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What is This?
The article by Flett and Hewitt (2006) highlights a number of important issues
in the study of perfectionism and rightly urges caution against simplistic con-
ceptualizations. Their view that the term perfectionism should be reserved for
pathological forms of behavior is questionable, though understandable given
the perspective from which they view it. But whatever the terminology used,
the underlying processes remain unaffected. Relevance of the data they cite in
support of an alleged maladaptive side to positive perfectionism, however,
rests on the assumption of close parallels between self-oriented perfectionism
and positive perfectionism, an assumption that may not be justified. It is
important to draw attention not only to differences between the theoretical
underpinnings of their and the authors perspectives but also to points of agree-
ment that the authors may previously have failed to make clear. The authors
concur entirely with their view that clear avenues of potential research are now
apparent that should serve to clarify the issues.
F lett and Hewitt’s (2006) article is generous in its praise for our attempts to
clarify the processes underlying perfectionistic behavior, and their com-
ment that it “is an important contribution to this field” is gratifying. In dis-
cussing the model we have proposed, however, they raise a number of valuable
and important concerns. These may be briefly summarized as follows:
928
As Flett and Hewitt point out, they approach the issue of perfectionism
mainly from the viewpoint of having been concerned with its clinical mani-
festations. In this respect, it is unsurprising that they are reluctant to concede
the possibility of a positive aspect, having seen at first hand (as we have too)
the suffering that may be associated with severely destructive negative forms
of perfectionism. Correspondingly, it is perhaps similarly unsurprising that
our own work, spanning both clinical cases and groups such as sportspeople,
should have exposed us to both positive and negative forms and permitted us
to consider both possibilities. In this sense, it is understandable that they feel
uncomfortable with the use of a term like “perfectionism” to describe some-
thing that is largely positive. But like Shakespeare’s Juliet, we may ask
“What’s in a name?” If we by edict declare that what we call “positive per-
fectionism” should henceforth be known as “positive striving” or whatever,
this will affect not one bit the relevant psychological processes that have
been going on long before we decided to give them names. Given, however,
that the notion of positive perfectionism is (as Flett & Hewitt, 2006, point
out) already in common usage, and that many of the accepted measures of
course, considerably lower than these, and no information is given about the
correlation between positive perfectionism and the measure they use.
One approach to resolving this issue would be if Flett and Hewitt were to
carry out further analyses (reanalyses) of their MPS data sets, with their
“Self-Oriented” Scale subdivided into separate “positive” and “negative”
subscales. We believe that this would take us someway toward understanding
the differences between their data and our own. An alternative would be the
simple step of using the PANPS (Terry-Short et al., 1995) to measure posi-
tive perfectionism directly rather than measures that are only assumed to have
some unquantified relationship. Certainly, it is clear that researchers who
have used specific measures of positive perfectionism have obtained results
that do not reflect at all the concerns raised by Flett and Hewitt (2006). Thus,
Mitchelson and Burns (1998) showed positive perfectionism to correlate with
life satisfaction and positive self-assessment, and Bergman, Nyland, and
Burns (2007), also using the scale we developed, have found no correlation
between positive perfectionism and a range of negative measures, including
regret, dysfunctional attitudes, and depression, all of which correlated signif-
icantly with negative perfectionism. Results such as these suggest the need
for careful matching of measures to hypotheses if appropriate conclusions are
to be drawn.
As mentioned earlier, there are also conceptual reasons to question Flett
and Hewitt’s (2006) conclusions. There seems, of course, no obvious reason
to assume that perfectionism directed toward oneself need necessarily be
associated with positive, rather than negative reinforcers, any more than
there is to assume that socially prescribed perfectionism will not be associ-
ated at times with positive reinforcement from others. For many individuals,
there may be a strong need to act in a self-oriented perfectionistic manner to
avoid some feared consequence. Such individuals would show considerable
self-oriented perfectionism, but this would fit within our concept of nega-
tive, not positive, perfectionism. Thus, although Flett and Hewitt cite a large
number of studies to indicate possible problems associated with self-oriented
perfectionism, there is as yet no obvious reason to conclude that these same
problems will necessarily be associated with positive perfectionism. Indeed,
Flett and Hewitt point out themselves that what they term “self-oriented
perfectionism” is not the same as positive perfectionism when they remark
“self-oriented perfectionism is associated with fear of failure and an intoler-
ance to failure” (p. 12, lines 18-19)—exactly the kind of characteristics asso-
ciated with negative perfectionism in our model.
It is perhaps important to note here that the issue is complex. Even if it
were the case that self-oriented perfectionism were more commonly subject
Flett and Hewitt (2006), in their article, express concern that the dimen-
sions of positive and negative perfectionism may show some degree of over-
lap. They point out, quite correctly, that it is not unknown for scores on the
two dimensions to show some degree of correlation. Although this is not in
dispute, it is important here to distinguish the notions of scientific and statis-
tical independence. It will be remembered that the model here presented is
one of perfectionistic behavior maintained either by positive reinforcers, neg-
ative reinforcers, or both. Clearly, there is no problem in distinguishing the
processes of positive and negative reinforcement, and such processes are
demonstrated daily in operant laboratories around the world. In this sense, the
two concepts of positive and negative perfectionism show a straightforward
and easily understandable independence. Statistically, however, it would be
surprising if such independence were apparent when behavior such as per-
fectionistic behavior is evaluated in society at large. The world in which we
live provides a host of sources of reinforcement for perfectionistic behavior,
and it would be odd if individuals who exhibited such behavior only ever
received one or other form of reinforcement. Rather, we should expect that
when the behavior occurs it will not infrequently be associated with both pos-
itive and negative reinforcement. One implication of this would be that while
particular individuals might receive predominantly negative or positive rein-
forcers, there would be no obvious reason to assume that many would receive
only one type, although the underlying processes are distinct, statistically the
two would be correlated in society at large. This does not seem to us to be in
any sense a problem, and indeed it is notable that the correlations to which
Flett and Hewitt (2006) refer suggest that at best (as in the Lynd-Stevenson
& Hearne, 1999, study) less than half the variance is common between the
measures used, and when specific rather than proxy measures of positive and
perfectionism are used (as in the Mitchelson & Burns, 1998, study), only a
little more than 12% of the variance is common to the two. Such overlap does
not appear to be a basis for major concern.
Flett and Hewitt (2006) also refer to the possible problem of individuals
high in both positive and negative perfectionism experiencing consequent
approach-avoidance conflicts. At a simple level, of course, no conflict need
be apparent; conventionally, the term approach-avoidance conflict is used
when a particular course of action leads to both positive and negative
consequences—as with the rat in the box whose lever pressing produces
both food and shock. In the present instance, the parallel fails because the
Conclusion
The article by Flett and Hewitt (2006) raises many relevant issues with
respect to our conceptualization of perfectionism and highlights the fact
that even with the most positive of characteristics it may still be valuable to
strike a cautionary note. Given, however, that much of their argument rests
on the assumption that self-oriented perfectionism (and some other dimen-
sions) are synonymous with positive perfectionism, we are not yet swayed
by the force of the arguments presented. Indeed, we suspect that much of
the apparent disagreement masks considerable commonality, and that in
some respects, the dispute may be no more than terminological. On one
aspect, beyond all else, we can certainly agree; forthcoming research in the
area promises to be exciting and valuable, and must be allowed to deter-
mine the eventual outcome of this debate.
References
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Celebi, E., Elal, G., & Slade, P. (1999). Perfectionism: healthy and pathological correlates.
Unpublished master’s thesis, Bogazici University, Istanbul, Turkey.
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Flett, G. L., & Hewitt, P. L. (2006). Positive versus negative perfectionism in psychopathology:
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Conceptualization, assessment and association with psychopathology. Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, 60, 456-470.
Lynd-Stevenson, R. M., & Hearne, C. (1999) Perfectionism and depressive affect: The pros
and cons of being a perfectionist. Personality and Individual Differences, 26, 549-562.
Mitchelson, J. K., & Burns, L. R. (1998). Career mothers and perfectionism: Stress at work
and stress at home. Personality and Individual Differences, 25, 477-485.
Skinner, B. F. (1968). Contingencies of reinforcement: A theoretical analysis. Norwalk, CT:
Appleton-Century-Crofts.
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R. Glynn Owens received a BTech (Hons) in psychology from Brunel University, England, in
1974, a DPhil from the University of Oxford in 1977, and the diploma in clinical psychology
from the British Psychological Society in 1979. He was a lecturer and senior lecturer at the
University of Liverpool where he was director of the clinical psychology training program
before being appointed as the first professor of health studies at the University of Wales in 1992,
professor of psychology at the University of Auckland, New Zealand, in 1995, and professor of
forensic clinical psychology at the University of Wales in 2003. He returned to his post at the
University of Auckland in 2005. He is the author of more than 100 psychological publications
on topics including health psychology, clinical psychology, and forensic psychology. He is the
current president of New Zealand’s Independent Forensic Practitioners Institute.
Peter D. Slade received a BA (Hons) in psychology from the University of Sheffield in 1965,
MPhil in clinical psychology from the University of London Institute of Psychiatry in 1969,
and a PhD from the University of London in 1975. In 1990, he was appointed as a personal
chair in clinical psychology at the University of Liverpool, a position from which he retired in
1996. He is the author of more than 140 psychological publications on topics including eating
disorders, health psychology, and the psychology of psychotic behavior.