see the light of day. For parent in an inherently harmful environment:
counsellors working with women who are an environment that is imposed upon them
asylum seekers and who have unplanned by their involuntary detention according to
pregnancies, reproductive coercion is Australian immigration law. The conditions
becoming an omnipresent threat due to the imposed upon these women thus forms a
compromised level of autonomy and consent paradox for asylum seekers who face
available to such women in offshore unplanned pregnancies while in state-
detention. Such decisions invoke a complex imposed detention. The daily deprivation of
ethical minefield for women, their counsellors liberty and autonomy in the detention centres
and their doctors. Women who are pregnant means that the idea of consent is necessarily
and do not want to abort, but are only diminished. To ‘consent’ to continuing a
deciding to have an abortion because they pregnancy in inherently harmful conditions
fear for safety of their children due to the or to terminating an unplanned, but perhaps
oppressive environment of detention, are wanted, pregnancy entails huge
articulating the impact and influence of psychological, physical and social risks. To
‘compromised consent’ or ‘reproductive ‘consent’ to requesting an abortion of an
coercion’ by the Australian state. unplanned, but perhaps wanted, pregnancy is
A key tenet of immigration policies of also a huge risk for such women. The factors
successive Australian governments over the for reproductive coercion are thus

established, and although this concept is control has often been employed
usually applied to threats to safety made by disingenuously by the Australian
another individual (usually an intimate Government when pertaining to women in
partner or relative), in this context it is offshore detention seeking adequate
arguable that the immigration detention perinatal healthcare for their pregnancies. In
policies of the Australian state form a threat a 2015 radio interview, Immigration
to a woman’s safety, security and autonomy, Minister Dutton described women’s apparent
and indeed to her ability to fully consent. power as such:
Neo-liberalism, choice theory and power: If people believe that they’re
why it matters in the case of state-based going to somehow try and
coercion blackmail us into an outcome to
I argue that understanding neo- come to Australia by saying
liberalism is central to understanding how we’re not going to have medical
state-based reproductive coercion can exist in assistance and therefore we put
this contemporary historical epoch. Issues of our babies at risk―that’s a
state power, its relationship to the idea of judgement for people to make…
‘unfettered choice’ and the impact on state But we’re not going to bend to
subjects are inextricably linked. Indeed, while that pressure… I believe very
feminist activists in the area of reproductive strongly that we need to take a
rights have long used the term ‘choice’ as firm stance, provide the medical
central to campaigns for women’s unfettered support that’s required, but if
access to abortion, the concept of choice itself people think they’re going to
has also been critiqued. In the last decade in force our hand to come to
Australia and internationally (Baker, 2008; Australia – that is not going to
Fraser, 2013), researchers have questioned the happen. (15 October, 2015, np)
neo-liberal individualist notion of choice, Such a reversal in the description of the
arguing that it can obscure the structural and actual personal, systemic and structural
material barriers to a range of choices that power available to women and their families
marginalised and disadvantaged women may in offshore detention serves to obscure the
experience: reader’s view of the refugee ‘other’: seeking
The lauded concept of choice perhaps to invoke fear, scorn and even
plays [a role] in overstating jealousy of ‘such’ women in their ability to
women's advancement and command government services at will.
disguising socially generated Further to this narrative of the ‘power’
inequality. In particular, young inherent to women in offshore detention,
women in this study comprehend Minister Dutton discussed the ‘generous’
domestic violence, unequal provision of government-funded services
parenting and housework as available to a woman who it seemed was
matters of choice, while also ‘supported’, at every turn, to make a
implicitly understanding that they ‘decision’: a situation that appeared to
do not live up to the imagined concern only her individual inability to make
unencumbered rational choice a rational, informed and timely decision:
individuals of liberalism. (Baker, We provided assistance to airlift
2008, p.53) this lady which showed our clear
Political theorist Nancy Fraser has made intent to provide support…We
similar observations about the co-option of provided that support, she came
feminism by neo-liberalism: ‘Neoliberalism to Australia, saw numerous
turns a sow's ear into a silk purse by doctors, mental health nurses,
elaborating a narrative of female and then made a decision…after
empowerment’ (Fraser, 2014). the health professionals
The rhetoric of power, choice and consulted with the lady, the lady

made a decision and was sent conditions of oppression and power inherent
back to Nauru. (Moody, 2015, np) in mandatory offshore detention ensure that
However, we must look more deeply at women’s choice is without doubt impacted
the language of ‘decisions’ and ‘individual by state power. Despite these important
support’ being proffered as proof of women’s cautions on the co-option of the choice
autonomy in such government narratives. critique as used by anti-choice activists, I
Indeed the truth of the matter lies in a fuller strongly agree with Baker’s (2008) directive:
analysis of the materialist conditions that to implore feminist researchers to consider
precisely prevent autonomy in this context. instead and to scrutinise the neo-liberal co-
Such a discussion of power in this option of ‘choice’ as a mantra that obscures
context does not seek to deny women’s structural inequality:
agency, nor the need for women to make a [It is] vital that the ways in
final decision about their pregnancy no matter which women's choices are
what their circumstances. I do not seek to co- variously compelled, burdened,
opt the critique of ‘choice’ by ‘anti-choice’ impaired and limited in a male
abortion activists who seek to situate all dominant culture are
women’s choices for abortion as inherently acknowledged and challenged.
coercive ―as ‘non-choices’―yet who Its function in the masking of
simultaneously position continuing a unfairness and exploitation when
pregnancy as a ‘natural choice’ for women. inequality and polarisation are
Indeed I concur with pro-choice ethicist deepening must be exposed. (p.
Leslie Cannold (2002), who warned of the 63)
dangers of discrediting women’s ability to In addition to Baker’s analysis of male
choose: dominant culture in relation to women’s
By arguing that women are choice and coercion, I argue it is essential to
fundamentally incapable of analyse other social and political power
mustering the rationality and relations that affect and constrain women’s
autonomy necessary to make choices, such as those constituted by policies
decisions about unplanned of offshore detention orchestrated by
pregnancies (or presumably successive neo-liberal governments in
anything else) that are worthy of Australia, both Labor and Coalition. To
respect, women-centred strategy analyse the socio-political contexts of forced
absolves women of moral detention and its impacts on women’s
responsibility and thus culpability reproductive choices is by no means an
for abortion. (p. 174) argument intended to diminish the need for
My position is certainly not one where both maternity and abortion facilities to be
women are incapable of making decisions and made available to women in offshore
where all abortions are automatically detention. To further restrict women’s
considered harmful and fundamentally control over this ultimate decision, one way
coerced, such as that of anti-choice activist or the other, is not the intention of this essay.
Melinda Tankard Reist (cited in Baker, 2008), Women’s ultimate self-determination over
who argued that: these complex decisions must be maximised
[Those] asserting a woman's so that even limited ‘control’ is available in
‘right to choose' have obscured its this context.
harmful effects and the However, just as paramount is our duty
constraints and coercion which so to scrutinise government immigration
commonly characterise the policies that engender social-political
circumstances of pregnancy and inequity for asylum seekers in detention
subsequent ‘choice’ of abortion. centres and dictate the very conditions that
(p.62) create such a ‘thin’ reproductive choice
What I do argue for, however, is a fuller context for women who are pregnant. For
analysis of the way the broader structural

women and families, this context means that however, the forms of violence against
in relation to family planning decisions they women exposed have been interpersonal
feel they are ‘damned if they do and damned violence and family violence. It is now up to
if they don’t’. community, counselling and social workers
What is to be done? who work with the most marginalised
Clearly, a simplistic reliance on individual, women in our care to now expose the
interpersonal counselling frameworks will fail ‘hidden’ state violence that we are witness
to meet the basic needs of asylum seeker to. For a truly intersectional feminism to
women in offshore detention. The indignity exist in relation to violence against women
and scale of injustice is so great and so we must speak out and resist the silence that
powerful that it is painfully clear that a focus has been enforced upon our clients and
on ‘individual agency and choice’ alone only ourselves. We are witness to how the policy
tells part of the story. So what do we, as of offshore detention compromises women’s
social, counselling, community workers and health, including their reproductive health
academics, do? How do we ensure that a and autonomy, in a myriad of ways. We
commitment to human rights for all of our must agitate for change and hold the
clients in relation to sexual and reproductive powerful to account, to the truths of the
rights is adhered to, for everyone our women who speak so cogently when we
government has responsibility for? It is timely choose to listen.
to remind ourselves of the human rights
context that we must return to: References
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from https:// changed the details in the case examples I
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and-scary-reality-of-this-growing-problem/ involved. Other than the details that are
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perspective in social work practice. New ensure this anonymity.
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on the mental health of trauma-affected
refugees seeking asylum in Australia. Biography
Transcultural Psychiatry. 44(3), 359-393. Patricia Hayes (BSW, MA Community
Taft, A., & Watson, L. (2008). Depression and Development) is a social worker who has
termination of pregnancy (induced worked in the areas of pregnancy options
abortion) in a national cohort of young and abortion counselling, maternity social
Australian women: the confounding effect work, prevention of violence against women
of women's experience of violence. BMC and women’s health promotion for over a
Public Health, 8(75). decade. She is also a founding member of
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and Australian social work: Pregnancy Options Counsellors (NAAPOC)
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detention centre. ABC News, 24 February. area of pregnancy and abortion counselling.
Accessed 29 October 2015 from http://
www/abc.net.au/news/2014-02-24/asylum-

101
Intimate partner sexual violence: An overview of the problem in Italy
Elisa Guidi
University of Florence, Florence, Italy
Giulia Magnatta
Team Special Olympics, Florence, Italy
Andrea Guazzini
Patrizia Meringolo
University of Florence, Florence, Italy
Intimate partner sexual violence (IPSV) is a severe and complex social problem, present
all over the world but often overlooked. The aim of this review is to show current
knowledge about IPSV, with a particular focus on Italy. Sexual violence involves a large
range of negative consequences for mental, physical and sexual health of victims, that
increase when violence is committed by a partner because of the daily proximity with the
aggressor, the repetitive nature and the association with other forms of violence. Victims
often find it difficult to report the sexual violence by their partner both for individual
factors, such as guilt, shame or fear, or for social factor like gender stereotypes. In Italy,
sexual violence was recognized as a crime in 1996. However, in some contexts, IPSV may
be culturally accepted, inducing women to tolerate a certain degree of sexual violence by
their partner. Given the seriousness of the consequences, it is important to investigate the
wide range of risk factors associated with IPSV in order to create specific prevention
programs and guidelines that help practitioners to investigate the phenomenon and to
give adequate support to victims.
Intimate partner sexual violence (IPSV) and women can come to feel confused,
is currently of concern in the public health shameful, betrayed, and guilty, and may
domain, and it is associated with several show features of post-traumatic stress
negative risks for physical, mental, and sexual disorder (Beck, McNiff, Clapp, Olsen, et al.,
health of the victims (Campbell, 2008; 2011).
Messing, Thaller & Bagwell, 2014; Möller, So far, IPSV has received limited
Bäckström, Söndergaard & Helström, 2012). attention in research (Bagwell-Gray et al.,
Contrary to what people usually believe, the 2015), and, because of its highly personal
consequences of sexual violence (SV) may be and private nature, some researchers have
more traumatic if the abuser is an intimate affirmed the difficulty to define and
partner than a stranger as a result of the consequently measure sexual violence
constantly proximity with the aggressor (Cook, Gidycz, Koss & Murphy, 2011).
(Temple, Weston, Rodriguez & Marshall, Women are often unwilling to talk about
2007; Tiihonen Möller, Bäckström, sexual assaults by their partner, particularly
Söndergaard & Helström, 2014). in countries where IPSV is more culturally
IPSV is an important aspect of intimate accepted or is not considered a crime
partner violence (IPV). Although one third of (Boughima & Benyaich, 2012). In fact,
sexual assaults are committed by intimate victims may not report their experience,
partners, IPSV is frequently ignored in studies because of shame or because they believe
about IPV and SV (Bagwell-Gray, Messing & that it is the “wife’s duty” to satisfy her
Baldwin-White, 2015). Usually, IPSV is not partner sexually and therefore consider
an isolated episode but is very likely to be themselves responsible for the partner’s
repetitive and associated with different types behavior (Carabellese, Tamma, Tegola,
of violence or threats (Möller et al., 2012). Candelli & Catanesi, 2014; Martin, Taft &
Positive intimate relationships are Resick, 2007).
characterized by respect, trust and security; It is worth mentioning that in Italy,
thus, when women are victims of violence by until the 1975 (Law 151/1975), the status of
a partner, these important aspects are missed, women appeared to be one of extreme

Intimate Partner Sexual Violence 102
subordination. During the fifties, the judges penetration when a victim/survivor is unable
affirmed the obligation of women to indulge to consent or is ‘unaware’, i.e. asleep or
sexually as a “remedy for concupiscence” for under the influence of drugs and
the benefit of the other spouse, or as the alcohol)” (p.8).
supreme goal of the continuity of the family. The aim of this review is to show
According to the current Article 143 of the current knowledge regarding the prevalence
Italian Civil Code (i.e. “Common rights and and incidence of IPVS, to explore possible
duties of the partners”), the duty of each risk factors, summarize the consequences
spouse to maintain a normal sexual activity related to IPVS, the co-occurrence with other
with each other constitutes an expression of types of violence, and the intervention and
the obligation of moral support, and the the treatment of IPVS victims. So far,
requirement of cohabitation, subsisting the authors reviewing violence in intimate
mutual duty to meet the needs of others, relationships often incorporate IPSV under a
including those of a sexual nature. comprehensive definition of IPV and they do
Theoretically, the rejection without not consider the unique features and
justification of sexual activities of a spouse consequences of IPSV separately from other
with each other can be evaluated for a forms of IPV (Campbell, Dworkin & Cabral,
responsibility of separation, unless the refusal 2009). Moreover, recently some researchers
of sexual relations is a consequence of the have focused on definitions and measures
failure of the union and not the cause of the associated with IPSV (Bagwell-Gray et al.,
relationship crisis. Thus, socio-cultural 2015), but research lacks consistency in
cofactors may also contribute to explain why unique risk factors, consequences and
many women do not recognize their treatments of IPVS victims. The review is
experience as one of sexual assault and they mostly focused on the Italian situation, since
do not report their violent partners to the violence in intimate relationships is an issue
authorities (Carabellese et al., 2014). that has recently obtained an emerging
Recently, Bagwell-Gray and colleagues national attention, even if it is a severe and
(2015) conceptualized IPSV as “intimate common phenomenon (ISTAT, 2007; 2015).
partner sexual abuse (i.e.,the use of Italian legislation in the field of gender-
manipulative, psychologically abusive tactics based violence
to keep a partner in submissive positions of Before facing the problem of IPVS, it
power; strategies include sexual degradation, is useful to have an overview of the
non-contact unwanted sexual experiences, legislative measures to combat gender-based
and reproductive and sexual control)” (p.8), violence because the laws are social factors
“physically forced sexual activity (i.e., that may influence not only the frequency of
unwanted sexual experiences involving touch the phenomenon, but also the report from a
but not sexual penetration or having sexual victim (Jewkes, Sen & García-Moreno,
body parts fondled or grabbed)” (p.8; also 2002). At international level,with the World
Black, Basile, Breiding, Smith, et al., 2011, Conference on Human Rights and the
p.17), “intimate partner sexual coercion (i.e., Declaration on the Elimination of Violence
the use of non-physical, controlling, against Women in 1993, violence against
degrading, and manipulative tactics to obtain, women was recognized as a significant
or attempt to obtain, unwanted oral, vaginal, public health, social policy, and human
or anal intercourse, including forced rights issue (Devries, Mak, García-Moreno,
penetration and sex with objects)” (p.8), and Petzold, et al., 2013). The UN Declaration
“intimate partner sexual assault (i.e., the use on the Elimination of Violence against
of physical violence or the threat of physical Women states that: “violence against women
violence to obtain, or attempt to obtain, is a manifestation of historically unequal
unwanted oral, vaginal, or anal intercourse, power relations between men and women”
including forced penetration and sex with and that “violence against women is one of
objects. [This] Also includes unwanted the crucial social mechanisms by which

women are forced into a subordinate position a type of punishable offence. From 2013, the
compared with men” (UN, 1993). So far, attention to violence against women
there are significant global commitments to increased. A “special bureau” on gender-
deal with gender inequality and violence based violence began working to develop a
against women, including IPV (Devries et al., national statistical Observatory on Gender-
2013). In particular, since 2008, the United Based Violence (Rosselli, 2014). In the same
Nations Secretary-General’s UNiTE year, the law 93/2013 was approved by the
campaign aimed to create a world free from Council of Ministers in order to combat
violence against all women and girls; since femicide, and the Council of Europe
2013, the United Nations Commission on the convention on “Preventing and combating
Status of Women tried to prevent and violence against women and domestic
eliminate all types of violence against women violence”, called Istanbul Convention, was
and girls; and, finally, the Millennium also ratified and became law (Law 77/2013).
Development Goals (MDGs) aimed to Finally, in 2015 the law 80/2015 enshrines
promote gender equality and empowerment of the right to take time off work for up to three
women. Similarly, several national months, with pay, for women included in
governments, including Italy, have laws protection programs, duly certified by social
which expressly criminalise and punish IPV services, anti-violence centers or shelters.
(Devries et al., 2013). Nonetheless, it has to be underlined
In Italy, the laws in the field of violence that in Italy the legislation addressing gender
against women have had a long and complex -based violence is the result of different
process, in which the widespread awareness reforms, aimed to safeguard the traditional
of the problem, supported by strong civil family structure, the public order and the
rights and women's movements, has often safety of citizens, and it does not derive from
clashed with cultural attitudes related to a a shared public and cultural approach
stereotypical view of women and gender (Rosselli, 2014). A European survey with
relations (Corradi, 2008). Moreover, the 42,000 women across 28 Member States of
attention to violence against women has been the European Union (Fundamental Rights
limited on the side of institutions and political Agency - FRA, 2014) showed that the
parties (Rosselli, 2014), and for a long time majority of women surveyed in Italy (58%)
all political sectors, in a parliament where state that they are not aware of any legal or
women were just a minority, shared a culture political measures that target the problem of
of “familism” which depended on the opinion domestic violence.This differs what has been
that traditional family protects social order found in other countries as Croatia (70%),
(Lombardo & De Giorgio, 2013). As a Lithuania (66%), Slovenia (62%), Sweden
consequence of this idea, until 1996 SV was and France (both 61%) where the majority
condemned as a “crime against public of women are aware of specific laws and
morality”. In fact, to reform the Italian penal political whilst the Italian outcome matches
code about SV, a long debate was needed that with Estonian (27%) and Bulgarian (28%)
led to the confirmation of SV as a “crime women.
against the person” (Law 66/1996). In Italy, the attention to violence
Five years later, the law on domestic against women has been peculiar compared
violence was passed (154/2001). It involves to the dominant intervention model used at
all family members (wives, husbands, international level which signifies the
cohabitant partners, children, parents) who development of a wide partnership (i.e.,
are victims of physical and psychological public institutions, civil society) while in the
violence and allows them to request and Italian context a comprehensive approach
obtain a “protection order” that forces the has been lacking, and this has led to a system
abuser to leave home (Rosselli, 2014). of services that is very differentiated across
Subsequently, law 38/2009 has increased the the country (Rosselli, 2014). However, the
punishment for SV and submitted stalking as experience of the anti-violence centres and

the civil society organisations linked to the the EU Member State level is reproduced in
Italian women’s movement are an example of greater awareness about violence against
best practice because they created a national women and higher enhanced mechanisms to
network in the field to exchange experiences encourage and facilitate reporting of
and to interact with the local and national incidents (FRA, 2014).
public authorities (Rosselli, 2014). Such high rates of intimate violence
Prevalence and Incidence of Violence underline the importance of focusing on the
against Women in Italy complexity and specificity of these forms of
The national survey conducted by the victimisation in the intimate relationship:
Italian National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT) 11.6% of Italian women experienced
in 2014 reports that violence perpetrated by physical violence, like attacks with kicking
men against women in Italy is a widespread and punching, or with sharp objects, or even
phenomenon (ISTAT, 2015), even if lightly real weapons or attempted strangulation,
lower than the average of other countries in smothering or burning; while 5.8% of
the world (García-Moreno, Jansen, Ellsberg, women suffered SV, like forced humiliating
Heise & Watts, 2006). Telephone interviews sexual activity, attempted rape, rape and
of 24,761 women (21,044 Italian and 3717 forced sexual intercourse with other people.
foreign) aged between 16 and 70 years In particular, the rate of attempted rape or
indicate that 31.5% of Italian women suffered rape by an intimate partner is 2.4%: 0.5% by
at least one episode of physical or sexual current partner and 3.8% by ex-partner
violence by a man during their lifetime; in (ISTAT, 2015). Taking into account the
particular 24.7% of violent acts are difficulty to compare studies done in
committed by a non-partner, while 13.6% by different countries and different times,
an intimate partner or ex-partner (5.2% Italian data stand out as relatively low in
present partner, 18.9% ex-partner) (ISTAT, comparison with the average present in the
2015). literature. Lifetime rates of sexual assault by
From the EU-wide survey (FRA, 2014), an intimate partner in national random
it appears that Italian women are less likely to samples have ranged from 7.7% to 13%
have experienced violence than the majority (Basile, 2002). David Finkelhor & Kersti
of women from other European countries: the Yllo’s study (1985) estimated that 10% to
prevalence of physical and/or sexual intimate 14% of all married women have been or will
partner violence in Italy (19%) is higher than be raped by their spouses. In Australia, it
or the same as in countries such as Greece was estimated that 15% of all Australian
and Portugal (19%), (19%), Malta, Cyprus women aged 18 years and over had
and Ireland (15%), or Austria, Croatia and experienced SV by a known person since the
Slovenia (13%), but lower with respect to age of 15 (Tarczon & Quadara, 2012). Rape
such countries as Denmark and Latvia (32%), or attempted rape prevalence are estimated at
United Kingdom (29%), France (26%), 9.4% of women in the United States (Black
Belgium and Lithuania (24%), Germany et al., 2011) and 6.8% in Quebec (Rinfret-
(22%), or Czech Republic and Hungary Raynor, Riou, Cantin, Drouin & Dubè,
(21%). The FRA survey results on women’s 2004).
experiences of violence were compared with ISTAT data (2015) underline that the
countries’ scores on the Gender Equality most severe forms of violence are carried out
Index developed by European Institute for by partners, relatives or friends. The rapes
Gender Equality (EIGE, 2015). The were committed by partners in 62.7% of
comparison showed that Member States cases, in 3.6% by relatives and 9.4% from
scoring higher on the Gender Equality Index friends. This is in line with the results of a
also are likely to have a higher prevalence of British research that shows that the most
physical and/or sexual violence against common rapists are current and ex-husbands
women since the age of fifteen. In part, this is or partners, with 45 % of all rapes committed
because higher equality between the sexes at

by present partners, and a further 11% by past the perpetrator of reiterated violence against
partners (Myhill & Allen, 2002). the same woman is frequently the partner or
Compared to the previous and the first ex-partner even in cases of homicide
Italian survey on violence against women (Carabellese et al, 2014). Usually, IPSV is
(ISTAT, 2007), rates of physical, sexual and correlated with psychological violence
psychological violence committed by partner (Alsaker, Morken, Baste, Campos-Serna &
or ex-partner decreased, but not the most Moen, 2012; Marshall & Holtzworth-
serious type of violence (i.e. rape and Munroe, 2002) and stalking (Logan & Cole,
attempted rape). The decline in the rate of 2011). Moreover, victims of physical
violence can be explained by more violence by a partner are more likely to
information, the field work of women’s suffer marital rape (Bennice & Resick,
refuges but also by improved women’s ability 2003). Being victim of IPSV may involve
to prevent and combat the phenomenon and a frequent and severe incidents of both
social climate of greater condemnation of physical and psychological violence
violence (ISTAT, 2015). However, by (Bagwell-Gray et al., 2015). According to
analyzing the data that emerged from the Mburia-Mwalili and colleagues (2010), 40%
survey it must be considered that, despite of women with a history of IPV reported
cultural changes and the profound both physical and sexual violence, while in
transformations of Italian habits, the the study conducted by Zorrilla and
ideologies of male sexual entitlement within a colleagues (2010), 43% victims of sexual
couple relationship are still present in Italian violence also reported psychological or
culture (Carabellese et al., 2014). physical violence. Alsaker and colleagues
With regard to immigrant women, the (2012) also found a significant association
risk of physical or sexual violence is similar between sexual assault by an intimate
to that of Italian women (31.3% versus partner and particular physical violence acts
31.5%). However, physical violence is more like hair pulling, arm twisting, biting, and
common among foreign women (25.7% violence against pregnant women’s
compared to 19.6%), while sexual violence is abdomen. Finally, compared with rape by
more common among Italians (16.2% against acquaintances, sexual violence by partner
21.5%), but the most severe forms, such as implicates more frequent unwanted oral and
rape and attempted rapes, are most common anal intercourse (Bergen, 2006). In Italy,
among foreigners. Immigrant women, among victims of abuse by their partner,
contrary to the Italian experience, especially 26.8% experienced sexual, psychological
suffer violence (physical or sexual) by and physical violence while 13.4%
partners or former partners (20.4% vs 12.9%) experienced sexual and psychological
and less by other men (18.2% versus 25.3%). victimization. Almost all those of women
Considering the place of origin of foreign who experienced physical and sexual
residents in Italy, women who are more at violence (90.5%), suffered also
risk come from Moldavia (37.3%), Romania psychological violence (ISTAT, 2007).
(33.9%) and Ukraine (33.2%), Morocco Because of the daily proximity to the
(21.7%), Albania (18.8%) and China (16.4%). aggressor, IPSV is characterized by a
Moreover, the majority (68.9%) of immigrant repetitive nature (Russell, 1990; Bennice &
women report that violence by partner, Resick, 2003). Similarly, Italian data showed
current or previous, began in the country of that, when rape or attempted rape is
origin (ISTAT, 2015). committed by a partner, 63.1% of victims
Relation between IPSV and other types of report having experienced it more than once
violence (ISTAT, 2007).
The severity of IPSV becomes even Risk factors of IPSV
more concerning considering that SV Few studies have explored risk factors
committed by a partner is often related to typically associated with sexual violence
other types of violence (Möller et al., 2012): within intimate relationships (Messing et al.,

2014). Because of geographical or -female partner sexual abuse are in line with
methodological differences, sometimes data the national surveyof other countries (i.e.
from different studies are discordant and have Black et al., 2011): women who appear to be
shown a wide range of risk factors that at greater risk of sexual violence by a partner
characterize both victims and perpetrators of are younger, separated or divorced,
partner violence (Abramsky, Watts, García- unemployed and have no family support.
Moreno, Devries, et al., 2011). Moreover, in Italy, women with a high level
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological theory of of education and a work position like
human development is useful to conceptualize managers or entrepreneurs are more likely to
the several risk factors of IPSV within four report some forms of violence by their
levels: individual, relational, community and partners. Comparing to the past survey
societal level (e.g. Heise, 1998; Tharp et al., (ISTAT, 2007), in 2014 rates of violence
2013). The utility of an ecological framework against women are slightly higher in the
is that it can suggest multiple strategies, at Centre and in the South of Italy. It is also
multiple levels of analysis, for intervening more frequent in the big cities. However
with IPSV victims (Campbell et al., 2009). these data should be considered with caution,
Risk factors for IPSV victims because it could be an expression of the
The IPSV risk factors may be, on the different opportunities for women who have
one hand, specific for the victim and the a different education or live in different
aggressor or, on the other, common to both. contexts, to recognize, declare and talk about
Among individual risk factors related to the suffered experiences (ISTAT, 2007,
sexual violence experience, studies indicated 2015).
that younger women were more likely to Risk factors for IPSV aggressors
report being victims of partner sexual abuse Analyzing the aggressors’ individual
(Russell, 1990), as were unemployed women factors, studies showed that SV perpetration
(Black, Heyman & Slep, 2001; Cavanaugh, is directly or indirectly related to different
Messing, Amanor-Boadu, et al., 2014; variables such as multiple sexual partners,
Johnson, 2003), women with a higher impersonal sex/casual attitudes toward sex,
education (Cavanaugh et al., 2014; Johnson, early initiation of sex, experiences of
2003), and drug and alcohol abuse (Boughima adolescence or adulthood SV victimization,
& Benyaich, 2012). Other factors include past SV perpetration, exposure to sexually
separation or divorce (Johnson, 2003), and explicit media, and higher sex drive (Martin
having children (Cavanaugh et al., 2014). et al., 2007; Tharp et al., 2013). Furthermore,
Moreover, violence in the victim’s family of sex-related cognitions (i.e. sexual fantasies
origin, a history of sexual abuse, and early and attitudes that blame the victim or are
sexualisation were associated with partner supportive of sexual violence), attitudes
sexual abuse (Graham-Bermann, Sularz & accepting of violence and gender-related
Howell, 2011; Martin et al., 2007). cognitions (i.e. rape myth acceptance,
As relational risk factors, the severity of hostility toward women, traditional gender
male-to-female partner physical aggression role adherence, and hypermasculinity) have
(Martin et al., 2007) and low family support been associated with SV perpetration (e.g.,
(Djikanovic, Jansen & Otasevic, 2010) were Abrahams, Jewkes, Hoffman & Laubsher,
correlated with IPV, including SV. 2004; Sears, Byers & Price, 2007).
Concerning the community and societal Several studies have found a
risk factors, the main factors were: women significant relation between
from low-income households (Black et al., psychopathology and violence: the
2001), and traditional gender norms that oppositional or antisocial disorders are
tolerate violence (Krug, Mercy, Dahlberg & particularly relevant to increase the
Zwi, 2002). probability of violent acts (i.e. Boots &
Analyzing the Italian situation (ISTAT, Wareham, 2009; Krug et al., 2002).
2015), the majority of risk factors for male-to Moreover, research found that alcohol and

drug use was associated with violence, are more likely to be perpetrators (Abrahams
including intimate partner sexual violence et al., 2004). A man is more likely to be
(Abbey & McAuslan, 2004; Abrahams et al., violent if he suffered violence by his parents
2004; Aguglia, Botter & Riolo, 2011; or if he was present for violence by his father
Djikanovic et al., 2010). against his mother. An alarming finding
With regard to the relationship factors, shows that the number of violent acts to
partner conflict, physical violence or which children are exposed increased
emotional abuse consistently predicted sexual compared to 2006, from 60.3% to 65.2%
violence (Abrahams et al., 2004; Tharp et al., (ISTAT 2007, 2015). Moreover, living in a
2013). Moreover, family of origin history country that has traditional gender norms
characterized by conflict and different types that tolerate violence increases the likelihood
of child maltreatment is a significant risk to be victim or perpetrator of IPV and SV
factor for IPSV (Abrahams et al., 2004; (Krug et al., 2002).
Koenig, Stephenson, Ahmed, Jejeebhoy & Consequences of IPSV
Campbell, 2006). Other important risk factors Violence in an intimate relationship,
concern peer relationships because the latter compared to violence committed by a
may develop informal social norms that stranger, is more likely to be repetitive and
support sexual violence (Tharp et al., 2013). more serious (Carabellese et al., 2014).
Finally concerning community During the episode of violence, victims
and societal level risk factors, studies found stated that the injuries were so severe they
some empirical support for a relationship required medical care, and most of them felt
between community level of violent crime that their lives were in danger (Black et al.,
and sexual violence rates (Koenig et al., 2011). During attacks, 37.8% of Italian
2006). Similar to some studies from other women suffered wounds, and 36.1%
countries, Italian women are more at risk of declared that they had feared for their lives.
sexual violence if their partner has devaluing These rates increase significantly (42.6%
attitudes, has some problems with drug and and 46.7%) considering only sexual violence
alcohol use, is verbally or physically violent committed by partner or ex-partner (ISTAT,
also outside the family, or has problems with 2015). More than half of the women victims
police forces (ISTAT, 2015). of general IPV reported that their health was
Common risk factors for IPSV victims and poor or only fair and the vast majority of
aggressors them reported at least one form of pain
There are some common risk factors (Kelly, 2010). Moreover, Humphreys,
both for victims and for aggressors of IPSV Cooper and Miaskowski (2010) have found
such as having a mother victim of physical that longer abusive relationships are
IPV, having an early sexualisation, being a associated with the feeling of moderate or
child victim of sexual or physical abuse, and severe chronic pain. Given that sexual
having a dependency of drug and alcohol aggression is often associated with physical
(Abrahams et al., 2004; Boughima & and psychological violence, it is difficult to
Benyaich, 2012; Martin et al., 2007; Tharp et differentiate the specific consequences of
al., 2013). In particular, Díez and colleagues IPSV (Bagwell-Gray et. al, 2015).
(2009) have found that the proportion of Nonetheless, when IPSV is present with
violence between the parents of the victim other forms of IPV, consequences appear
was significantly higher in abused women more severe (Basile, Arias, Desai &
(13.8%) than in non-abused women (4.6%). Thompson, 2004). In part, this is because
From the Italian survey it appears that women IPSV victims deal with particular challenges
who experienced violence before 16 years old to recognize a partner’s SV as a sexual
are more likely to suffer in adulthood assault, and they also have strong barriers to
(ISTAT, 2015). IPV becomes an even more seeking help (Fredericton Sexual Assault
worrying phenomenon when it involves Crisis Centre, n.d.). Thus, compared to IPV
children too: children who witness violence and SV by a stranger, IPSV involves some

unique impacts (McOrmond-Plummer, 2008). Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985; Russell, 1990).
Researchers have found that IPV With respect to the IPV victims, raped
victims have poorer overall physical health women are more likely to be more physically
than women who have never experienced IPV violent with their children (Finkelhor &
(Díez, Escutia, Pacheco, Martínez, et al., Yllo, 1985). In part, this is because in
2009). As physical health consequences, the families in which the men engage in severe
most frequently described were: chronic pain, IPV, as IPSV, parental physical aggression
circulatory disease, arthritis, heart and back toward children is often present (Jouriles,
problems, nerve system damage, and McDonald, Smith Slep, Heyman & Garrido,
respiratory illnesses (Coker, Smith & Faden, 2008).
2005). Finally, IPV is highly associated with The research conducted in Italy in
sleeping problems: more than 80% of women 2014 reports that more than half of the
reported difficulty falling asleep or staying victims of physical and/or sexual violence
asleep (Kelly, 2010). Beside these physical (52.75%) suffer from loss of confidence and
injuries typically associated with IPV, some self-esteem. Among the consequences are
consequences are associated specifically to very frequent anxiety, phobia and panic
IPSV (Campbell & Alford, 1989): women disorder (46.8%), despair and feeling of
report chronic genital pain, vaginal or anal impotence (46.4%), sleep and nutrition
stretching, bladder infections, urine losses, disorder (46.3%), depression (40.3%), and
irregular menstruation, miscarriages or still- difficulty concentrating and memory loss
births and unwanted pregnancies. Moreover, (24.9%), recurrent pain in the body (21.8%),
victims of IPVS are more at risk to contract difficulty in managing the children (14.8%),
sexually transmitted infections, including and self-harm or suicidal ideation (12.1%)
HIV (Allsworth, Anand, Redding & Peipert, (ISTAT, 2015).
2009). Intervention and treatment
Studies have also documented the As mentioned, despite the severity of
psychological and behavioural consequences the consequences, IPSV is a problem that
of physical IPV. Among others, these include has received limited attention. Survivors of
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Basile IPSV have difficulty reporting their
et al., 2004; Humphreys, Cooper & experiences and seeking formal or informal
Miaskowski, 2010), depression (Coker et al., help (Russell, 1990). When victims of IPSV
2005), health risk behaviours (Gass, Stein, try seeking help and support, they may
Williams & Seedat, 2010), shame and low experience the same difficulties as victims of
self-esteem (Díez et al., 2009). Compared to other forms of violence in intimate
physical abuse alone, women who also relationships: women may hesitate to report
experience IPSV reported greater symptoms because of familial loyalty, fear of their
of PTSD, more severe symptoms of abuser’s revenge, fear of being negatively
depression and suicidal thought (Mburia- judged by others or not believed, fear of
Mwalili, Clements-Nolle, Lee, Shadley & losing children, helplessness, shame, or self-
Yang, 2010; Weaver, Allen, Hopper, blame (Ansara & Hindin, 2010; Bergen,
Maglione, et al., 2007), and they are more at 2006). Moreover, seeking help or leaving the
risk to be killed (Campbell & Alford, 1989). violent relationship can be associated with
Similar to other survivors of sexual an increase of violence (Kelly, 2010).
violence, some of the effects of IPSV include However, some difficulties in
anxiety, shock, strong fear, eating disorders, reporting are particularly characteristic of the
distorted body image, negative feelings about experience of IPSV. Some societal and
themselves, disordered sleeping, and sleep community factors may bring women and
problems (Bergen, 2006; Russell, 1990). professionals to believe that it is a “wife’s
Some victims report also sexual dysfunction duty” with comply to sexual claims and
and emotional pain for a long time after the therefore not consider it worth reporting or
violence ended (Bennice & Resick, 2003; examining (Bergen, 2006). In Italy, 19.4% of

women consider violence by partner or ex- not talk to someone has decreased from 32
partner as “only something that happened”, % in 2006 to 22.9% in 2014), they are
44% identify it as “something wrong but not a turning more to the refuge, or services for
crime”, and only 35.4% of women recognize violence against women (from 2.4 % to 4.9
it as a crime. In the case of sexual violence in %). Moreover, most victims consider it a
general, 51.9% of women recognize it as a crime and less like “something that’s just
crime (ISTAT, 2015). happened” (ISTAT, 2007, 2015).
Despite the seriousness, women tend to In Italy in 2006, only 9.9% of women
hide the violence within intimate victims of IPV were very satisfied with the
relationships, especially when they are police’s treatment; in 2014 rates rose to
victims of IPSV (Bergen, 2006). Given the 28.5%. However, the judgment was negative
difficulty of talking about an experience of for 45.8% of women (ISTAT, 2007, 2015).
violence by an intimate partner, women are In general, the IPSV victims say that they are
more likely to confide in a family member or more satisfied with the police’s treatment
a friend. Only in situations where the violence compare to the IPV victims. In fact, despite
persists, do women seek formal support low denunciation rates, women that are
(Ansara & Hindin, 2010). Italy is not an living in Italy report to the police more
exception (ISTAT, 2015): 23.5% of women sexual violence (16%) than physical violence
victims of violence by a previous partner did (12.5%) by a partner or ex-partner. However,
not speak with anybody about their the perception of satisfaction with the police
experience; rates increase to 39.9% for and reporting of sexual violence are higher
violence by current partner. They confide for immigrant women than the Italian
more with informal support as friends (35%), women (ISTAT, 2015). Given that IPV is a
family member (33.7%), other parents sensitive issue and women are often blamed
(11.2%) than formal support as police, lawyer for the violence they experience (Carabellese
or magistrate (6.7%), colleague or superior et al., 2014), it seems that Italian women
(1.5%), doctor or nurse (1.4%), emergency compared to immigrant women feel
assistant (1.2%) and social assistant (1.1%). themselves to be more stigmatized to report
IPSV victims have even more difficulty the sexual violence to the police, and this
to speak with someone compared to IPV limits the assistance that the legal system can
victims; reticence to talk with someone is offer to these women.
higher in rape victims (ISTAT, 2015). Only It is very important to receive the
3.4% of women victims go to shelters. victim, believe and guarantee the
Interestingly, only 12.3% of victims report confidentiality of her report (D.i.Re , 2014),
the violence to the police: in particular 14.5% and normalize her emotions and her
report their previous partner, but only 6.3% reactions (Campbell & Alford, 1989).
report the current partner. However, if the Cognitive-behavioral therapies and anxiety
woman has suffered rapes or attempted rapes management training have shown positive
by the partners, this increases both the effects in symptom reduction for IPSV
likelihood of complaint (17.5%) and the victims (Bennice & Resick, 2003). Women
recourse to anti-violence centres (8%). should also have an opportunity to be
Moreover, immigrant women are more involved in self-help groups, to reduce the
inclined (17.1% versus 11.4%) to report when isolation of the victims and encouraging the
compared to Italian women (ISTAT, 2015). emergence of new social links (D.i.Re,
Considering the trend over time, the 2014).
most recent research shows a greater Given the more severe consequences
awareness of suffered violence: about the that victims experience when they leave their
violence from partners or former partners in home (Kelly, 2010), and especially the IPSV
the last five years, it is clear that women victims that are more likely to be killed
report more (11.8 versus 6.7%), they talk (Campbell & Alford, 1989), it is
about it more (the percentage of those who do fundamental to give priority to the safety of

victims, ensuring that they will be hosted by a and incite community members to take
friend or family member, or providing all the action when violence occurs in order to be
information about the services and the anti- effective bystanders (Devries et al., 2013;
violence centres where victims can find help Heise, 2011; McMahon, Palmer, Banyard,
and support (D.i.Re, 2014; Messing et al., Murphy & Gidycz, 2015).
2014). Shelters often give women practical Violence is also present among
support like assistance to find a new immigrant women (e.g., ISTAT, 2015). To
residence, a new job, receive possible legal decrease the supporting attitudes of intimate
procedures and to take care of children partner violence in immigrant communities,
(D.i.Re, 2014). some researchers have found that community
Discussion -based prevention programs aimed to
Given the IPSV is a serious and promote individuals’ participation in the
preoccupying social problem present all over activities of the community could be an
the world (Messing et al., 2014), a greater effective way to prevent partner violence in
focus on prevention is crucially needed in this specific target group (Yoshihama et al.,
cooperation with different support and help 2014).
services such as social, health, legal services Given that IPSV is more traumatic
(Heise, 2011). The significant relationship than SV by a stranger, because of multiple
between history of violence during childhood assaults often associated with other forms of
and later perpetration of IPSV underlines the violence (Möller et al., 2012; Temple et al.,
need for early childhood prevention 2007), it is important to deepen prevention
interventions, especially for children living in and treatment strategies to help IPVS victims
violent families (García-Moreno & Watts, to overcome this severe experience. To reach
2011), such as parenting interventions (Heise, this objective, as well as to increase the
2011). connection and the trust in the formal
Research has also documented a services for battered women, the
significant positive association among sex- professionals must build effective outreach
related cognitions (i.e., sexual fantasies and strategies (Kennedy, Adams, Bybee,
attitudes that blame the victim or are Campbell, et al., 2012). Professionals must
supportive of sexual violence), attitudes also operate meticulously in order to keep
accepting of violence, gender-related the peculiar service needs of the victim,
cognitions (i.e., rape myth acceptance, which may not prioritize a clinical approach,
hostility toward women, traditional gender but material resources and support services
role adherence, and hypermasculinity) and that are more women-driven (Sullivan &
SV perpetration among diverse population Bybee, 1999). Moreover, it is important to
groups (e.g. Abrahams et al., 2004; Sears et develop a sense of control because it is a
al., 2007). Such research highlights the significant aspect for women who have
importance of strategies to change social experienced sexual or physical victimization
norms and attitudes supporting SV and IPV, (Zweig & Burt 2007). Finally, women may
by means of a promotion of more egalitarian be not aware of any legal or political
gender role attitudes that may decrease measures that target the problem of domestic
violence supporting attitudes (Yoshihama, violence (FRA, 2014). To decrease this
Blazevski & Bybee, 2014), and, critical situation, policies and laws are
consequently, help prevent IPSV perpetration. significant not only to promote the
Some authors have identified some effective unacceptability of IPV, but also to offer legal
social change interventions about IPV and actions for protecting the victims (Devries et
SV, such as actions to support enhanced local al., 2013).
activism against violence, trying to increase Conclusions
the presence of men in violence prevention, Findings from this review demonstrate
and the media use to spread the promotion of that IPSV, being at the intersection of SV
gender equitable and nonviolent relationships and IPV, is characterised by not only the

same risks and consequences of both of these violence. However, it is possible that in
types of violence, but also IPSV includes a some Italian social contexts gender
number of unique effects (McOrmond- stereotypes are still present, inducing women
Plummer, 2008). Compared to SV perpetrated to accept a certain degree of violence
by a stranger, IPSV usually occurs (Carabellese et al., 2014).
repetitively in a relationship. Because of the Italian empirical reports showed that
experience of repeated abuse, the likelihood immigrant women were slightly less likely to
of specific physical injury and trauma be sexually assaulted by their intimate
increases (e.g., enduring and serious partners than Italian women (ISTAT, 2015).
gynecological conditions, cervical cancer, and Moreover, some researchers showed that
unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted same-sex relationships may experience IPSV
diseases) (Allsworth et al., 2009; Campbell & (Messinger, 2011). Further research should
Alford, 1989). Compared to IPV alone, explore and analyze the problem of IPSV
women who are victims both of SV and also within minority groups. In fact, a greater
physical IPV are at a higher risk for homicide knowledge of the specific characteristics of
(Campbell & Alford, 1989). In addition, those the possible IPSV victims will allow a better
women carry more severe psychological estimate of its prevalence, help the
consequences such as depression, suicide, researchers and professionals to understand
PTSD, anxiety, fear, self-blame, low self- the specific needs and barriers in seeking
esteem, guilt, and shame (Bergen, 2006; support for each of them, and design tailored
Mburia-Mwalili et al., 2010; Weaver et al., interventions.
2007). Some societal and community factors To conclude, IPSV is a problem that
may explain the more severe IPSV cannot be supported by gender stereotypes,
consequences. For example, IPVS victims but must be recognized as a crime by all
may have difficulty in naming their social actors that may be involved in it.
experience as one of SV because women are Community psychology research should be
socialized to define a rape as non-consensual undertaken to identify and share the different
sex between two strangers (Fredericton community-based interventions able to
Sexual Assault Crisis Centre, n.d.). Moreover, promote social change in the attitudes
the “wife’s duty” to satisfy their husbands supporting intimate partner violence, and
sexually is another societal belief that therefore having an impact in reducing this
repetitively refutes IPSV experience as one of phenomenon. Communities have a central
sexual violence (Bergen, 2006). role in creating a coordinated response to
These social attitudes toward IPSV hold IPV (Allen, Todd, Anderson, Davis, et al.,
a number of repercussions for IPSV survivors 2013): they should increase the local
who may reach out for help. Informal support conversation within health, social, political
may deny IPSV, informing the victim that it organizations, and also within community
is her “wife’s duty” to satisfy her partner roundtables and task forces. The aim is to
sexually (Fredericton Sexual Assault Crisis build a competent community that is able to
Centre, n.d). Similarly, formal support such effectively deal with the intimate partner
as police, the legal system or other service violence, and also IPSV. Only with synergy
providers could have stereotyped ideas, between health and social services (i.e. local
attitudes and beliefs and there they could authorities, police, associations and informal
criticize and judge the IPSV victims (Bennice networks) and a structured networking
& Resick, 2003). between different social actors, can we build
The negative consequences for IPSV real security and an effective way to fight
victims could be more severe in countries like violence against women.
Italy, where IPV is more culturally accepted
(Boughima & Benyaich, 2012). In Italy, over
the past 20 years, there have been social
changes regarding the issue of gender

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117
Women’s oppression through narrative: A Foucauldian perspective

Maysar Sarieddine
Pacifica Graduate Institute, California, USA.
Foucault’s theory on Panopticism posits that people who perceive that they are under sur-
veillance act according to the values and rules set forth by the entity that is believed to be
watching over them. Consequently, despite not being able to ascertain whether they are
indeed being watched, such people continue to act in such manner out of fear of persecu-
tion or punishment. This theory is traditionally applied to institutions such as hospitals,
prisons, schools, and workplaces. In this paper, I used Foucault’s theory to analyse the
values, behaviour, and action of Palestinian women and the seemingly invisible entity that
encourages them to uphold gender roles, believe in their inferiority as women and the su-
periority of men, and perpetrate discrimination and violence against women in various as-
pects and means. I argue that Palestinian women are oppressed and kept under surveil-
lance through the narratives and oral history that emerged in the aftermath of the 1948
Nakba as a form of resistance to the dominant narratives of the Zionist project.
In the past decades and even more so in usually unrelated and who may or may not
recent years, there has been much interest and know each other, and it generally takes place
action towards understanding, analysing, and outside the home (Miller, Grabell, Thomas,
eliminating discrimination and violence Bermann, & Graham-Bermann, 2012).
against women. Discrimination against Gender-based discrimination and violence is
women is defined as: rooted in the inequality between men and
any distinction, exclusion or women.
restriction made on the basis of sex While the global prevalence of
which has the effect or purpose of violence against women remained constant
impairing or nullifying the between 2013 and 2014, the prevalence of
recognition, enjoyment or exercise by intimate partner violence has increased from
women, irrespective of their marital 26% in 2013 to 35% in 2014 (World Health
status, on a basis of equality of men Organization, 2014), although this increase
and women, of human rights and might reflect higher reporting rates and/or
fundamental freedoms in the political, improved law enforcement and data
economic, social, cultural, civil or collection. It is important to understand,
any other field (United Nations address, and eliminate such forms of
General Assembly, 1979, p.2). discrimination and violence against women,
Violence against women is a broad term that but it is equally important to identify other
refers to “any act of gender-based violence forms of oppression of women that may not
that results in, or is likely to result in, be represented in statistics or tried in courts
physical, sexual, or psychological harm or of law. In this paper, I will discuss how
suffering to women, including threats of such women are oppressed through narratives and
acts, coercion, or arbitrary deprivation of in the formation of oral history, with
liberty, whether occurring in the public or in particular focus on the narratives of
the private life” (United Nations General Palestinian women and peasantry. Although
Assembly, 1993, n.p). Violence against the suppression of the voice of women may
women, in its universal form, can be divided not leave physical marks or wounds, such
into two categories: family or intimate partner discrimination constrains their potential,
violence and community violence. Family or influences their behaviour, values, and
intimate partner violence describes violence action, and ultimately forces their psyches to
directed at a family member that often takes conform to the standards and restrictions set
place in the home, while community violence forth by the overarching oppressive force in
describes violence between people who are society.

Women’s Oppression Through Narrative 118
workers, there are no disorders, no

Theoretical Perspective: Foucault’s
theft no coalitions, none of those
Panopticism distractions that slow down the rate
In an analysis of the mechanisms and of work, make it less perfect or
influences behind the changes in the French cause accidents. (pp. 200-201)
(as well as the Western) penal system, The primary effect of the Panopticon
Foucault (1977) described a theory he termed setting is to induce “a state of conscious and
Panopticism, which is based on the idea of the permanent visibility that assures the
Panopticon as defined by Jeremy Bentham. automatic functioning of power”(Foucault,
According to Bentham (1791/1995), the 1977, p. 201). In other words, the individuals
Panopticon is a building or structure in the isolated cells (i.e., the inmates) have a
composed of an outer circular building constant sense of being under surveillance
divided into cells and an inner central tower. and, as such, are forced to behave as
Each cell in the peripheral building has a expected all the time. Therefore, the power
window on the exterior wall that allows light inherent in this setting or architectural
to pass through and another on the interior apparatus lies in the way that the
wall, which corresponds to an equally spaced surveillance is permanent in its effect even
and evenly situated window in the central though it is discontinuous in action. That is,
tower. while the actual act of surveillance is
The specific design and architecture of discontinuous and limited, the effect that the
the Panopticon allows a single watchman to idea of surveillance has on the behaviour of
see and observe all persons housed in the inmates is permanent and continuous.
individual cells within the structure, without The effectiveness of this structure as a
the latter knowing with absolute certainty disciplinary mechanism thus lies in one of
whether they are being watched or not at any the natural psychologies or instincts of
specific time (Foucault, 1977). While it is human beings - that being watched
impossible for a single watchman to observe influences behaviour, or that surveillance
all cells at the same time with equal focus, the induces performativity (Foucault, 1977).
slightest possibility that an individual is under Additionally, for this power structure to be
observation at specific times forces all effective at all times, it must be visible but
individuals within the structure to act as yet unverifiable at the same time (Foucault,
though they were being watched at all times 1977). Visibility is assured by the mere
(Foucault, 1977). Consequently, the divisions presence of the central location where the
within the structure (i.e. the separated cells) inmate assumes the observer to be, and that
imply a lateral invisibility that guarantees presence is unverifiable in that the inmate
order as individuals are not able to plan and never knows or is never completely certain
act against the established system. The design whether the observer is in the
of the Panopticon may apply to any space of aforementioned location or not.
surveillance and behaviour regulation such as While this theoretical perspective has
schools, prisons, hospitals, and workplaces. been widely used to ensure surveillance of
Foucault (1977) described such examples: human behaviour in various settings, there
If the inmates are convicts, there is no are limited studies that focus on its
danger of a plot, an attempt at applicability in examining oppressed
collective escape, the planning of new minority groups. Specifically, I have drawn
crimes for the future, bad reciprocal on the Panopticon model to deconstruct the
influences; if they are patients, there marginalisation of Palestinian narratives and
is no danger of contagion; if they are sub-narratives. Thus, there is a need to
madmen, there is no risk of their review the Palestinian narrative, which is
committing violence upon one presented in the following section.
another; if they are schoolchildren,
there is no copying, no noise, no
chatter, no waste of time; if they are

The Birth of the Palestinian Narrative: When the focus is cast on oral history,
Oral History and Theatre narratives previously obscured rise to the
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the fore, indicating a hierarchy within
modern world’s longest and most intractable Palestinian narrative itself, and uncovering
conflict (Masalha, 2009). Despite sub-narratives that themselves have been
international interventions and a long-term marginalised. For instance, Palestinian
peace process, Israelis and Palestinians have women are one of the minority groups
not reached a final peace agreement because suppressed in the narration of history
of disagreements regarding borders, control (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2008). According to
of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, and the Shalhoub-Kevorkian (2008), females have
freedom and rights of the Palestinians, among had to experience subordination within these
other issues (Masalha, 2009). One of the most narratives, especially those in minority
critical events within the conflict was the positions.
Nakba –the catastrophe –in 1948, which Yehya (2014) outlines two forms of
resulted in the destruction of a greater part of narrative hegemony that become apparent
Palestinian society, the driving out of once oral history is added to the tradition.
approximately 90% of Palestinians in the Firstly, marginalisation from the elite
territory occupied by the Israeli State, occurred as the cultured middle class
effectively making them, and their recorded their personal histories by
descendants, refugees in neighbouring completing biographies and memoirs. The
countries, towns and cities (Masalha, 2009). peasant class, in comparison, had no
As Israeli forces dominated the lands biographies and memoirs from the time, so
formerly occupied by Palestinians and none are found when one searches for the
established what is now called Israel, they social history of a given region (Yehya,
also dominated rights and opportunities for 2014). This represents a marginalisation of
writing the history of the region and the the peasant class in favour of the elite.
Palestinian people (Yehya, 2014). In other The second form of narrative
words, Israeli narratives simply disregarded hegemony is the marginalisation of the
Palestinians’presence and life in the region, villages in favour of the towns/cities. As the
and denied the oppression and massacres of Nakba has been historically framed as a
the Palestinians. Additionally, as streets and crippling force to Palestinian modernity and
places were renamed to represent events and urbanity with a focus on the role of the city
individuals in the Old Testament, and as and its intellectuals, the roles of farmers are
archaeological efforts were focused on marginalised to a great extent (Yehya, 2014).
establishing a biblical history, the Zionist Oral history has uncovered alternative
project effectively denied any Arab narratives that present the farmers as victors
participation and historicity in the land in the 1963 revolution, highlighting their
previously occupied by Palestinians (Nassar, roles in leadership and prolonging the life of
2006). the revolution. Foucault (1997)
In response, Palestinians began to conceptualised such alternative narratives as
record their oral history from their own subjugated knowledge, which can be
perspectives and according to the experiences characterised into two: historical information
and perceptions of individuals and groups of buried in the formal systemization, and
Palestinians who experienced the Nakba and disqualified non-conceptual knowledge.
subsequent events (Yehya, 2014). By Another form of response to the Israeli
gathering testimonies, the Palestinian people narrative –the re-writing of history to
would attempt to find out who was killed, exclude any Arab oppressions, participation,
how and when, with the purpose of filling in and contribution to Palestinian territories –is
gaps in missing documentation and traditional the Palestinian theatre (Nassar, 2006). At its
evidence, usually presented with an apology core, Palestinian theatre is an endeavour of
due to the lack of other available methods for political empowerment, of finding tools of
recording history (Yehya, 2014). expression buried deep in its history. Nassar

presents the Palestinian theatrical tradition’s narrative, a concept that was challenged by
embrace of the Hakawati, the village Lyotard (1979), who advocated instead for
storyteller: examining local narratives.
The traditional figure now represents Uncovering Sublevels of Oppression: The
an authenticity of cultural forms in Use of Foucault’s Panoptic Lens
the theatre used to counter foreign Oral history and theatre, as alternative
domination and to preserve the Arab forms of Palestinian documentation to
cultural heritage. Palestinian traditional history, carry their own
dramatists employ the figure of the methodological burdens in being analysed.
storyteller not only to reflect on past Since performativity is an essential part of
events but also to stimulate the giving testimony and narrating via dramatic
collective memory of the audience as presentation, these Palestinian narratives
a means of political resistance and cannot be examined without recourse to
empowerment. (p. 16). tools for self-reference. The notion of
The ultimate project of Palestinian performativity is described by Butler (2000)
theatre is to uncover the marginalised as the power of discourse to produce
narratives that are buried deep in personal phenomena that it also regulates and
history due to severe cultural erosion. In this constrains. Thus, it has been posited that
way Palestinian theatre gives life to gender is not a stable identity in which
experiences and realities long ignored or various acts proceed but rather an identity
hidden. This is similar to the Theater of the constituted in a particular time. As such,
Oppressed developed by Brazilian theatre Butler (2000) argues that that gender has to
director Augusto Boal in the early 1970s. be understood as the mundane way in which
Inspired largely by Freire’s (2000) Pedagogy behaviour of various kinds is just the illusion
of the Oppressed, the Theater of the of an abiding gendered individual.
Oppressed was designed as a response to This argument invites questions on
social and political problems in Brazil, how to account for the effect of the external
specifically as a means to give voice to gaze on Palestinian narratives’power of
traditionally marginalised and silenced representation, and the effects of a constant,
members of society (Boal, 2008). In the roving force of separation and surveillance
theatre of the oppressed, there is no strict (i.e., the Israeli state). For this, Foucault’s
division between the actors and the audience panoptic lens serves a crucial purpose. From
(Boal, 2008). This results in the creation of a the seminal notion that being watched
story that is representative of the perceptions, influences behaviour, and that surveillance
ideas, and emotions of the collective group, induces performativity, comes a design
and not only of the perspective of a single or where the mechanism of surveillance is
few writers, producers, and directors. completely hidden from view—and may not
The Palestinian theatre, similar to the in fact exist—but nonetheless induces
theatre of the oppressed, serves as a counter- performativity through its very concept. This
narrative that eliminates the prejudices and 19th Century conception by Bentham is still
rewriting of history of dominant narratives (in so relevant as to be capable of illuminating
this case, the Israeli narratives) and presents the function and prevalence of panoptic
stories and oral histories based on the devices in modern society, from video
personal experiences of those people involved cameras in stores to government
(i.e. those who were oppressed, marginalised, surveillances of our behaviour. This model
and expelled from Palestinian towns and also serves to help deconstruct the
villages). However it does so in a way that marginalisation of Palestinian narratives.
continues to uphold the Nakba narrative, Gaza has not been termed the world’s largest
placing itself firmly in opposition to Israeli open-air prison for nothing. As with
hegemony first and foremost. The Palestinian everything else under occupation, Palestinian
theatre thus in turn creates its own meta- forms of cultural expression must still

perform compliance to the demands and the spectators during the performance
requirements of the Israeli regime and its (Nassar, 2006). Consequently, as the
surveillance apparatus. While surveillance spectators are often male or belonging to
induces performativity, and by proxy burying, higher classes, the lives, perspectives, and
hiding, suppressing, it also—as the Nakba difficulties that were faced by women pre-
narrative itself will bear testament to— Nakba often go unrecognised and
inspires resistance, the creation of coded, unrepresented in theatre narratives of
hidden, or obscure spaces or modes of Palestinian life (Nassar, 2006).
expression to escape the influence of In other words, while Palestinian oral
hegemonic power. history and theatre appeared to present a
Unfortunately, in the case of Palestinian unified image and story of Palestinian life
narratives, in the process of resisting one before the Nakba, beneath the surface lay
model of power, another Panopticon is raised, another form of suppression –a deep
leading to the suppression of Palestinian sub- suppression of the voices of a large part of
narratives in the process of bolstering and Palestinian history (i.e., women’s voices).
nurturing the urgent Nakba narrative. Its own Specifically, Yehya (2014) noted how oral
performativity hides this well. Just as the history narratives or the Palestinian theatre
Israeli narrative must bury its crimes to fail to recognise the oppression suffered by
bolster its claim to legitimacy, the Nakba women and peasant families under usurping
narrative must not admit to usurping the Palestinian families. In the course of
legacy of its women and peasants to uphold collecting testimony from women, Yehya
its own. If narratives are about constructing (2014) learned of how women in peasant
history, the clash of dominant Israeli and families were marginalised by larger
Palestinian narratives end up coinciding to Palestinian families before the occurrence of
construct a history that ultimately Nakba.
marginalises the buried sub-histories of Specifically, one woman testified that
Palestine. Just like nested Russian dolls, the her family, which used to live on a modest
nature of Palestinian narratives is all hidden piece of land, was constantly threatened by a
beneath the surface, except for some of the larger family (Yehya, 2014). Additionally,
obvious signs that are not invisible to the this woman testified that such large
outward eye. Specifically, as Butler (2000) Palestinian families used to seize women,
noted, gender is seen in a different money, and large tracts of land from peasant
perspective in the context of Palestinian Palestinian families to assert their power and
narratives. reach over such small families (Yehya,
The Oppression of the Voice of Palestinian 2014). It was also revealed that women were
Women not allowed to inherit land from their
As the Palestinian narrative was ancestors before the day of Nakba. The
essentially forwarded as a counter-narrative to peasant woman also testified that after the
the Zionist or Israeli narrative, it presented Nakba, the youth from peasant families
the life of the Palestinians before the Nakba become more educated and open-minded,
as being very peaceful and characterised by which subsequently led to the rise of a class
mutual respect and agreement (Yehya, 2014). of doctors and lawyers (Yehya, 2014).
The narratives also served to incite feelings of On the other hand, Yehya (2014) also
nostalgia by describing in detail specific found that women from the larger
everyday practices and traditions, especially Palestinian families who remained in the
those that create an ideal image of Palestinian lands they owned even after Nakba were said
life pre-Nakba (Yehya, 2014). A similar trend to have regretted not having their children
was observed by Nassar (2006) in the likewise educated. Essentially, larger
Palestinian Theatre. As the focus of theatre Palestinian families that used to constantly
narratives and presentation, the Hakawati is threaten and seize the women and property
able to strengthen the collective identity of of smaller families had in turn lost their own

children and, subsequently, their property. efficient self-regulation, women must uphold
From the perspective of this Palestinian the very hierarchy that disadvantages them
woman and many others, especially those in order to possibly raise themselves to a
from the lower classes, the Nakba can be higher status, thereby perpetuating the cycle.
viewed as an event that allowed them to Much like how the inmates of the
realise a specific form of justice in destroying Panopticon need to adhere to their expected
power-privileged structures of usurping roles in order to maintain their own
families over peasants (Yehya, 2014). wellbeing and safety, Palestinian women
Differences between the dominant must embrace their roles as mothers for
Palestinian narratives and the narratives of survival and the future prospect of power
such peasant women can be explained by (Haj, 1992). It is difficult to dissent to the
inspecting and analysing the origins of the patriarchal patrilineal family structure when
stories. A cursory look at any oral history it is also the only source of power,
study would show that the majority of protection, and dignity—a woman outside of
testimonies in the Nakba narratives come it has no categorisation, place, nor claim. In
from men (Yehya, 2014). Butler (2000) a sense, the very segregation and disbursal of
theorizes that in the context of Palestinian roles is a cloak that both brands and protects
narratives of their history, women are (Haj, 1992). These findings aligned with
devalued. Moreover, in the collection of what Yehya (2014) found. Haj found that
narratives for studies on the experiences of Palestinian women have no choice but to
the Palestinian people, women and those embrace their roles as mothers to survive,
belonging to the lower peasant classes were Similarly, Yehya found that Palestinian
usually relegated to the back while men, peasant women pre-Nakba had to act in
especially those from large and prominent accordance with a patrilineal patriarchal
families, were asked to relate their stories family structure where female sexuality is a
(Yehya, 2014). commodity and women are bartered like
In case the erasure of the experiences goods at the demand of male family or
of an entire class and entire gender is difficult community members and land-owners.
to fathom, Foucault’s (1977) panopticism Nusair (2010), in the fourth chapter of
helps us understand how a pervasive “Displaced at Home: Ethnicity and Gender
phenomenon could be so hidden and continue among Palestinians in Israel,”analysed the
to remain so. If one views the Palestinian perceptions and narratives of three
peasantry through a panoptic lens, one can generations of Palestinian women living in
see women’s silence and submission as self- Israel. She evaluated who has the right to
regulated –that they are effectively controlled narrate the past and found that the majority
to participate in their own erasure. of the women, regardless of their
Samira Haj (1992) explained in detail generations, understand and identify
the mechanics of these gender roles. Initially, themselves at their present socio-political
a combination of sex-segregated social reality through the past. Most women,
structures was established. Specifically, regardless of their generations as well,
gender identity is shaped through the female associated gendered power relations in the
life cycle, with great value placed on family and community to their experiences
motherhood, and a hierarchy of subordination of the imposition of the Israeli State in
where young brides submit to all men and Palestinian lives and livelihood (Nusair,
senior women. Moreover, women only gain 2010). All the participants shared that the
seniority over other women through male third generation women have the most
proxy. Furthermore, by bearing sons, their freedom when it comes to pursuing their
only power comes late in life when their sons education and career. The third generation
marry and they finally inherit influence and woman also has more access to the public
power over the new bride in the household space in general. The analysis led to the
(Haj, 1992). In a cross-generational cycle of affirmation that gender roles among

Palestinian women are spatially and men’s stories, but as worthwhile and
politically constructed. Women’s identities deserving of visibility in their own right”(p.
and boundaries are all affected by the 39).
constraints and opportunities present and In her quest to find out the stories of
afforded by a given locality (Nusair, 2010). these 20 women, Kassem observed several
Another important literature that things. The participating women themselves
highlighted the oppression felt by Palestinian were shocked that someone was interested in
women from the voices of the women their stories and not those of their
themselves is Fatma Kassem’s “Palestinian husbandsor sons.They were even more
Women.”Kassem wrote the book based on the shocked that someone wanted to not only
oral testimonies of 20 ordinary but urban hear them out but actually document what
Palestinian women residing in Lyd and they were going to share. Regardless of their
Ramleh. These women witnessed the critical surprise, the 20 women were grateful to be
events in 1948 that led to the formation of the afforded a chance to share their version of
State of Israel. They were also among those Palestinian history. In their narratives, the
women who remained after the war. women disclosed how they dealt with daily
According to the author, her book depicts the routine and how they re-established the
life stories of women and provides a way to family life after the 1948 events. Getting
correct women’s “ongoing exclusion from their stories was not easy, because some
historical documents and collective women were reluctant to speak at first. Some
memory”(p. 5). were worried about how speaking up could
Kassem started her book by first affect their children’s places in the Israeli
situating herself. She described herself as a society. When they spoke, some were
Palestinian woman who was raised in Israel. accompanied by their children. Unmarried
She shared that her family, her upbringing women were more enthusiastic about the
and early life experiences had all affected her project than the married women. Because
views as a Palestinian and as a woman. only four out of the 20 women experienced
Kassem mostly found out about Palestinian formal schooling, oral data collection was
history and the 1948 events from her father’s the best method to use.
storytelling while she was a child. Her father Kassem (2011) observed that as the
instilled in her stories about courageous women narrated their experiences, their
Palestinian people. However, as she relayed language conveyed both oppression and
how her father influenced her views and resistance. She observed that women
understanding of Palestinian history, Kassem objected to the delegitimisation of their
wrote that she can see how her mother never version of Palestinian history and at the same
participated in the discussions, as if her time, resisted the idea that they did not
mother’s experiences and views did not contribute to Palestinian national history or
matter. Kassem argued that her mother’s were essentially absent. Their use of certain
silence was the result of a patriarchal society terms was also very telling of their
wherein Palestinian women are considered oppressive experiences. The 20 women
absent from official Palestinian history. In mostly utilized sexual metaphors to explain
addition, Palestinian women are also silenced the invasion of the Israelis into their land
by virtue of them being Palestinians living in such as ‘entered’, ‘came in’and ‘took
Israel. Israel bars Palestinians from narrating us.”Kassem noted that these are common
or discussing Palestinian history in public terms used to describe sexual penetration of
arenas. Conversely, while Palestinian men a woman by a man. With the use of these
have the ability share their stories in intimate words, Kassem concluded that women were
spaces, women cannot do so at all, whether unprepared for the 1948 events, where
publicly or privately at home. Kassem’s work Israelis forcefully invaded their homes and
was designed to “create equal spaces for [the] land.
silenced voices not as complementary to

Kassem (2011) also found that the oppression. Specifically, further inquiry
theme of home did not mean the same for all showed that Palestinian narratives often only
the women. Home has different meanings in represented the stories and perspectives of
the Palestinian context and is associated with men, especially those from larger,
both personal and collective meanings. Home influential, and high-class families, and that
for the women who narrated their accounts of the stories and perspectives of women were
the 1948 events can be categorized into three often redacted or unheard. This analysis also
meanings: a social organizer, a target for showed that while male Palestinians drew a
attack, and a burial site. Home according to picturesque image of life before the Nakba,
the women is also commonly viewed as a Palestinian peasant women would indicate
place to tell forbidden stories. This is the view that the Nakba at least allowed them and
they hold up to this day. Kassem’s work their children to earn an education and to
showed that even though more than six have the opportunity to become
decades have passed since the 1948 events, professionals.
Palestinian women can still remember them This account of the suppression and
like they happened yesterday because the subversion of women’s voice in Palestinian
memories were so strong that they have been narrative leads to two important realisations.
repeated many times in their minds since they First is that violence and discrimination
happened and within their families. against women are not always personal (i.e.
All these studies lead to the conclusion inflicted on a single woman at a point in
that when something happens to a society to time), but can be applicable to an entire class
disrupt it , women suffer the brunt of the or community of women; that violence
effects but are forced to be silent about their against women is not always physical or
feelings and thoughts. When they will be psychological, but can be subtle and inflicted
given the opportunity to narrate these historic as a lack of right and privilege; and that such
and monumental eras of their lives, their subtle violence against women can be so
accounts of history will always be different to ingrained in a specific culture that it is
that of the men and are therefore important to hardly recognised as such. Second, when
be heard. viewed through the lens of Foucault’s
Conclusion panopticism theory, violence against women
The past several years have seen an can take the form of an ominous entity that
increase in active work towards the constantly watches and surveys each
recognition of the problem of violence against individual’s movement, or at least creates the
women and its subsequent eradication. While impression of such continual surveillance.
improvements in how women are treated can This causes men to continue traditional
be seen across the globe, there remain subtle behaviours and actions that undermine and
mechanisms through which women are oppress women in various aspects, and
violated, abused, and oppressed. In this paper, consequently causes women to accept such
I have discussed how Palestinian refugees discrimination and inferiority. With the
created and promoted their own narratives Panoptic gaze (Foucault, 1977), behaviours
through oral history and Palestinian theatre. can be controlled through bodies of
As historical accounts by Israelis made knowledge instilled among the people.
Palestinians appear irrelevant in their Palestinian narratives have been controlled
narratives, Palestinians created and by their unfolding history. Thus, the
propagated their own narratives to let people oppression among women has continued
know of their stories, their lives before the until the present time.
start of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and
their continuous oppression since then.
However, further analysis showed that even
the Palestinian narratives –both in oral history
and theatre –also served as tools of

References Nusair.Displaced at Home: Ethnicity and

Bentham, J. (1791/1995). The panopticon Gender among Palestinians in Israel.(pp.
writings. (M. Bozovic, Ed.) London: Verso 75-92). New York: SUNY Press.
29-95. Shalhoub-Kevorkian, N. (2008). The
Boal, A. (2008). Theater of the oppressed gendered nature of education under siege:
(C.A. McBride, M.L. McBride, & E. a Palestinian feminist perspective.
Fryer, Trans.). London, UK: Pluto Press. International Journal of Lifelong
Butler, J.S. (2000). Militarized prostitution: Education, 27(2), 179-200.
The untold story. In A.L. Barstow (Ed.), UN General Assembly. (1979). Convention
War’s dirty secret: Rape, prostitution, and on the elimination of all forms of
other crimes against women (pp. 204-232). discrimination against women, 18
Cleveland, OH: The Pilgrim Press. December 1979 (United Nations, Treaty
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish: Series, vol. 1249). Retrieved from http://
The birth of the prison. New York, NY: www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3970.html
Pantheon. UN General Assembly. (1993). Declaration
Foucault, M. (1980). Power/knowledge: on the elimination of violence against
Selected interviews and other writings, women, 20 December 1993, A/
1972-1977. Pantheon. RES/48/104. Retrieved from http://
Freire, P. (2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed. www.refworld.org/
Bloomsbury Publishing. docid/3b00f25d2c.html
Haj, S. (1992). Palestinian women and World Health Organization. (2013). Global
patriarchal relations. Signs, 17(4), 761- and regional estimates of violence against
778. women: Prevalence and health effects of
Kassem, F. (2011). Palestinian women: intimate partner violence and non-partner
Narrative histories and gendered memory. sexual violence. Retrieved from http://
London: Zed Books. apps.who.int/iris/
Lyotard, J.F. (1979). The postmodern bitstream/10665/85239/1/9789241564625
condition (G. Bennington & B. Massumi, _eng.pdf
Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: Minnesota World Health Organization. (2014).
University Press. Violence against women: Intimate partner
Masalha, N. (2009). 60 years after the Nakba: and sexual violence against women.
Historical truth, collective memory, and Retrieved from http://www.who.int/
ethical obligations. Kyoto Bulletin of mediacentre/factsheets/fs239/en/
Islamic Area Studies, 3(1), 37-88. Yehya, A. (2014). Oral history and
Miller, LE., Grabell, A., Thomas, A., compound marginalization: Palestinian
Bermann, E., & Graham-Bermann, S.A. peasant women and the narrative of the
(2012). The associations between Nakba. A paper presented at the A rab
community violence, television violence, Center for Research and Policy Studies’
intimate partner violence, parent–child Oral History Conference, February 23-
aggression, and aggression in sibling 26, 2014, Beirut, Lebanon.
relationships of a sample of preschoolers.
Psychology of Violence, 2(2), 165-178. Address for correspondence
doi:10.1037/a0027254 Maysar Sarieddine
Nassar, H. K., (2006). Stories from under Email: maysar@gmail.com
occupation: Performing the Palestinian
experience. Theater Journal, 58(1), 15-37. Author biography
Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/ I’m an architect, a businessman, a
stable/25069777 philosopher, and a psychologist. I completed
Nusair, I. (2010). Gendering the Narratives of my doctorate in Depth Psychology with an
Three Generations of Palestinian Women emphasis on Community, Liberation, and
in Israel.In R. Kanaaneh, and I. Eco-psychology at Pacifica Graduate

Institute, California. I’m currently a professor

of Psychology at the Lebanese American
University in Beirut (LAU). My dissertation
topic was an attempt to understand the
dynamics of violence in Lebanon and the
Middle East, specifically domestic violence
against women, and to provide possible
solutions that could be integrated in a more
holistic way in society. I’m interested in the
Pedagogy of the Oppressed and in applying
insights in a wide variety of organizational
development and transformation; my motto in
life is ‘Educating for the purpose of
liberation’.

Manuscript preparation 127
Preparation, Submission and Publication of psychology.

Manuscripts
Review and Publication of Manuscripts
Manuscripts The acceptable word processing program
The Australian Community Psychologist format is Microsoft Word. All manuscripts are
publishes work that is of relevance to submitted electronically to the Editors:
community psychologists and others interested Dr Anne Sibbel and Dr Sharon McCarthy:
in the field. Research reports should be acp.editor@gmail.com
methodologically sound. Theoretical or area
review papers are welcomed, as are letters, If authors experience any difficulty with
brief reports and papers by newer contributors electronic submission, hard copy materials
to the discipline. Contributions towards the together with a disc copy should be sent to:
four sections of the journal are sought.
Dr Sharon McCarthy
The Australian Community Psychologist is School of Arts & Sciences
published twice per year and online and is University of Notre Dame
available via the website of the Australian GPO Box 1225
Psychological Society’s College of PERTH WA 6959
Community Psychologists’ page (http:// Australia
www.groups.psychology.org.au/
GroupContent.aspx?ID=4395). With the exception of book reviews, all
contributions are blind-reviewed. Articles
Articles submitted for review must be original works
Contributions are state of the art reviews of and may not be under consideration elsewhere.
professional and applied areas and reviews and It is a condition of publication that authors
essays on matters of general relevance to assign the copyright of their articles to the
community psychologists. They may be up to Australian Psychological Society.
10,000 words, including all tables, figures and
references; however, authors should be as All manuscripts for consideration for
concise as possible. publication in The A ustralian Community
Psychologist must be formatted according to
Research Reports the instructions for authors below.
This section is for the publication of empirical
research reports relevant to community Instructions for Authors
psychology theory, method, and practice. They The following constitutes advice to contributors
may be up to 10,000 words, including all that is relevant to all journal sections.
tables, figures and references; however,
authors should be as concise as possible. Every submission must include:
1. A cover letter stating the section of the
Practice Issues journal to which the author(s) wish to
This section publishes individual manuscripts submit the article.
and collections of manuscripts which address 2. The complete manuscript including title
matters of general, professional and public page, abstract, text, tables, figures,
relevance, techniques and approaches in acknowledgements, and references.
psychological practice, professional 3. Written permission from the publisher
development issues, and professional and (copyright holder) to reproduce any
public policy issues. previously published tables, illustrations
or photographs.
Book Reviews
The journal publishes book reviews of up to
1,000 words. Books reviewed relate directly to
the major areas of practice in community

Manuscripts should be arranged as follows: Abstract

Title page The heading Abstract should be centred and in
Abstract italics.
Text The text should be left aligned.
References Place one blank line after the abstract.
Acknowledgements The abstract must be no more than 200 words.
Disclosures (if required) Place up to 6 (six) keywords.
Address for correspondence from readers (e.g.,
an email address) Normal Text
Author biographies (a short paragraph on each 12pt, Times New Roman double line-spacing,
author e.g., job title, research interests, left aligned (not justified)
department or research centre) Do not leave line spaces between paragraphs
Tables and figures should be placed in the but indent the first line of each paragraph.
correct position within the body of the text.
Number pages consecutively, beginning with Long Quotes (roughly, quotes of 30 words or
the Title page as page 1. more):
Indented 1 cm left and right
The Title Page should contain:
Title: Should be short and informative. 1st Level Heading
Recommended length is between 10 and 12 Main words capitalised, bold, centred, not
words. italics.
Short title: A maximum of 50 characters.
Author(s): This should include each author’s 1st Level of Subheading
name in the preferred form of given name, Italics, main words capitalised, left aligned.
family name. Do not number headings or subheadings.
Institution and Affiliations: This identifies the
location (e.g., university) where the author(s) 2nd Level of Subheading
undertook the investigation. Italics, sentence case, left aligned. Text should
continue on the same line.
Specific Formatting Requirements
Language Tables, Figures, and Diagrams
All manuscripts must be in English. Australian Captions should be typed above tables and
English is preferred. below figures. These should be black and white
and inserted in the correct place within the body
Paper Size, Margins, Alignment of the text. Do not allow a figure or table to be
A4 page, ALL margins 2.5cm, all text left split over two pages or to be separated from its
aligned (not justified) unless otherwise label or caption.
specified.
Diagrams, illustrations, graphs, and so on, must
Spacing be 'screen readable'. This means fully legible
All text must be double-spaced and left aligned and readable on screen when displayed at
(not justified) unless otherwise specified. widths that ideally do not exceed about 750
pixels and certainly should not exceed 1000
Font & Size pixels.
Times New Roman, 12pt unless otherwise
specified. Page Numbers
Insert page numbers at the top of the page, right
Paper Title aligned, beginning with the title page.
14pt, bold, centred, sentence case.

Footnotes
Avoid using footnotes. If used, please number
them sequentially.
References
Use the reference style of the Publication
Manual of the American Psychological
Association (6th ed.). List references under the
1st level heading.
Example journal article:

Fryer, D., & Laing, A. (2008). Community
psychologies: What are they? What
could they be? Why does it matter? A
critical community psychology approach.
The Australian Community Psychologist,
20(2), 7-15.
Example book:
Montero, M., & Sonn, C. C. (2010).
Psychology of liberation: Theory and
applications. New York: Springer.
Example book chapter:

Fielder, J., Roberts, J., & Abdullah, J. (2000).
Research with Indigenous communities.
In P. Dudgeon, D. Garvey & H. Pickett
(Eds.), W orking with Indigenous
Australians: A handbook for
psychologists (pp. 349-356). Perth,
Australia: Gunada Press.
Example electronic source:

Cummins, R. A., Hughes, J., Tomyn, A.,
Gibson, A., Woerner, J., & Lai, L.
(2007). The wellbeing of Australians –
Carer health and wellbeing. Melbourne,
Australia: Australian Centre on Quality
of Life, Deakin University. Accessed 27th
September 2011 from http://
www.deakin.edu.au/research/acqol/
auwbi/survey-reports/survey-017-1-
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2

Office Bearers of the APS College Of Community Psychologists

Deputy Chair Helen Killmier

Secretary Dawn Darlaston-Jones

Treasurer and Julie Morsillo

Professional Development Meg Smith

Membership Secretary Pam Loughnan

State Chairs Dawn Darlaston-Jones

ACP Editors Anne M Sibbel

ACP Associate Editors Meg Smith

AP Omnibus Journal Dawn Darlaston-Jones

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

Editorial Special Edition 5

Resituating masculinity and power in preventing child sexual abuse 24

An Angel at Your Table: Mentoring and domestic violence recovery 46

Protective mothers: Women’s understandings of protecting children in the context of legal

Reproductive coercion and the Australian state: A new chapter? 90

Intimate partner sexual violence: an overview of the problem in Italy 101

Women’s oppression through narrative: A Foucauldian perspective 117

Preparation, Submission and Publication of Manuscripts 127

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

All payments to be made out to:

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

of socially determined practices, both of these to limit the reproductive autonomy of

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

be applicable to an entire class or References

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

Address for Correspondence

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

We examine how masculinity, specifically hyper-masculinity, is constructed from the

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

of a gang community of practice shaped by contribute to a more nuanced understanding of

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The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

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described in the first narrative. as manhood. Within Tony’s gang community

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

conclusions and view change as a process References

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

Merriam, S.B., Courtenay, B. & Address for Correspondence

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

of interest and masculinity/masculinities is/ accomplishment of a masculine construction

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

Josh Josh positioned himself as less effective than

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 28 No 1 August 2016