THE INSIDE STORY OF DIMA HASAO DISTRICT OF ASSAM

Asst. Prof. L Hmar

Dept. of Pol. Science
R S Girls’ College, Karimganj.

SPECIAL PROVISIONS FOR HILLS PEOPLE ROOTED IN BRITISH INDIA

In view of administrative convenience and commercial viability, the British, like

other parts of India consolidated the Hill Tracts of the Northeast India in
different times. Perceiving the necessity of special provisions towards the
administration of hills districts for hills people from the plains, the British
thereby incorporated under the Provisions of Non-Regulated Areas in 1833
followed by the Scheduled District Act, 1874. Henceforth, the tribals were given
autonomy to rule among themselves which marks the beginning of
administrative division between the ‘tribals’ and ‘non-tribals’ in British
Northeast India leading to identity consciousness.
However, the people falling under the above provisions came to be recognized by the colonial
rule as ‘tribes’. Gradually, a number of communities specializing in food gathering or shifting
cultivation were also brought under the unit of tribes. Census of India, 1891 recognized them as
‘forest tribes’ which was later identified and enlisted by Census of India, 1931 as ‘primitive
tribes’. The government of India Act, 1935 renamed them as ‘backward tribes’ which was further
modified after independence and recognized them as ‘scheduled tribes’.

Such special provisions for hills districts were deemed fit to be continued even in
the post Indian independence. Consequently, in 1952, the District Councils were
constituted in all the hills districts by the government of India excepting the
Naga Hills district, where the Naga National Council (NNC) demanded for
complete independence and boycotted all elections.²

However, only in 1951, the Mikir Hills came into being out of those portions of
Sibsagar and Nowgong districts which were predominantly inhabited by the
Mikir tribes and formed a new civil district with the North Cachar Hills sub-
division that came to be called ‘United Mikir and North Cachar Hills District’.
N C Hills was raised into the status of a full fledged district in 1970 and Mikir
Hills was renamed as Karbi-Anglong in 1976.

The North Cachar Hills presently, known as Dima Hasao, as a land of ethnic
pluralism accommodates diverse ethnic groups. The prominent tribes of which
are the Dimasa, Zeme Nagas, Hmars, Kukis, Bietes, Khasis, Hrangkhols besides
others. Apart from various tribes, there is a sizable amount of non-tribal
population. Each tribe exposes its distinct identity on the basis of culture,
custom, tradition, race and etcetera for political gains.

DEVELOPMENT OF ETHNIC CONSCIOUSNESS & DISTRICT COUNCIL

After the constitution of the North Cachar Hills District Council (NCHDC) in
1952, it appears a nationalistic political consciousness because of the council
seats were being contested on the basis of national political party wherein the
congress (I) had to rule for many terms since the establishment of the council.
Initially, there was no notion of ethnic political consciousness except national
party consciousness. However, the habitually distribution of the council seats on
community basis which already have had designed by the government of India
by means of constituencies in due consideration of community wise participation
in the council membership endorse to the gradual rise of ethno-political
consciousness among the people based on sub-tribe. Later, with the formation of
regional political party, namely ‘Autonomous State Demand Committee’ (ASDC)
in May 1986, it emerges regional-political consciousness.

Autonomous State Demand Committee, originally the  Peoples Democratic Front, was set-up as a
mass organization of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation in order to fight
for statehood for the Karbi Anglong and later it covers N C Hills. Several elections to the Lok
Sabha and the Councils of both the districts were won under the banner of ASDC. Dr. Jayanta
Rongpi represented the areas in the  Lok Sabha, elected as the ASDC candidate
in  1991,  1996 and  1998.

The failure of the Assam government to solve the public grievances of the two hills districts had
emerged youth-based mass organization called People’s Democratic Front (PDF) which contested
 in 1985 Assembly Election and own one seat. Under the aegis of PDF later on in May 1986,
Autonomous State Demand committee (ASDC) was formed.¹¹

The Autonomous State Demand Committee (ASDC) party came to power in 1995
and signed a ‘Memorandum of Understanding’ with the government towards
the allocation of more power where the North Cachar Hills District Council
came to be renamed as ‘North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council’ (NCHAC). In
fact, the sitting party-in-power was no more intended to fulfill what was
expected by the co-dwellers leading to ethnic conflict between dimasas and non-
dimasa.

Later a split occurred in ASDC, with one section the Autonomous State Demand Committee
(United) breaking away from CPI(ML) Liberation and aligning with the  Bharatiya Janata Party.
The group loyal to CPI (ML) Liberation reorganized themselves as Autonomous State Demand
Committee (Progressive). However, it does not have much impact on N C Hills thought the split
remains for sometimes. It no time it again emerge ASDC party as the past in one spirit. Later it
came to power again followed by the suspension the council by the governor of Assam for sometime
leading to the ASDC turns into Congress forming the government till date.

EMERGENCE OF INSURGENCY &

ETHNO-NATIONALISTIC CONSCIOUSNESS

Ethno-nationalistic consciousness was developed in the then N C Hills district with the
emergence of insurgency since 1980s. The erstwhile Naga Hills District of Assam,
presently Nagaland was the epicenter of insurgency in the Northeast, as
‘National Socialist Council of Nagaland’ (NSCN), which originated in it inspires
to the increasing growth of insurgency based on ethnic group in the northeast
region.
such as United Liberation Front of Assam, Bodo Liberation Tiger, National Liberation Front of
Bodoland and others in Assam, KLA, M C, Prepark and others in Manipur, Mizo National Front,
Hmar People Conference and others in Mizoram, and so on.
The domain of insurgency prevails in connivance to the failure of government
granting to a separate statehood as aspired by ASDC and thus the intolerant
youths of Dimasa tribe have organized an insurgent group namely, D imas a
N ati onal Security Fo rce (N SC) which did no t las t lo ng . Later o n
D i m a Halam Dao g ah (D HD ) was fo rmed in 1995. The emergence of
dimasa community in the form of insurgent group (DHD), demanding a separate
state reflects the exposure of ethno-nationalistic consciousness.
Nevertheless, lacking fizzle, the NSC members surrendered en masse to the
government. Subsequently, the Dima Halam Daogah (DHD) was formed in
1995, the problems of whom are yet to be achieved till today. The DHD is
promised on the ideology of carving out a separate ‘Dimasa homeland’ or
"dimaraji kingdom" comprising the Dimasa inhabited areas of North
Cachar Hills, Karbi-Anglong, parts of Nowgaon district, and parts of
Dimapur district of Nagaland.

In the event of any misunderstanding, the insurgent group fosters the issue on
communal line and extends support to the cause of the community to which they
belong so that communal clash takes place to draw the attention of the
government, on the one hand and getting supports from their fellow community,
on the other. It compels the opponent community to inviting any insurgent
group of their fellow to protect them that leads to ethnic clashes.

INSURGENCY & ETHNIC CLASH OVER NOMENCLATURE ISSUE

The ethnic crisis, in it beginning appears to be communal incompatibility

between the ‘Dimasas’ and the ‘Non-Dimasas’ that rooted back to 1980, when
the Dimasa voiced their slogan for “90% reservation; Cachar for Kacahri; N C
Hills for Dimasa”. As a result, misunderstanding gradually began to develop
between the dimasa and the co-dwellers in the district. (“Draft Document” By H
Keivom, President, HPU, 2006 p-2). The mutual distrust further developed when the DHD,
which belong to Dimasa tribe, had demanded for renaming the existing nomenclature of
the council.

When the long standing aspiration of the DHD, for renaming the nomenclature of
‘NC Hills Autonomous Council’ into ‘Dima Halili’ meaning ‘Council or
Homeland of Dimasa’ was passed by Executive Committee of the Council in 2003, the
eminent leaders of the non-dimasa like Lt. D Thuoma Hmar, I Jeme, V Changsan and
others submitted a memorandum of grievances to the Governor of Assam that stirred up
the sentiment of the DHD to take action against the Non-dimasas. The Hmars, by
virtue of being economically a little better advanced than others might have
attracted the eyes of dimasas was believed to be the reason for its first attempt to
ethnic cleansing campaign against them leading to the out break of ethnic clash
between Dimasa-Hmar, 2003. Subsequently, fresh ethnic clashes have taken place
between Dimasa-Karbi, 2005 and Dimasa-Zeme Naga, 2009. Many lives and
properties had been lost and displaced many people from both sides. For
instant, “during the Dimasa-Hmar clash, the extremists from each community
such as DHD and HPC (D) respectively took advantage of attacking each
community’s enemies”. “Documentary Record 2007”, by H Keivom, P-3.

H o wev er, after the ceas e fire ag reem ent was s ig ned with th e
g ov ernment in 2003 , internal dis s ens io ns hav e led to the s plit of
D H D into two outfit g ro ups , o ne led by s elf s ty le co mmander,
D i l i p N unis a, kno wn as DHD -N and the o ther headed by th e
fo rm er s elf s ty le co mmander, Jewel Go rlos a, kno wn as DHD -J is
al s o co mmonly k no wn fo r 'Black Wido w' . Because of incompatible
between the two, the long standing demand turns into different form as the
DHD-J, soon after came forward for renaming the nomenclature of the district
into Dima Hasao whereas the DHD-N continued to stick on for separate
statehood till date.
On assuming the council power by the ASDC party in the last part of 2007, the
Executive Committee of the council again passed the proposal for the second time
which was already passed in 2003, notwithstanding to the interests of the co-
dweller tribes who constitute 57% of the total tribal population that becomes
more sentimental upon the oppressed class. Nevertheless the foul play does not
lie with the dimasas but with the system of arrangement designed by the
government. For e.g. since the Dimasas majority member-in-council, the voice of
the non-dimasas is not taken into account whereas dimasas tribe constitutes only
43% of the total tribe. Thus disproportionate distribution of seats in the council in
every stage of its reorganization becomes the fountain of conflict based on ethnic
consciousness.

In the 10th council election 2007, the BJP-ASDC alliance against the Congress was
backed by the DHD-J. Karbi Student Association remarks that “The condition in
NC Hills was still very much disconcerting with the ASDC-BJP alliance nexus
with DHD-J and the NSCN on the one side and the congress and DHD-N nexus
on the other side. The district witnesses nexus of political parties and terrorist
groups which is creating fear in the mind of the people”. (“Assam Tribune”, vol. 69

dt.16/11/2007, p-1st). Henceforth, the influence of insurgency in the political and

administrative affairs has been ever more increased. Consequently, fear
psychosis developed in the minds of the people which made them alienated from
developmental activities of the district.
IMPACT OF DISPROPORTIONATE DISTRIBUTIONS

Besides the disproportionate distribution of council’s seats in every reorganization,

dimasas demand for 90% job reservation and change of council nomenclature, ethnic
cleansing campaign; misappropriation of 80% of grand-in-aids and amount of contract
works allocation as well as disbursement of bills endangered the future existence of non-
dimasas such as Biates, Hmars, Hrangkhols, J. Khasis, Kukis, Naga, Vaiphei and others
and thereby organized a common platform under the umbrella of Indigenous People
Forum (IPF), founded in 15 May 2008, headed by Mr. A Lianthang and Mr. Ngaidam
Puruolte as the President and General Secretary respectively, with its prior objective was
to scrap the proposal for change of council/district nomenclature. Under the aegis of this,
other organizations are also formed such as Indigenous Student Forum (ISF), Indigenous
Women Forum (IWF) and so on to strengthen the unit among them.

However, ignoring the appeal made by the tribes other than the dimasas to the
central and state governments, the Government of Assam has passed in favor of
the proposal and declared on 1st April, 2010 that N C Hills District came to be
called ‘Dima Hasao district’ which later resulted into the new trend of political
demand for ‘bifurcation’ of the district into two by the non-dimasa residents. As
a result, agitations have been incessantly launched in the form of protest rally in
the capitals of national and state and in the form of procession, bandh and strike
in the entire local district.
It becomes not only a political issue but a deviation from the ‘traditional rights
of co-ownership’ of the district on the part of the non-dimasa since the district is
renamed in the name of a particular community who even have not constituted
50 percent of the total number of tribals living there. In fact, when a common
property is given away to a particular community by the government(s) without
the consent of the co-proprietor/co-dwellers would naturally aggravate the
situation.

The fourteen years of dimasa insurgents, Dima Halam Dogah (DHD)

intensification to create a Dimasa homeland for Dimasas supremacy had
disturbed a normal life of the then N C Hills district with ethnic clashes of
Dimasa-Hmar (2003), Dimasa-Karbi (2005) and Dimasa-Zeme Naga (2009),
resulted to the loss of many innocent lives, arson in many villages and
displacement of hundreds families from both sides. Apart from this, the social
problems have been compounded by kidnapping and killings, extortions and
disturbance of ongoing constructions of national highway and broad gauge.

The MoU that signed between the government and DHD factions though affects
the fate of non-dimasa communities (i.e. the change of district nomenclature) but
they were not brought to be part of that agreement which has further escalated
another issue, beginning a new chapter of agitations form the non-dimasa for the
bifurcation of the district into two, one for Dimasa and the other for non-dimasa
on the one hand and on the other, the agreements signed in the form of MoU had
not been implemented to the level of satisfaction which consequently appears the
ever-growing call for bandh in the district of and on.

It’s really controversial to the people, whether the change of district’s

nomenclature lies with justification? Was it really meant for development
purpose or just a means to conceal Rs. 1000 crore scandal or making the hills
people to fight against each other so that no one ultimately developed or making
DHD-N, astray from it demands of statehood at the cost of depriving others ‘the
rights of co-ownership’ of the district or is it because of lack of government
farsightedness or Is it the government justifies in what Mao Tsetung has said that
power lies with the barrel of the gun or Is it the government waiting for other
communities coming out with guns to have a ministerial level talk?

It reflected the ethnic identity assertion in the political and administrative system
of the Autonomous Council in the district. The defeat or victory of the party in
the council election lies with the support from the extremist groups that can be
view from the council’s last election.

CONCLUSION: The sense of ethno-nationalism encourages to the emergence of

insurgency in the society that sensitizes ethnic distinction ever more. The
insurgent group which was organized out of a particular ethnic group extends
support to the cause of their community and following the failure to achieve
demands they pour out their grievances upon the weaker section of society with
a motive to draw the governments’ attention. It compels the weaker sections of
the society to invite extremists for defensive measure that led to the outbreak of
large scale ethnic clashes. Hence, the influence of extremist provokes social
disorder threatening the integrity of the nations as a whole.

Over the issue of Assam Official Language, the States Reorganization Committee
wrote in their report at page 211 section No. 733
“We do not desire to make any recommendation about the details of the policy to
be followed in prescribing the use of the minority language for official purpose.
However, we are inclined to the view that a state should be treated as unilingual
only where one language group constitutes about 70% or more of it entire
population. When there is a substantial minority constituting 30% or so of the
population, the state should be recognized as bilingual for administrative
purposes”. But not to speak of 70% though not more than 45% of total
population spoken, Assam Official Language Bill was passed in the law on the
24th Oct. 1960 declaring Assamese as the sole Official Language of the state. THE
ASSAM OFFICIAL LANGUAGE ACT, 1960
(Published in the Assam Gazette, Extraordinary, dated the 19th December, 1960). It led
to the formation of All Party Hill Leaders’ Conference in July 1960.
Autonomous Movements in Assam
By PS Dutta, Pub. Omsons, New Delhi, edn. 1993, P-422, par-5