Discussion ‘Real Feminism’ and Dalit Women Scripts of Denial and Accusation Smo Rece thayya_Datar’s *Non-Brahmin Renderings of Feminism in, Maha rash Ista More Emancpator Force"? (EPW, Oct, 1999s welcome on sever ‘ounts. It fetus vs to some important ‘questions in feminist theorsation and Polis that have gone undisoussed for ‘ome ue. Daars commitment 0 iden- tifying politically potent feminist alterna Liver if something one wholeheartedly stares. Nevertheless, on some important Issues, there ae sharp disagreements ‘These probably stem from divergent as. sessments of the enduring legacies of ‘Marism and second wave feminism as from divergent readings of caste “the cultural andthe nature ofand alteratives {ocontemporary capitalism. Tisresponse aaresses directly some ofthe arguments ‘ised in Dar (1999) and underies the risrecogiton inthe same of the dat feminist standpoint (herestier DFS) out lind in Rege (1998). Some ofthe broader issues concerning standpoint theory and feministpoiies questionsrelatingtodalit resistance being conceived as “ibe cul tural” and those concerning the caste and ender underpionings of aerate (0 ‘evelopment ae only raised here. A more ‘Sette elaboration ofthe same is pos poned IRege forthcoming! ‘Datar (1999) misrecognses the DFS as being located within the narow confines of postmodernism versus feminism, a also some kind ofa sale of politically correctness on which “eal feminism i Sought o be measured, and as foreclosing allpossbltes ofemancipatory dialogues tnd Interrogations. The DFS thus comes to be seen as a scnpt of accusation (on the second wave feminist movement in India) and then as a seript of pult-idden ‘confession (by non-dalit women}. AS a ‘result dit feminist renderings on “who ‘can speak for whom’ ig misread a Postmodernist. Data's ertgue (1998) ‘hich focuses only on “intra-caste path 492 archy" and the patriarchy in the dalit movements, becomes script of historical Genial and an erasute of interalexitique. In proposing eco-feminism as the only radical standpoin, she brings to centre ‘reproduction’ ~thisnodouttisanimpor- ant onentaton but itis nota standpoint. Eco-feminism and DFS lehas boon argued (Dar 1999] thatthe review of feminist debates Repe (1998) hs been narrowly famed as feminism ‘versus postmodernism and that in doing ‘cco-feminiem has been overlooked. TO the contrary, the review emerge from 2 concern withtheemphasison differences in feminist polites and a postmademist {appropriation ofthe same. In privileging the bistoricisation of difference over ‘multe voices and relativism, we ae in fact “Speaking back’ to feminism - not allowing ta dictate the contours feminist ‘debates. Eco-feminism was not over looked, bt collapsed a a panicular van ant of cultural feminism, one, which ‘alorises sexual differences especially ia relation to nature “The eco-feminst argument as Agarwal (1992) notes is ideological, in its essential connection between the domination of ‘women and that of nature. The important Tinkages between. feminism and envio rmentalismoutinedinAgareal(1992)and Dietrich 1994) defintely earch the DFS and as such one sees no contadition between them. The feminist envionmen- talstposivon [Agarwal 1992] argues that the linkages between geader, caste and class, structure the erganisation of pro- ‘action, reproduction and distribution — ‘asalso the effets of environment change ‘on people. A DFS whichis located in the sirctring ofesperencesofeveryay lived relatives of dat women's live is obvi- ‘ously sensitive to the stuctiral ier. ences in accesso land and livelihood and 10 a history of “lokayatas' [or detailed analysis, see Miah 1998) Following Diewich (1994) it may be argued that in grappling with the issues Of production of fe, castes, clases and patarchies are important mediating fac: tors. Cast in mediating the contol over ‘resources andthe vision of labour strc tures the divide between intelectual snd ‘manual labour-The ineinkages between ‘aste-based division of labour an sexuah ‘vision of labour contol the production of life trough the mariages circle and ‘make way for paarchal extraction of \women’ssubsistence agncultureasasign of suength Custers (1997) notes the same while also graning that valuable contribution has been made by eco feminism in chal- lenging the sanctity of western sciences an in establishing women as sustains ‘of agriculture However ne undertines, there are problems. bot conceptual and ‘empirical with positions such a5 Shiva's land tht of the German feminist school Shiva plosses over women's differen sted class positions and over all those forms of labour that 30 not Fall under subsistence and thus makes invisible ‘women's conbation 1 capitals ace ‘mulation. The German feminist shoot of ex0-feminism which places reproduction Bathe centre 3s does Daar (1989), does otra out the nlereationship between procreation and production of working apacities [Cusers 1997] a comes 0 bestructuredineae-lassocierDievich (1959) establishes the interrelations in the materiality of caste inthe dif fental aceess to and appropriation of re. Soures for survival by caste and inthe marriage circle. Thus, she eavisions the alliance with dalits and ‘advasis™ asin {egral to ¢c0 feminist polis and cll for an intemal cique by both the dali and ‘Women's movements. Oneisinfllagree- ‘ment with Dietich (1994) about the Urgency of such critiques inthe coment of an ecological east and co‘option of daltsand womenbybrabmanicalhinduva DFS is only one step in the development of such enigues. Datars (1999) claim about both de left andthe posimoderiss beng a par of he Same mainstream which doesnot inter: gate the industrial, echnological para digmiseroneousandscemssoverysiilar {othe posimoderaist ejection of Marxism and Nazism (in the same breath) as metanarratives. The postmodernists” critique of modernity, which is sons a Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2000,critique of capitalism, throws the baby out nd retains the bathwater. The lft, it must bbe admitted has opened upto questions of ‘cological degradationand there havebeen fuempts to fuse radical red and green politics and efforts to meld ecological, ‘ocial and abourconceras in secking viable alternatives to both global capital andthe many forms of localism [for example (O'Connor 1994; O'Connor 1998}, Inthe Indian context too the broad left (especialy those secking to underline the Tinkages of an-caste, class and women's struggles) have in ther practices and ideo- logies inepratedecologicalconcems.often ‘mobilising feflexively around. anti- brahmanical vadvons. A range of alter ative institutional arrangemectsare being ‘experimented with for details see Ornvedt 1093: Patankar 1998). Alternatives 10 global capitalism cannot view environ. foental degradation as merely result of Industrial growth and technology or faulty slate policies but have to locate the degradation as an integral part of the existence, growth and constitution of contemporary capitalism [Bapat 1996) ‘The issu, therefore, isnot one of who has the more complete alternative dalit eminists or eco-ferinists, but of locating historically how the different new social ‘movementshavenot addressed cach other's Issues. As Omvedt (1993) has shown, the Sni-caste and women's movements have fot addressed each other's issues and neither has analysed the problems of peasantry and nature. The environment ‘ovement has not dealt with the question Of caste-community exploitation and the economic issues that trouble the peasantry land the working clas, and despite the eco- {emministrend, as Omvedt argues, themove- ‘ment as such ba rarely confronted the op- sion of women, For feminist polities, thismeans recognising in theory and prac: tice interlocking oppressions and encom: passing all the social inequalities that patriarchies structure and are structured [DFS seeks ido this by tracing how and. ‘what divides women, aso what connects ‘them but does not easily unite them. It seeks ahistorical interrogation and revi- sion and in doing so, is itself open to radical interogations including those posed by eco-sustanablealiematives. AS 4 standpoint located in the material ‘Practices of dali women’s lives it rejects 4 dichotomisition of the material and cultural which equates the material 10 ‘environmental degradation and brahman- ism to the cultural. Brahmanical patrir- chies and caste-spocific patriarchies are ‘material in their determination of the 22> 28510 resources, the division of labour, the sexual division of labour and division of sexual labour Further as, Gavaskar (1999) has con: tended, endogamy also structures and ‘maintains the redistribution of resources Hence DFS refuses to submit the analyse of pariarchies and to see ‘undifferentiated communities" or “groups of women” at alternatives to the ecologieal crisis or to the global market. A radical stnce of decenalsatonoftbeeconony an paliy and of an-development as ani tee ine abecnce tary nays, class gender and the nation sate, articu. lates meaningful sensibilities but as a Position collapses nto a rhetoric. Pieterse (1998) has argued that eitiques of and “altemativestodevelopment cannotbe seen ‘outside of development pois. Questions that are posed as "to be for’ or “against modernity underrate the dialectics of ‘modemity and development and overlook ‘the possibilities of reflexive development DFS, rooted in the reflexive modernity of Phule and Ambedkar, seeks to develop such possiblities, Script of Denial: Is There No Need for an Internal Critique? {In reviewing second wave feminism in Indiaandthe dalitmovement, Datar(1999) recognises the importance of the ant-rape agitation but views sexual politics as a ray tendency’ within feminism (p 2964). ‘One of the comersiones of the second wave of women's movement in India has been the underlining of the ‘sexual’ (in terms of issues of violence, conjugality, reproduction nd oa limited extent sexual ‘orientation) as political. A debate between the left and the feminists that was more for less cast in terms of “lass or gender” id open up debates on the structures of patriarchy. DFS argues that a thorough going anaiysis of the material basis of patriarchy, requires thatthe diferential access 19 and control over labour, sexu ality, and reproduction by castes, classes land communities be brought to centre, ‘That inthe absence of such a critiques of ‘brahinanical class-based hetropatriarchies, the politcal edge of sexual polities is lost, [No politics commited to redistribution in ‘a caste-based society can overlook sexual politics. I is therefore imporant ro revi- sion it rather than give it up or pose the Uppercaste women aloneasthe only needy ‘constituents of such a pois Datar's (1999) analysis of the dali panthers and the women's movement raturalises the split of the dat women's ‘oppression. The cate’ constituent their ‘oppression, i is argued, would naturally Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2000 be highighted by the dalt panthers and thecrospeate-las pauarchal consiue enisbythewomen smoverent Thedouble txclsion ofthe dat woman is jostied {ntermscfhistorical limitations, The Phule Abode legacy is invoked 0 jsy the largely high caste subject of the Second wave of women's movement in Maharastra is argued that in 9500 witha Satyshodhke Ambedkar legacy, its the high cate women who needed a demystfistion and revelation of their “ait sas Is precisely beats of the Pl Ambedkar legacy that there is sch a split beeen cate and gender wih ‘rates the dat women's oppression and this by both the dali ad feminist ier tors ofthe legacy “Theissveatstakeisnatoneofhow many femmist activists pied the "namantar struggle or how many ease of dali and tribal women were taken bythe women's movement. Despite the chronology of {vents Kit namantar then Mathur, es is underined by Datar (1995) ~ te a sence ofa revisioning, 4 reinscrpion of ast i ernst politics was largely ab- Sent FrommMathuratoBhanwa the Inaian ‘women's movement has addressed the [Sse and cates of women of dali, tial and minority communities, bu iis one thing to address thei sues and another {o revision polis to cenve around the issusof the most marginalised of women ‘Animemaleritque does not ll or n0n- {alt women to freeze into guilt or fo celebrate an unceitial dat womanism. NNeitherdoesitimply submission osome “imagined autensty of homogenised dali women's voice’ it meansaveeogntion of onections of power that exist between women, It means speaking, no just “as ‘one’ or forthe other but within and about thespace between the ‘sel andthe ‘othe {Probyn 1993} regies nota narow ‘denitarian polities, but iis presse) v0 void such a naow alley that a rewriting ‘of our histories Is eae for DS is about historically locating how allouridentes arent eqaly powerful, Sand about reviewing how in different historical practices similares Berween siomen have Been ignored in a efoto Underline este-clas identities oat other times ferences ignored forthe feminist ‘cause Az Ganguly (1995) pitti ke walking on a tightrope of connection, distance and power” Data serique ide. tracks these sues ofan internal eriique andtakeson the issue of power within dalit Tn nesing the Limits of dali feminism, Datar (199) collapses the standpoint nto the practices of certain organisations and 493argues that dalt feminism is limited 10 ‘educated dali women working in univer Sites and white-ollared jobs and ques tions their knowledge and concern about the "material realities ofthe lives of ural dalit women". OF course, lists of dai Tahujan activists working withthe ‘as: thentiedait woman subject can beeasily ‘drawn up. But that wil be wivilising the Sandpoint whichis sensitive to both the historical trajectories of the neo- buddhist leadership of the dalit movement in Maharashre andthe need to brosdbase the movement. A point that Pardeshi 997) makes and Which is completely misrepresented by Datar (1999). Dat repeatedly underlines the alienating effet fof the Buddhist cultura ethos of non- Buddhist dalt women, These are isues thar have come up historically time and sgaininthepratiesof diferent stragles land movements. It may be recalled tht fat the 1991 Calcutta Conference ofthe TAWS, Pavia Agnes and Razia Patel had questioned the “Hindu hegemony" inthe ‘Women's movement and had opened up Space for an jteral eiique. 'A denial of an intemal critique also leads Datar (1999) tocounterNeelkanth's (1998) allegation ofthe split etween the theoretical brahenin feminists and the narrative dabt women withthe simple logic of people in lass houses should not {throw stones at others. The split between the educated dlit women a the spokes ‘women versus the iterate dalit women a5 the listeners a observed by Datar at Galt women's gatherings is undefined land further the women leaders of the feminist movement are graded as more ‘democrtiethanthose inthe dlitwomen’s ‘movements. A for the more democratic Jeadership, Gandhi and Shab (1999) have analysed the issue of suble hierarchies, Aivistonof work and group decision-mak Ing processes the women’s movement ‘and have note the impact of differences ‘between group membersin terms of cass. political experiences and personalities. [Neelkanth’s argument has raised impar- {at questions about the politic of know: ledge and power: questions that were at fone time so central tothe feminist move tment. In countering the dichotomy of theoretical men and experiential women, feminists had proposed radical andre: vised epstemelogies and methodologies. Questions about the dichotomy of the brahmin theoretician and the empticl ‘shod’ in socialsciences in India have Jed tothe outing of new dalitepste: smelogies (Guru 1998] and radial read- {ings of the epistemological conficts in history [Patil 1996: Tah 1998), Coun- 494 \erng interrogations with spirit of denial is neither inthe spitit or interests of the Script of Accusation: Patriarchal Dalit Movement as the Worst Enemy? Data's analysis sees the explosion of caste identities in politic 38 a result of “sanskrtslion’ and an unstable political smosphere. Further, such a situation is cen as encouraging the esertion of inte: ‘ast patriarchy by dat men and the issue fof separate quotas within quotas for dai land OBC women comes tobe analysed in this context. The debate on quotas within ‘quotas comes to be read as patriarchal cunning ofa dalit movement, ited as it isby its electoral and reservation polis, toresrct dalit women’s erty ino polities and the public sector. That an internal tritique of patriarchy in dale polities is ‘much needed is beyond doubl and the iimporance of such a eriique for political radicalism has been in fact overdetermined ‘nGun(1999), Assessmentsof daliipoiics bbyacivixsand socal scientists dorecopnise ‘hate movementisatacrossoads interns ‘of issues tobe taken up, constituencies to bbecultivated andintermsof the deologsl strands tobe emphasised, Pndhere (1994) Underlines the need for integrating agitauonal and electoral polities, Pendse (1994) andPalshikar(1994)cautionapainst {he Hindus misappropriaionof Ambedkar and atempts to communalise the dalit ‘massesas"eanon fodder whileSalve(1997) Underlines the need for dalit politics to ‘iew dait women not as numbers but as revolutionary agens. There seems 0 be considerable agreement on the need for “seategies 0 evolve anon ease dat iden iy, acaste-elass bloc and dali OBC bloc ‘A® Alam (1999) has argued, despite “the ‘ature of wheeling and dealing... the poli- tics.of the oppressed has also been respon sible forthe sustenance of tnditions of interactions between the commanites and the secular character ofthe polity (p 760) ‘Caste appeal, far from being casteism i thus established as an important gain inthe face of hindutva polities of intolerance, 'A seript of accusation, tht only high Tights the patriarchal character of the dalit _mavement als fais to note the significant “spaces within theantvcaste struggle” (Sen 1992] made by dalit and bahujan wornen, ‘What such a serpt ails to se isthe radi- cals of dalit women stvists working at the local level, who sometimes challenge the patriarchal leadership, making spaces fo feminism in the dalt movement and other times privilege their dali-bahujan Identity over gender. This equires an in- ‘depth analysis of castes and distribution fof power in Maharashr: [for detailed ‘analysis see Palshikar 1998 and Dhamale 1997) fil not be enough 0 gloss over the issve of quotas within quotas by ac- ‘cusing dalit male leadership, an engaged introspection within the women's move- ‘ments i also called for as has been well, frpued by Bhagwat (1997), Pardeshi (1897), Lata (1998), Thakur (1998), ‘Sonalkat (1999) and Deshpande (1999) Tapping the cultural consolidation of castes and intra-castepatirchies among ‘the oppressed cates, Datar (1999) accords the phenomenon to Sanskritstion? As ‘Alam (1999) has note, with the develop ‘mentofe forces of production the aber tnd skills of women of OBC and dalit Communities have suffered a downward mobility. There has been a relative eskilling in relation to. men and the feconomie dependence on men has creased, This has been borne out bY fmpiricl studies on gender and caste based occupations [see for example ‘Bhagwat 1997]. In sucha situation, there is an imposition of moral codes in com ‘unites, and women are faced with the Uveat of retaliation asthe basis for com- pliance (Alam 1999]. This has atleast Some clues about the dangers, especialy for women, of unconditional community control as an eco-sustainable altemative Datars allenative envisions commu: lies asthe main actors, positions epreduc- tional thecenireot himansctivtyand calls for strong local markets as a stong base for negotiations ith the global market ‘This according to Datar, would also re solves the question of increasing fund ‘mentalism sine fundamentalism is seen as response tothe feling of emasculin- [sation in the face of glohal forces. In Seeing undifferentiated. loca, sustainable communities a steratves, critiques of slobal capitalism are collapsed into cri- Lugues of industry and technology; and in sceing fundamentalism as a response emasculiisation what is overlooked, 10 ‘Say the least isthe increasing pariipaion ff women in hindutva, But more impor: tantly it has lessons for those who assume that communities are necessarily contra- dictory to capital. The need for decental- tsation and redistribution is beyond doubt bot communities are not already and al ‘Wwaysundiffereniated andas Joseph(1998) argues communities need to be fe appro- Dated for democratic polis. ‘Datars contentions about ant-caste ‘movement being cultural revolts x debst- able for such s contention on one hand views brahmanismandthestruggle against Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2000itas located in cultural symbols and over. fooks the easte-based character of capital sccumulation and labour and of reproduc: tion inthe broader sense of the term. A Aichotomisation of injustices into socio- feconomic and cultural, which had been radically challenged both by Dalit Pan- thersandthe women's movement assumes thus a divide as if between a politics of fedistbation and recognition. Such an ‘opposition overlooks the fact that caste fs cultural without ceasing tobe material and { beahmanism in its production distribu ‘bon and effects economic. Thus Phle’s call foe reinventing «kingdom of Bali i Sstonce material and cultural, jtegrating polities ofrecognitionandredistrbution DES is committed to such a legacy and refutes the contention thatthe anti-easte ‘movements are largely cultural revels Conclusion “The history of standpoint theory both in Marxism and feminism is. history of interogations Feminist standpoint theo Fist which originated inthe ‘standpoint of ‘women’ have been revisioned ait became apparent that he constitution of the sub Jeet woman is the result of @ complex Fnterplay’ of individuals and large seale social fores [Hartsock 1997] Standpoint theory at this point, seemed beter suited to politics of race and cass and not for Feminists who were faced with the ask of ‘constructing staepoints across differences {Collins 1997) Feminists of colour deve- loped the powerful resource of ‘inter- sectional" of structures of domination (eg, Hooks 1981; Anzaldua 1957; Collins 199i). Inthe Indian context, Shared Pati's epistemology of Marxvaad, Phule Ambedkarvaad (1994) provided one such powerful esoutce of iniersectionaity of fase, class and gender domination. DFS like any other standpoint, therefor, is not to be seen in terms of aggregates of i dividuals iis collective subject position that requires an always contingent trans: formation of complex subject positions. ‘As Weeks (1996) puts it “the standpoint \saprojectnotaninheriancetisachieved, not given”. OZ Notes 1 Date (1999) cele to Pardesi (1998) a rdesh. Padesh (196) in Rege (1998) ‘Ron to he wort of Pratina Pads of the Sngachaak Mata Sata wich Ra Boen Says merking wt ait as women sd ‘ee within» MarxsvPhae/Ambedeonte ponies 2 Santana the 19505 has been seen by fore at chalege 16 domination (efor example. Kaanhin Sinise Whiesome {ke ash have ned he cmc o ead ty puting fone slapd Ge for example. Mah ah. References ‘Agarwal, Bina (1982): “The Gender and ‘Ewowment Debt? 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