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Somatic Ambiguity An Masculine Desire in Tbe 01 Englisb Life of Eupbrosyne
Somatic Ambiguity An Masculine Desire in Tbe 01 Englisb Life of Eupbrosyne
1 For an overview of transvestite saints see Hippolyte Delehaye, The Legends f!f the Saints:
An Introductirm to Hagiography, trans. V. M. Crawford (London: Longmans, Green, & Co.,
1907), 197-207; Marie Delcourt, Hermaphrodite: Myths and Rituals of the Bisexual Figure in
Classical Antiquity, trans. jennifer Nicholson (London: Studio, 1961), 84-102; john Anson,
"The Female Transvestite in Early Monasticism: The Origin and Development of a Motif,"
Viatar 5 (1974): 1-32; Vern L. Bullough, 'Transvestism in the Middle Ages," in Sexual Prac-
tices and the Medieval Church, ed. Vern L. Bullough and james Brundage (Buffalo:
Prometheus, 1982), 43-54; Rudolf M. Dekker and Lotte C. van de Pol, The Tradition of F~
male Transvestism in Early Modern Europe (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989), 44-46; joyce
E. Salisbury, Church Father.'i, Independent Virgins (London: Verso, 1991),97-110. For more
general studies of transvestism as a cultural phenomenon, see Marjorie Garber, Vestea In-
trTflstS:CrosJ-J)rening and Cultural Anxiety (London: Routledge, 1992), and Vern L. Bullough
and Bonnie Bullough, Cross JJre..uinf{, Sex, and Gender (Philadelphia: University of Pennsyl-
vania Press, 1993).
2 The rift' of Jj·uphro.ryne appears in two manuscripts: British Library MS Cotton julius
E.vii and British Library MS Cotton Otho B.x. For descriptions of the manuscripts see N.
Ic to sope wat
pret ic rer ne si~ renig ne mette
in woruldrice wif pe gelic,
pristran gepohtes ne pweorhtimbran
mregpa cynnes.6
4 Life of Euphrosyne in /Elfric's Lives of Saints, 2:350, lines 260-62. All other references to
the Life of Euphrosyne are to this edition by line numbers only. I have occasionally repunc-
tuated Skeat's text.
5 Juliana in The Exeter Book, ed. George P. Krapp and Eliott Van Kirk Dobbie, ASPR 3
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1936), lines 107 and 234-35.
6 Ibid., 547-51.
348 Ambiguity and Desire in the Life of Euphrosyne
I truly know that I have never ever met any woman like you
in the world, more bold in mind or more stubborn, among
womankind.
Such an exchange is typical in the livesof virgin saints, but we do not
find this characteristic absolute light of virginity guiding the narra-
tive of the Life of Euphrosyne; instead, the narrative is a composite of
ambiguity and uncertainty, a fleeting glimpse of the half-hidden
shadows of erotic desire.
I
Euphrosyne's transformation into the monk "Smaragdus," marked
in the text by a corresponding shift in pronouns, allowsher to escape
the carnal world of marriage and thus to keep her virginity unde-
filed.7 One monk-eonfidant advises her to "ne gepafa <5upret cenig
man pinne lichaman besmite" (77-78 "not allow any man to defile
your body"), and a second implores her to withstand "pa costnunga
pines flresces" (115-16, "the temptations of the flesh"). She decides
that her only recourse is to seek shelter in a monastery as a man:
Heo pa pone wiflican gegyrlan hire ofdyde and hi gescrydde
mid werlicum, and on refentid gewat of hire healle and nam
mid hire futig mancsas, and lJa niht hi gehydde on digelre
stowe. 130-33
Then she took off her womanly clothing, and dressed herself
in manly clothing and in the evening departed from her hall
7 For general background on virginity in late antiquity and the Middle Ages, see Rose-
mary Ruether, "Misogynism and Virginal Feminism in the Fathers of the Church," in Re-
ligion and Sexism: Images of Women in the Jewish and Christian Traditions, ed. Rosemary
Ruether (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1974), 150-83;john Bugge, Virginitas: An Essay in
the History of a Medieval Ideal (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1975); Clarissa Atkinson,
"'Precious Balsam in a Fragile Glass': The Ideology of Virginity in the Later Middle Ages,"
joomal of Family History 8.2 (Summer 1983): 131-43; Peter Brown, "The Notion of Virgin-
ity in the Early Church," in Christian Spirituality I: Origins to the Twelfth Century, ed. Bernard
McGinn andJohn Meyendorffin collaboration with Jean Leclercq (New York: Crossroad,
1985), 427-43, and The Body and Society:Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Chris-
tianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 259-84; Aline Rousselle, Porneia: On
Desire and the Body in Late Antiquity, trans. Felicia Pheasant (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988),
129-40; Susanna Elm, "Virgins of God": The Making of Asceticism in Late Antiquity (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1994).
ANDREW P. SCHElL 349
and took with her fIfty mancuses, and that night she hid her-
self in a secret place.
Euphrosyne, the nubile virgin daughter of Paphnutius's heart, does
not emerge from this wonderfully ambiguous "secret place"; only
Smaragdus remains, a strange composite entity, resistant to clear
representation as if he has corne forth trailing the indeterminacy of
the unknown hiding place in which she spent the night.8 The text
refers to Smaragdus as "he," but the reader's understanding runs
counter to this change in pronouns: we "know" that Smaragdus is re-
ally Euphrosyne, but the change in clothing corresponds to a com-
plete transformation in gender, at least from the narrator's point of
VIew.
This conflict. grows more complex when Smaragdus identifies
himself as a eunuch when he joins a monastery. Euphrosyne does
not claim that she is the man "Smaragdus"; she is the eunuch
"Smaragdus." The two terms are not interchangeable, and the dis-
tinction further complicates the problem of just how the reader is
supposed to identify this creature's gender. At this point, she is an
entity of indeterminate sex, a complex of conflicting claims. This
ambiguity is present in the important biblical discussions of eu-
nuchs: Deuteronomy 23:1 condemns them, decreeing that "Non in-
travit eunuchus, attritis vel amputatis testiculis et abscisso veretro,
ecclesiam Domini" ("A eunuch whose testicles are removed or cut
off, or whose male member is severed, shall not enter the church of
the Lord").9 However, Isaiah 56:4-5 commends eunuchs:
Quia haec dicit Dominus eunuchis: "Qui custodierint sabbata
mea, et elegerint quae ego volui, et tenuerint foedus meum,
dabo eis in domo mea et in muris meis locum, et nomen
8 The anonymous Latin life omits the description of her hiding place as "secret": "air
scondit se in aliquo loco per totam noctem" ("she concealed herself in some place
throughout the entire night"), Vita sanctae Euphrosynae virginis, PL 73, col. 646. Although
the Latin text printed in the Patrologia Latina is not the exact source for the Old English
translation, it is close enough for comparative purposes: see Magennis, "On the Sources
of Non-iElfrician Lives," 299, and Grant Loomis, "Further Sources of iElfric's Saints'
Lives," Harvard Studies in Philology and Literature 13 (1931): 5-6. I follow the Anglo-Saxon
text in referring to Euphrosyne as "her" and Smaragdus as "he."
9 Quotations from the Vulgate are from Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam Clementinam, ed. Al-
berto Colunga and Laurentio Turrado (Madrid: Editorial Cat6lica, 1977). Translations
arc my own.
350 Ambiguity and Desire in the Life of Euphrosyne
II
From a practical standpoint, Euphrosyne chooses to portray her-
self as a eunuch because it will make her "manly" disguise more be-
lievable: if she appears somewhat delicate and feminine to the
monks, her identity as a eunuch might explain the confusion. Her
disguise is supposed to free her from the sexuality of the secular
world as she escapes her suitors, but when the monks accept Smarag-
10 For a discussion of the theological background of the eunuch see Robert P. Miller,
"Chaucer's Pardoner, The Scriptural Eunuch, and the Pardoner's Tale," Speculum 30 (1955):
180-99, repro in Chaucer Criticism: The Canterbury Tales, ed. Richard]. Schoeck and]erome
Taylor (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1960),221-44.
ANDREW P. SCHElL 351
11 See Graham Gould, The Desert Fathers on Monastic Community (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1993), 2~87, for a discussion of the mentor-student relationship in the monastery
based on the Sayings of the 1Jf-sertFathers.
12 Ibid., 150-57, on the role of solitude in the monastic community.
352 Ambiguity and Desire in the Life of Euphrosyne
13 The Latin text is more vague than the Old English: instead of "swa wlitigne man the
n
Latin simply has "talem pulchritudinem," "such beauty" (Vita s. Euphrosynae, PL 73:647).
Rouselle, Porneia, 147-48, details the temptation young boys held for late-antique monks.
14 AllenJ. Frantzen, ''When Women Aren't Enough," speculum 68.2 (April 1993): 466.
15 For background on eunuchs see Miller, "Chaucer's Pardoner"; Wendy Doniger O'Fla-
herty, Women, Androgynes, and Other Mythical Beasts (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1980), 297; Brown, Body and Society, 67-68; Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender
from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990),176-78.
16 Frantzen, "When Women Aren't Enough," 467. See also Frantzen's new Before the
Closet: Same-Sex LQVejrom Beowulf to Angels in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1998).
ANDREW P. SCHElL 353
thinking about sex in the west from antiquity through the Renais-
sance.17 Medical authorities defined the sexual bodies of men and
women as different not in kind, but only in degree: all bodies are
"male"; the female is simply a less perfect, not-Fully-formed, inverted
variation of the male body.18 Medical knowledge in Anglo-Saxon
England follows the orthodoxy of one-sex thinking set down in an-
tiquity.19 A corollary to one-sex thinking is that, under proper condi-
tions, men could lose their anatomical priority over women and slide
back into a "more female" state: the male body was a "fearsomely plas-
tic thing" susceptible to changes which could make it less male than
it should be.2o If a man lost his virility, he might "collapse back into a
state of primary undifferentiation. "21As a eunuch, Smaragdus repre-
sents the monks' subconscious knowledge that the male body was a
potentially fluid substance subject to change. In a eunuch, the po-
tential corporeal flux of the one-sex body was in play:
[I] n the construction of the one-sex body the borders between
blood, semen, other residues and food, between the organs of
reproduction and other organs, between the heat of passion
17 Laqueur coins the term "'one-sex model" in Making Sex, basing his argument mainly
on medical texts. Other scholars have noted the existence of a one-sex model of sexual
difference in the Middle Ages: see Vern L. Bullough, "Medieval Medical and Scientific
Views of Women, " Viator4 (1972):485--501; DanielleJacquart and Claude Thomasset, Sex-
uality and Medicine in the Middle Age5, trans. Matthew Adamson (Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press, 1988),46-47;Marie-Christine Pouchelle, The Body and Surgery in the Middle
Ages, trans. Rosemary Morris (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990),180-81.
18 Laqueur, Making Sex, 25--62.
19 For pre-Conquest insular manuscripts of the standard medical authorities that dis-
seminate the one-sex model, such as Galen and Pseudo-Apuleius, see Helmut Gneuss, "A
Preliminary List of Manuscripts Written or Owned in England up to 1100," Anglo-Saxon
England 9 (1981),manuscript numbers 145,183,184,402,421,479,527,549,633.See
also J. D. A. Ogilvy, Books Known to the English, 597-1066 (Cambridge: Medieval Academy
of America, 1967),75--77,143,159. Ogilvy will be superseded by the Saurces of Anglo-Saxon
Literary Culture project, which will eventually give a better idea of the sources of medical
knowledge in Anglo-Saxon England. The best study of the subject is M. L. Cameron,
Anglo-Saxon Medicine, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England 7 (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1993); see especially 65--73on the classical tradition behind
Anglo-Saxon medicine. For an analysis of the one-sex model in Norse sagas, see Carol
Clover, "Regardless of Sex: Men, Women, and Power in Early Northern Europe," Speculum
68.2 (April 1993):363-87.
20 Brown, Body and Society, 10.
21 Ibid., 11.
354 Ambiguity and Desire in the Life of Euphrosyne
and the heat of life, were indistinct and, to the modern person,
almost unimaginably-indeed terrifyingly-porous. 22
From this perspective, what makes the monks in the Life of Eu-
phrosyne angry is not only their dismay at being assaulted by sexual
temptation; they are angry at-and afraid of-the plasticity of the
male body represented by Smaragdus.23
Further, the disruption associated with the beautiful eunuch re-
veals the potential eroticism of the monastic community. Smaragdus
represents the changeable nature of the male body, the "reality"un-
derlying a fantasy of plenitude. The monastery is a network of ho-
mosocial relationships; Agapitus "accepts [Smaragdus] into his cell,"
an act of intimacy replicated on a larger scale throughout the
monastery.24Although these homosocial bonds are not consciously
sexual, the possibilities of erotic action define the community. Be-
cause he literally embodies the capacity for masculinity to melt away,
Smaragdus exposes the deliberately occluded continuum of desire
in the monastic space. For a moment, the illusion of presumptive
heterosexuality falls away as this subversive element discloses the
erotic nexus of homosocial desire in the monastery.
The alternative masculinities insinuated by Smaragdus threaten
the very fabric of the homosocial community. The monks grow
angry, not at the alluring Smaragdus, but instead at the abbot who
had unleashed such temptation in their midst. As is typical of ho-
mosocial situations, erotic desire is here redirected as anger or ri-
25 Ibid., 2, 19-27.
26 Vita s. Euphrosy nae. PL 73:651.
27 Judith Butler, Gender Troubl£: Feminism and the Suooersion of Identity (New York: Rout-
ledge. 1990). 139.
356 Ambiguity and Desire in the Life of Euphrosyne
III
Not only from the narrow perspective of monastic sexual anxiety,
but also in broad, narrative terms, the Life of Euphrosyne is about the
hopes and fears of men, not women.29 The only other female char-
acter, her unnamed mother, dies while Euphrosyne is still a child;
when the girl is seven years old "pa gewat hire modor" (25).30 This
terse statemen t excises the mother from the narrative after she has
fulfilled her primary purpose: to give Paphnutius an heir. Her infer-
tility, before Euphrosyne's divinely assisted conception, troubles Pa-
phnutius "forpam nan bearn n(Cs gem(Cne P(Ct (Cfter his forc>sic>e to
his (Chtum fenge" (5-7: "because there was no child between them
who might inherit his possessions after his death"). 31 This conflict,
broached in the first lines of the vita, drives the reproductive motives
of Paphnutius and his wife; she, in fact, wants a child "swipost forpam
heo geseah hire weres sarignysse" (9-10, "especially because she saw
the sadness of her husband"). As soon as she solves Paphnutius's
32 For a concise definition of "economy" in this sense see Gillian Overing, Language,
Sign, and Gender in Beowulf (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University
Press, 1990), 121 n2:
"Economy" is used as a comprehensive term for the complex of cultural systems of
change and exchange, wherein power is sought, claimed, and distributed; "masculine
economy" denotes the social and material conditions of patriarchy, in which women
may be construed as commodities in the system of change and exchange of power re-
lations between men.
33 Money is a pervasive theme in the vita; see Malcolm Godden, "Money. Power and
Morality in Late Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo--Saxon England 19 (1990): 41-65 for a fine
discussion of the semantics of money and society in Anglo-Saxon England.
34 See Luce Irigaray's explanation of the commodity role played by women in a patri-
archal culture in This Sex l'WzichIs Not One, trans. Catherine Porter (Ithaca: Cornell Uni-
versity Press. 1985).84: "The use. consumption. and circulation of [women's] sexualized
bodies underwrite the organization and reproduction of the social order. in which they
have never taken part as 'subjects.'"
35 In the Old English text. lines 192-201,265-74; in the Latin. PL 73:647-48,649-50.
358 Ambiguity and Desire in the Life of Euphrosyne
36 Paul E. Szarmach, "}Elfrie's Women Saints: Eugenia," in New Readings on Women in Old
English Literature, ed. Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennessey Olsen (Bloomington: In-
diana University Press, 1990), 155. Galatians 3:28: "Non est ludaeus, neque Graecus; non
est servus, neque liber; non est masculus, neque femina. Omnes enim vos unum estis in
Christo lesu," "There is not jew, nor Greek; there is not slave, nor free; there is not male,
nor female. For you are all one in Christ jesus." For a comparison of the Old English and
Latin versions of the Life of Eugenia, see Gopa Roy, "A Virgin Acts Manfully: JElfric's Life of
St Eugenia and the Latin Versions," Leeds Studies in English, n. s. 23 (1992): 1-27.
37 Szarmaeh, ibid., 155. For a survey of the theological basis and context of the Gala-
tians passage see Wayne Meeks, 'The Image of the Androgyne: Some Uses of a Symbol in
Earliest Christianity," History of &ligions 13.3 (February 1974): 165-208. For a broader
comparative perspective see O'Flaherty, Women, Androgynes, 283-334.
38 Szarmach, "Euphrosyne," 356.
39 Ibid., 358.
ANDREW P. SCHElL 359
has pointed out, this type of reading glosses over the complex sexual
ambiguities of the transvestite saints' lives.40 The Life ofEuphrosyne is
rife with contradictions, problems and conflicts that cannot be ex-
plained away through an appeal to extra-textual aesthetics or theol-
ogy. Although the Galatians passage is not actually in either text, it is
certainly a possible element in the reception history of transvestite
saints' lives; however, we must resist the desire to read the text only
according to its own dominant protocols. Far more explanatory
power is accumulated by reading the silences, the ideological con-
flicts and the erotic possibilities of the Life of Euphrosyne.
The reading of hagiography is thus a complex matter. The pull of
broad theological interpretation is strong: on the surface, the tradi-
tional, "formulaic," and unoriginal nature of hagiography implies
that all the lives of the saints are one Life, emblematic of God's
power on earth, and a model for emulation.41 However, to deny the
rich complexity of hagiographic narrative, its seemingly endless re-
combination of traditional elements, is to underestimate a signifi-
cant source of sense-making in medieval culture. If narrative is "an
ideological act in its own right, with the function of inventing imag-
inary or formal 'solutions' to unresolvable social contradictions, "42
we must look below the narrative surface of the Life of Euphrosyne in
order to examine the rich tangle of ideological threads connecting
it to medieval readers, making it relevant and meaningful to their
lives. The Life of Euphrosyne is what Alan Sinfield calls a "faultline
story. " Such stories "address the awkward, unresolved issues; they re-
quire the most assiduous reworking; they hinge upon a fundamen-
Companion to Old English Literature, ed. Malcolm Godden and Michael Lapidge (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991),243-63, and Jean Leclercq, The Love of Learn-
ing and the Desire for God, trans. Catharine Misrahi (New York: Fordham University Press,
1961), 200-201.
42 Fredric Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1981), 79.
360 Ambiguity and Desire in the Life of Euphrosyne
University of Hartford