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    JWT Current Affairs Oct 2021

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    Syed Hassan Khalid

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    Te ray eos) ee Dl Ped Ce] aad Ty Ce Pa asta] ar rr Ciaran} Co tug | Se ud Dow WORLD TIMES INSTITUTE www.devisingexams.co CURRENT AFFAIRS cL Sino-US Rivalry and Pakistan's Predicament = Evaleating the Lersonn ofthe Alghan War 2 Greener EPEC > Reviving the Economy = The Crisivo! Quality in Education = The Creeityo! Americas Imperiatiom = Earnpe and the South China Sen 5 Russia's interest inthe Mew Gabel Onder 2 Basiee of ieternanonal Law > Judicial System of Pakistan 2 Emruring Water Avadtability Quad and AUKUS Alliances and many more ed fromwww.devisingexams.co Contents Afghanistan ‘© Bvaluating the Lessons of the Afghan Wat so... eon © China and the US. Exit from Afghanistan... as ‘+ Is Afghanistan A Playground for New Proxy Wa cove lO Book Reviews "Has Asia Lost 1? Dynamic Past, Turbulen i SSF ‘+ The Myth of the Nuclear Revolution uM JICaleg ‘Pakistan: The Economy of an Elitist St area. the Books A ‘+ How To Avoid A Climate Disaster: Solut ‘And The Breakthroughs We Need v Climate Change ‘+ We Must Urgently Prioritise Ad; seon2l Climate of Change ee Climate Change Risk Asse : oer What's The Least Bad W: Covid-19 Covid-19 and Hum; lom, Plan to Build Bac} L Tow Countris ani Building a Fter The Pandemic... ss \d Rebound From an Epidemic Like Covid-19, CPEC and OBO] CPEC ar Go Hand in Hand sc. sos ol Gre fon . nn 39 How Hers for Afghanistan... e seems eal CPPC-Pxtension and De-Dollarization Could Help Afghanistan... ein Economy Has World Economy Walked Out of Darkest Moment? ..cccconnn nS Education Energy Crisis, Reviving the Feonomy ...... 7 i aoe Green Finance. ” 7 ee ‘The Impact of Covid-19 on Pakistani and Indian Economies... Deconstructing the GSP-Plus Status. . ps ‘The Neglected Sources of China's Economic Resilience eon 60 How Pakistan's Young Fconomy can Harness the Power 9 on 63 University Rankings... 65 An Unfullilled Promise... eon 66 ‘The Crisis of Quality in Education. ic Pakistan's Educational Policy Flawed Planning Lessons for the Energy Transition fron + What a Modern Energy Crisis Looks Li 5 + torn nny aa von Foreign Policy and Relations ‘+ _Jinnah’s Vision of Pakistan’s Fe f 7 one 80 + Image Building. 7 == ee 82 Economic Diplomacy : ‘The Tortured Pakistani- Blaming Pakistan is No Sokutior A Bizarre Foreign P, 2 Science Diplo J . cain ae Sino-US Rive ’$ Predicament ..... cent ersscenentetrtan Terms of En a oon 96 Joe Biden of America’s Foreign Policy ati a) What Wi Afghanistan and Pakistan’s Uneasy Border?, 100 Can the “ont ract Survive? . 04 ‘The Dilemma of Police Reforms. 7 stein 106 Inclusivity and Sustainability Health Sector ‘Integrating the Telehealth Paradigm into Current Healthcare System. * Foundation of Healthcare..... History © Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, - col © Native Americans. : " seal International Issues © The Cruelty of American Imperialism. . nel 24 ‘+ Why Technology Shapes European Power... a1 ‘* A Symbol of the US' Decline as a World Power, eel 34 ‘+ Furope and the South China Sea. +The China Sleepwalking Syndrome. ‘+ AUKUS and the CPTFP..... ‘* Assessing The EU's New Indo-P: : ell © USAdIran, . ‘ a3 ‘© Russia’s Interests in the New Global : a 1S International Law ‘© Dispute Settlement Mechanism, YOLOS 1982 eer 147 # A Guide to the Basies of Int sass 150 * The Taliban and Recogniti a on 152 International Relations «Explaining 21st-Century Capital... = © The United Nations rmination, State Failure and Secession Interviews * = Makhdooms Qureshi Imran Khan; 6th Session of UNGA... 76 Kashmir * The sshmir will Guarantee Peace in South Asia... + Tall ashmiris, Law # Judicial System of Pakistan con onn . ‘= Criminal Law after the 18th Constitutional Amendment. * ‘The Dream of Parliamentary Sovereignty’... i 192 Middle East ‘+ How Regional Realignments Are Helping Depressurize the Middle East 195 ‘© How the West Co-Opts the Human Rights Industry 196 © China's Increasing Influence in the Middle Fast. a 198 Organizations * ‘The Shanghai Cooperation Organization Will Not Fill ghanistan ...203, ‘+ Why the Quad Summit Was a Strategic Success.. © Quad Leaders’ Summit. “ + Is the AUKUS Alliance a Sign of a US Pivot A * Will Quad and AUKUS Alliances Drive Euroy + Reforming UN Should Be the First Step for Population ‘+The New Population Bomb. : nc Reports © OurCommon Agenda... The Missing Third. # Strengthening Governance in P + Groundswell sDGs f + PMKhan Must Do Fis se + Pakistan Ranks 149/188.0n SDG Index... Water / 2 Water Str088 onc J 248 EVALUATING THE LESSONS OF THE AFGHAN WAR lira Sehgal (defencd and security analyst) Although the Taliban hac! no hand in the barbarous 9/1 1 attacks (15.ou¥ ELYaHackers were Sauls), the presence of Osama bin Laden on Afghan soil became their eprsigetion While all the hijackers were allliated to Al Qaida, the Taliban neither had any knovledgéaboubthe plan sor were they involved init However, there remains no doubt that he was the perpetrator ofthis trocify and that they should have handed him over. Their miscalculation caused the citizens Of Afghanistan fo take the brunt of the US vengeance (its violence, murder and mayhem spilling ovéflinto Pakistan). The 9/11 Commission established in November 2002 issued their final reportion July’ 22, 2008Multiple criticisms were heard that many documents remained undisclosed. The one éloeumertifecenily released by US President Biden doesn't add to anything that we already know 9/11's condemnable act of savagery was totilly Grecia against non-combatants. This pure unadulterated terrorist act cannot be condonediby afWistreteh of the imagination. My son almost became its victim as he was working in a law firm inf@has? Manhattan Plaza across the road. Having heard the first explosion, he walked around fo the Conference Room facing, the World Trade Center (WTC) and actually saw the second aircraft plodgh into the tower. Hunkering down for a couple of hhours because of the falling debris, smoke and rulbble, he then made his way through the unfolding, chaos to find my daughter several blocks aweayllIndeed, it was a miracle that they found each other. With sore feet (their shoes ton by walking onlthe rubble), both walked for nearly 90 blocks home. Many NY residents offered water, foodland even temporary shelter on the way. That this horrible act did not affect me personally is God's willlbut should I not condemn it and grieve for all those thousands of innocents who died withOut, knowing why? Certainly, I will unequivocally condemn those who perpetrated this atrocity! The US was 100 per cent right in seeking revenge but it was 100 per cent wrong in not targeting Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaida specifically; putting all their effort in taking them out. The Commission estafiished s@lere intelligence faihures by the FBI and CIA. The report has been accused of not giving thelwholestdFy about the warnings the US had received before the attacks, The Commission opined tha military means aside, public diplomacy should be used to bring Afghans around: envisioningean eventual government being able to build a national army, coordinate infrastructure and (Publiiservices in major provinces throughout the country, The Doha talks and ‘Accord thereof, iitiallwithOut participation by the Ashraf Ghani regime, recognised this home truth The largesfitribalipopUlation in the world have their lifestyle and set of values. Afghans cannot be made to give it Gpand adopt the western one. They will stand up against anybody who tries to pressurise or coléiniseithem, be it the British in 1842, the Soviets in the 1980s or the combined power of the US and NATO during the last 20 years in the 2st century. These latest fruitless efforts of the “most civilised” nations, against a supposedly uncivilise! population, has destroyed generations of young Afghans. Born into turmoil, they have starved, missed health care and malnourishment, been maimed and/or have died from bullets and drone attacks. Having never seen peace during, their lifetime, it will tke decades to overcome the trauma of 20 years of war. The 9/11 Commission report was criticised heavily soon after its release. In a 2004 article, tiled, “Whitewash as Public Service: How the 9/11 Commission Report defrauds the nation.” Harper's Magazine writer Benjamin DeMott stated “The plain sad reality ~ I report this following four full days studying the work ~ is that the 9/11 Commission Report, despite the vast quantity of labour behind itis a cheat anda fraud. It stands as a series of evasive manoeuvres that infantlize the audience, transform candour into iniquity, and conceal realities that clemand immediate inspection and confrontation,S Another story conveniently forgotten is US oil company UN pipeline deal with the fundamentalist Taliban regime and forge part them. This is despite the regime not being recognised by the intemational cada than members sith densi ateccmamaiyttinas glk. “iy” _durtirained for meeting the Taliban leaders in Houston was Zalmay Khalilzad, t Constitant for UNOCAL. Having served asa State Department official when Ronald Reagan was Preaien, ha publicly voiced support forthe radial Islamists, Negotiations over the pipeline cola ’ALQueda bombed two US embassies in Africa. However, in 1998, TAP! became he cig ap to get access to Central Asian oil and gas. The contract for TAP (without India - ae -soon after the US had. installed a client government in Kabul This should be a moment of reflection for us yf ‘GenePabwitshorta’s spur-f-the-moment decision to join the US in the Afghan war had severe sonséqueites for Pakistan. One must not blame Musharraf only. Whatever criticism one may leydiifhagushar tigifore taking any mojor decision, he would consult those generals who were his closest aides, When he went wrong, it was invariably because of bad or motivated advice-or worse, usually being told by some of his slavish aides sucking up to him for their perks and promotions what” yanted tear (Anything new or strange here?) id any one of them remonstrate and adgise againstit? This requires courage of conviction! Some of these outright hypocrites now come on ime TV and shamelessly (blandly) pontificate about Afghanistan. Their present status of wealllwas bBaBht by the blood of our Shaheed, both military and civilian, Ne President Tromp alleged in 2018 RatEPaRg In had not done a damned thing” forthe US. PM Imran Khan summarised Pakistan utiois for him and the world, Pakistan had suffered over 100000 casualties in this war whilé ever $150)hn yas lost to the economy. US “aid” was a minuscule $20 bn, “most of it being “Coalition Support” funds for which every penny spent was accounted for. With Pakistan’s tribal areas along the border with Afghanistan devastated, Imran Khan added that nillions of people had been iproote from thei homes. “Pakistan continues to provide ffée lines of ground and air communications (GLOCs/ ALOCS), can Mr Trump name anothépally that gave such sacrifices?” This is only the tiplfithe e@berg, Hosting millions of Afghan refugees over decades, the spll- over of violence of a Kalashnily and drug culture permeated into Pakistan society. Talibanization has resulted in a st Of a strict, close to the Wahabi form of Islamic practice that has been sadicalised today a”. connections to tertorisen. Coping with the residual legacy of the Afghan war willlake d@eades and demand considerable economic and intellectual effort. It also requires our oe to wake up to ground realities - photo-ops and a 9-to-5 syndrome will not do. Will require political will (Source: Daily Times) CHINA AND THE U.S. EXIT FROM AFGHANISTAN Not a Zero-Sum Outcom: Andrew Scobell, Ph.D, (distinguished fellow withthe China program at the USIP) It has become fashionable to characterize recent events in Afghanistan as a loss for the United States and a win for China, This zero-sum interpretation framed in theimaitow context of US-China relations is too simplistic and off the mark. The reality i far more complex andinuanced, The end of the US. military presence in Afghanistan and the collapse ofthat county's pro-Western yovernment do not automaticaly translate into significant Chinese gains, nor do they, trigger agwift Beijing swoop to fill the vacuum in Kabul left by Washington Not a Two-Player Game Tor the new Taliban government in Afghanistan, China i not the s0I@/9F even most obvious alternative to the United States. Other countries, notably Pakistan angan, are major players. Each of these countries has considerable influence in Afghanistan, While Bejing enjoys positive and enduring ties with Islamabad and Tehran, this does not mean Chittg’s pHiofities and policies vis-a-vis Afghanistan line up perfectly with either one of these slaen Furthermore, the United States has not completly vanishedtum the scene, Despite suffering significant setback with the rapid collapse of the KLScbaCked ational government and a hasty and jgnominious airlift from Kabul, the United States#emains enméshéd in Afghanistan ina range of ways and it has publicly committed to continuing to offer Rtmaritafian assistance to the Afghan people. Indeed, the Taliban seems to desire “a good ang. diplomatic relationship” with the United States, Hence, where Afghanistan is concerned, the Usted States ay be down but is far from out. Moreover, Beijing-Taliban ties are complicated. Consequently, China is neither the bigf“witeflln the Afghan debacle nor perfectly poised to become the dominant player in Afghanistan. Conta to conventional wisdom, the outcome is not a clear victory for Bejing, China isnot “ready to¥tep into the void” and Beijing is not destined to be the ‘Taliban’ "main partner.” China Is Not the Big Winner The US. exit from Afghanistafldoes MBkconstitute a clear win for China, Although Beijing has always been uneasy about a U-S-snliaay footprint on its western flank, Chinese leaders privately hhoped that Washington's efforts would baling lasting stability to Afghanistan, ‘Today, Beijing views the US. exit from Aighanistag(with considerable ambivalence. While relieved to see U.S. forces gone from Central Asia, Chinese leaders ag@ fearful of what comes next In the immediate aftofitath of He Taliban takeover, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yisaidl China desires a “soft landing’sfor Mghaitistan. Wang’s words underscore China's paramount priority for Aighanistar: stability dbuv@alhels. What Beijing fears most isa period of uncertainty during which Afghanistan devol\es,intooprotracted chaos marked by widespread violence, a humanitarian catastrophe on epié seal@and the country emerges once again as an epicenter and prolferator of transnational tergrismiand extremism. What Would it Afghanistan Look Like for China? China's bar foPSued¥5s in Afghanistan is quite low. Ifthe new Taliban regime can maintain basic order inside the@ountyy and prevent the export of instability beyond its borders, then Beijing will be wll atisied. Yet Mifeapfatan could once spain become a hey rode for traronational terrorism and nurcotrafficking either in spite of or because of the new government in Kabul. The Taliban, for example, could prove unable to exert effective control over the entire country of, alternatively, intentionally focus on exporting its brand of Islamic fundamentalism through arming. and training fighters to infiltrate other countries, including China ‘Ata minimum, China seeks stability on its westernmost frontier. While China shares a 57-mile border with Afghanistan, the frontier area abuts a remote, rugged and high-altitude locale known as the Wakhan Corridor. Hence, Beijing is less fearful of instability spilling over into China directly from, Afghanistan than it is of this occusring indirectly via third countries. Destabilizing, Pakistan or Tajikistan would be worrisome in and of itself, but the turmoil could then also spill over into western China, Yet, Beijing's worst nightmare is that worsening turmoil on the fault line between South and Central Asia could lead to heightened volatility in these neighboring rigions and foment greater instability in Xinjiang. . China Is Not Ready to Step into the Void . Beijing's foremost priority for the near term — certainly iMt 2022 AS bility and calm domestically and around China's periphery. Chinese President Xi finpin y dtu, hig colleagues want to successfully host the Beijing Winter Olympics next Februazy and presid@eyer apperfectly orchestrated 20th Communist Party Congress next fall. ~~ Se While China's mindset is extremely defensive and /risk-averStp Beijing is certainly open to expanding its influence and activities in Afghanistan, Chinia has aMibitions regarding Afghanistan, but this does not mean these designs are precisely mappedout or fyolve Plans for imminent action. China's outward confidence and seemingly purposefilpronobiigements in the aftermath of the Taliban takeover and US. exit mask a multitude of inner deiubts artthdeeper disquiet, China's cautious: actions belie the veneer of constant self-assurance ne periodic bravado. China has essentially adopted a wait-and-see approach, Xiland his fellow Chinese Communist Party Politburo members are intimately familiar with tHechallenges of governing a sprawling and populous country. They are also well-aware ofthe ffatught process of transforming an insurgent movement into an administrative apparatus éapabiejof maintaining order and advancing national economic prosperity. : China Ts Not the Taliban’s “Main Partner™ yi Peijing and the Taliban both have gOUhcasQH to Cooperate, but their partnership will be an uneasy one. Contrary to some predictions, yet to extend diplomatic recognition to the ‘Taliban government. Beijing views Aighanistanas a minefield and isnot completely comfortable with its new rulers, Although China haa détaciesilong history of talking to the Taliban and retained its embassy in Kabul as the United States andmany other countries pulled out their diplomats and shuttered theie missions, Beijing i carelishabout blundering into a chaotic and volatile situation and will almost certainly proceed with caution when it comes to striking deals with Afghanistan's new rulers While much has been mad@lof China hosting a high-level Taliban delegation in July, this event highlights Beijing's abidiigeprogmptism and China's ongoing efforts to hedge its bets where Afghanistan is concernedirathetahin signaling 2 burgewning alliance. In retrospect, the diplomatic initiative looks to be aétute realpolitik, having positioned Beijing to look positively inclined and open todoing hoist eee Yet, China hag) mdWed slowly and warily. Although Chinese officials and authorized commentators hie stigjested that Beijing is ready to step in with substantial aid and economic investment for{Nighanistan, no major agreements have been announced, let alone any supplies dalivered orga MM ald signed. China has promised a modest commnitinent of some $30 million, but this just a drép inthe bucket. Reports switl that Beijing is in the process of negotiating a deal to occupy the former US. ait base at Bagram, but so far this is just a rumor. China is likely to continue its slow pace as it probes the intentions, priorities and disposition of the Taliban government. Moreover, forthe foreseeable future, Beijing is likely to judge the new regime by what it doesn’t do rather than what it does. Will the Taliban leave China's foreign trade and 10 investment interests alone? Will the Taliban refrain from publicly criticizing Beijing's draconian policies in Xinjiang and demur from providing material support to dissident Uyghur groups? Will the Taliban avoid involvement in narco-trafficking? China is Not Destined to Become the Taliban's Partner (China is not the big winner of America’s Afghan debacle. Beijing is not poised to swiftly supplant Washington as the primary patron of Afghanistan's government. Chinese leaders are not destined to become the Taliban's main external partner. In the near term, Beijiny’s primary focus vis-a-vis Afghanistanfis welativelppmodest: to ensure stably on its westernmost Bonde, remain engaged in ict stu ts latonship with the new government in Kabul. To be sure, its entirely possible that Cliina may eventually increase its presence and/or raise its profile in Afghanistan economically diplematitallyand even militarily. But Beijing will almost certainly proceed with extreme caution: China's politcal and military leaders are familiar with the tortured history of successive great powers in Afghanistan and well-aware that the United States is merely the most recent wounded interloper. (Sources USIP) Is AFGHANISTAN A PLAYGROUND. FOR" NEW PROXY WARS? Irfari Raja (Academic, analyst and activist based in the UK) Those pleased with the U.S. withdrawal ‘seeing they Taliban as new rulers of Kabul are experiencing sweet deceit, America and its allies are_notegoing anywhere: in fact, they are repositioning themselves for yet another round of “and wars Ina recently published article entitled “Wy abandon the people of Afghanistan ~ for their sakes and ours,” Tony Blair has thoroughly discussed Western strategies inthe context of Afghanistan. es nt rock sence for any ordndieendesiand exe wit Br thinks and what the West is going to do in the months tac ‘America and Chira have bead in AMM soe for along tne. Every leading American think-tank, newspaper, TV channcl, aio tition and university journal has weighed in on a single theme: The Containment of China this ivanguably not because China is a giant trade competitor but because its a challenger to Amerieanlhegem6ny. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRIV'is facing a new competitor as America and its Western alles have announce a grand ifastructure plan Perhaps Rush Doshi’s reaihook The long geme: China's grand strategy to displace America Onde expan te igang tarantino Shifting games Throughout the Misidletiast, America shifting and reshuffling its military bases to leverage against Iran while unusuallibayy Arnerican deployments in the South China Sea to contain China are carly signs of the beginning of new wargame. Soon after t@xetitiol the Taliban to Kabul, both China and Russia vowed to work closely with the Taliban, manly foprevent security risks sping over from Afghanistan and most notably to back an “inclusivegpolitical stricture in Kabul cut off from terrorist groups.” (China and Rugsialghare the same challenge: the infiltration of terrorist groups from Afghanistan Last week, Russian President Vladimir Putin cautioned against the spillover of radical groups from Afghanistan while the Chinese are worried abot the Wakhan Corridor, narrow and remote strip of ‘Afghan high Land in the mountains becoming,a conduit for Uyghur militancy in Xinjiang.” un ‘The adjacent Mustagh Range in the region links Afghanistan and Tajikistan, another hot spot that could explode at any moment, During a recent SCO Summit in Dushanbe on Afghanistan, Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon blamed the Taliban for the escalating tension in Panjshir Province. More worryingly, the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) had shown its willingness to deploy troops along the Tajik-Afghan border considering the changing security situation, whilst Iran has openly expressed itsconcerns over the Taliban's victory in Panjshir and even blamed Pakistan for backing the Taliban in Panjshir. Shiite-Sunni proxy war? “ Given the Iranian backing of several proxies in Syria, Bahrain, Ky and beyond, it seems yet another round of proxy wars between Shiite and Sunni powers ape Afghanistan For many terror experts the biggest challenge sheod is haglifRdChggan tecoring “tiled state” because, a» Noor Hutla Ismail caution, “historyghoweihat fll tates can become fertile grounds for transnational terrorist groups.” Next door, Pakistan is genuinely concerned about the ise oftfehrite-Taliban Pakistan (TTF), a terrorist organization involved ina series of deadly attacks onimosques. Plblic places and army conveys. Once again, the Pakistani Taliban have started attacking MilitaRVsations. A recent suicide attack directed atthe paramilitary Frontier Corps on Quett-Mastng Rea ile thre and injured 15. oth India and Pakistan have deep strategic intefests in Afghanistan. This situation allows many experts to believe that once the US leaves, new prevenay ster he region. Aarti Betiger’ thinks that this time, however, there is the very real potembiaMthat the conict could bear the hallmarks of a proxy war between two of Afghanistan s closest allies both nuclear-armed: India and Pakistan This is happening at atime when the Taliban aifein cHaeggof Kabul. Can the new rulers in Kabul stop the TTP and Daesh? There's a big challeng@iaheadlfor the Taliban in Kabul, who have assured foreign powers that no terrorist organization caulckoperate from their soil For a long time, Pakistan has been a vic iff of crasg-border terrorism mainly because of the Indian backing of erfrist organizations spreading vidlacein resource-rich Baluchistan province The Indian strategy in Afghanistan $6, will India's investment in Afghanistan amount to anything? Tha’s the question everdndian nines ashng, What wil nda dot protects vested interests in Afghanistan? js Though the Taliban has asst an A ‘ofl not alow any radical group to iftcate and crate in neighboring counties, Hhe point whether or not they can overcome Daesh-Khorasan, Province (Daesh-K) or other groups, ea since Daesh-K recently succeeded in launching deadly attacks on Kabul airport. That means that Daesh-K has active “sleeper cells” in Afghanistan and in the neighboring countries. The ingredients for war Ray there in Afghanistan: weapons, money and foot saldiers, Also, where are members the surrendered Afghan army? Have they merged with the Taliban? Have they fled to neighborin; refugees? Or are they hiding, and waiting for another call to join Daesh-K? Or maybe there Wille another terrorist group to take this proxy war into the heart of China and Russia. Inan editorialf Lhe National predicted that “Afghanistan could become (a) battleground for (a) US-lran proxy Wat.” Afghanistan has long, been a. “proxy playground” for international powers. Although alpoteitially peaceful Afghanistan could change the fate ofthe region, in contemporary Limes of config BRU the ong proxy wars between vejonl and international powers wouldn't serveits puttpose for those engaged in achieving their imperial ambitions. Are we going to witness another round of hostible proxy wats? (Source: Daily Sabah) Book Reviews "Has Asia LosT IT? DYNAMIC PAST, TURBULENT FUTURE,” BY VASUKI SHASTRY ard Borsuk (co-author of "Liem Sioe Liong's Salim Group: The Businedspillar of Suharto's Indonesia") In the years before COVID-19 started battering the world, consultanei@ancimultilateral lenders among others published a plethora of upbeat books and reporis.on the'theme of Asia Rising," There ‘was not much writing that countered the tide of strong optimisay about whal}was billed as the “Asian Century." Among the bullish forecasts for emerging Asia wa oné’fom aceOunting firm PwC in 2017 predicting which economies would be the world s biggest in 2050, Chita was given the top spot ~ no surprise there ~ followed by India, the US. and Indonesian In the midst of COVID-19's social anc econontie devastali8itnthis may not be the time to tout Asia's bright Future (except perhaps for tech businesses). Butwhen Asia recovers from the panelemic, ‘we can expect a new round of publications praising the regiomanid its potential or former journalist and public affairs executive Vas STastry, a longtime observer of the region, there isa need to deflate the hype and bubble’ created bjpushat he labels * Asia braggarts and boosters. He plays contrarian ina new book, "Has Asia Lést LDynatie Past, Turbulent Future.” He successfully provides what outspokéh retired Singapore diplomat Bilahari Kausikan calls a "corrective" to facile predictions about a, fising Asian century. The book surveys a raft of social problems and economic and other inequality oF many emerging Asian nations that often are not seen by global executives who jet in and stayéin gleaming five-star hotels. In essence, Shastry is saying that after you read all about Asia's achievements ati, potential, i i time to learn about how the bottom tiers of society have made insufficient gains’ The author has the bona fides for tackling the subject, and the result is worth reading During a career that included s€Ri@ipzoles at the International Monetary Fund and Standard Chartered Bank, Shastry attended plenty of Davos summits and confesses to organizing conferences that promoted the "Asia shining! theme. Buthe now feels he has seen the light, or rather, a collection of dark clouds hanging over Asiagollowing its decades of solid growth, Shastry, who is mof@Woxried about developing rather than developed Asia, says he started drafting his book with aliore posifive thesis, reflecting status quo views. It was not the devastation of COVID-19 that charged hiltinind. although that obviously helped expose the fault Hines in Asia and elsewhere, Instead, ilWas 82019 ride in a Mumbai three-\wheeled auto rickshaw. When Shastry asked his young driver abet hie, the response was that he lived in hell ~ in a shared shack without running water infsltinilthat sometimes flooded ~ while asserting that his well-off passenger lived in heaven. The cofiversation was to "radically challenge my conventional thinking, Shastry admits, So has Aia Tost it Shastry does not provide a straight yes or no answer. The book's cover, depicting a charting tareening downward, seems to indicate that Asia is on a long-term declining trend, The contents belie that impression to an extent, Shastry argues that he is still an optimist although he acknowledges that some readers might find his narrative "overwhelmingly negative." He believes that Asia will continue to bea growth engine for the global economy, although the road ahead will get bumper. B "The only problem is that the growth engine is carrying a train which is filled with self-satisfied elites," while hundreds of millions of have-nots are "stranded on the platform unable to get in.’ he writes, "The cost of entry to live the Asian dream is getting ever steeper." ‘The pandemic is making life harder for Asia's poor, and expanding their ranks. This can now be seen in Indonesia, where the Delta deviant of COVID-19 is spreading, tragically exposing the country's institutional weaknesses. The surge of cases, long, predicted by epidemiologists, caused the same deadly shortages of hospital beds and oxygen tanks that had been seeh ear in India. Illustrating Indonesia's yawning inequalities, some of the rich have flown to the 1S. t0)get vaccines not yet available at home. Meanwhile, hundreds of medical professionals have died while millions of people who had been lifted out of poverty in recent years have been pushed Bagh in. Im describing the social inequities of modern Asia, Shastryfigagp WMagafMfentry Florentine poet and philosopher Dante who wrote in the "Divine Comedy about thenine eitcles of hell, whose entrance sign famously declared: "Abandon all hope, ye wh enter er® Shastry writes that Asia has its own circles of hell, deluding WepteaWails of migeant workers (whom he strangely calls ‘urban cowboys andl cowgirls’) female inéquality, armed insurgencies, and environmental degradation. In a chapter titled "The Déath of Bali,’ heifocuses not on the plunge in tourism that has rendered so many people jobless, butinsteadion the island's water management woes from years of mass conversion of rice fields into/tourisht facilitiés, Bali, he writes, ‘needs more engineers, fewer masseurs.” k Although Shastry offers fair assessments iff many. cases, Hi also makes some overly sweeping generalizations, He says, for example, that the massive shift of Young people into big cities to look for better economic prospects has produced "hort n some countries the rural- urban shift has benefited both sides of the divide, Healso asserts that "intimidating journalists and/or buying their support is the secret sauce of ABCS (Asian billionaires chub)," referring to the region's politically powerful oligarchs, but that is ndtalws the case. Many readers might disagree with AidlviewSIOn the region's political leadership. In a chapter titled "Asia's Old Men,’ Shastry argguey hat mostiof the current Feaders were born during the radio and telegraph era of the 1940s and 19505" aiid that they have been unable to understand the aspirations of their younger populationskde eas the age of 60 a critical benchmark in figuring out how attuned they are to the concefmsof youriger people." That claim can be disputed since thee are examples of elderly leaders who introduced reforms to improve the lives of the young, Deng Xiaoping, was in his late 80s when he undertook his famous "southern tour’ that led to Ghinal@ibig opening to the outside world and ultimately changed many lives for the better. India's Manmohan Singh is another example of a leader who at an advanced age helped his country progrés8iUhrough pivotal reforms. Shastry contends tfbindOB&slan President Joko Widodo inspired young. people to engage in politics, but Widodo. who rétentty turned 60, has disappointed many by seriously weakening Indonesia's ant-corfiiption agency, among, other missteps. Shastry does note that the Indonesian leader has oat sone Shite his sécond term by "behaving like his peers from the radio and telegeaph cra a5 member QbRWEaW ester pois, One of thelbGiok's Slreng ths is the authors use of crisp quotes froma variety of sources to reinforce his case. He dil assasslifated U.S. senator Robert Kennedy and economist Joseph Stiglitz on why the world needsto st ssingover gross damestie product growth numbers, Shastry argues that more attention should be paid to the United Nations Human Development Index and to government spending on health and education. As New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern put it in 2019 in discussing the GDP fixation: "Economic growth accompanied by worsening social outcomes is not success. It is failure." 4 It was easy for Shastry to forecast a turbulent future, as Asia's present is already so bumpy. Since he finished the book, the Delta variant of COVID-19 has spread widely, taking a big toll on lives and livelihoods. US-China tensions remain high, in spite of Donald Trump's defeat. Under Myanmar’s brutal military regime since the Feb. 1 coup, nearly 1,000 civilians have been killed and more than 7,000 arrested, opening the way for COVID-19 to run amok Asia hopefully will be able to eventually build back better, and meet the basic health and other needs of all citizens. Shastry's book is a useful, easy-to-read summary of things that were not built, or built well enough, during the decades when Asia was rising cai (Source: Nike? Asian Review) THE MYTH OF THE NUCLEAR REVOLUTION: POWER'POLITICS IN THE ATOMIC AGE By Keir A. Lieber andiBargf ta Press an Say Maren Vielut In The Myth of the Nuclear Revolution: Power/PoliticSlinythe Atomic Age Keir A. Lieber and Daryl G. Press take on the nuclear puzzle: If nuclear weapons ar@ithe most effective instruments of deterrence, why does intense international security compettign persist in the nuclear age? The theory of the nuclear revolution, advocated by scholars suchas Bernatd Brodie, Kenneth Waltz and Robert Jervis, stipulates that the invention of nuclear Wedpaz hag Bl’a revolutionary, namely pacifying effect on international relations, as they guarantee,absolate séeurity from adversaries. No one would attack a state that has nuclear weapons readil¥ available. Tia conflict between muclear armed states, neither side would be ableto achieve a meaningful vietory: any exchange would mean mutual suicide. A nuclear war simply cannot be won. If thi8 salémal@ is inevitable, international competition will be halted and peace is achieved ~ in theory. Reality bas to differ. While itis true that in the nuclear age, there has been no major war between great powers, the achievement does not He within the creation of peace but in the spread of a new and substantial fear. The central argument of the booRIby Pidher and Press is that nuclear weapons are a great deterrent and the best instrumest to creal@stalemate, but they do not end the intense security competition, nor do they change theliaiure of it. They merely represent another arrow in the military and political quiver, Today, nuclear armed states are modernizing, securing, advancing, and increasing the numbers,6Fth@ix,nuclear (and conventional) arsenals, trying to gain superiority toevade or escape stalemate. ‘The ems race is still on, and today’s geopolitical competition is still as intense. Chapter one examines theyéxpected versus the actual effect nuclear weapons have on international relations, Witli@heir enormous destructive power, their small size and easy delivery, nuclear weapons have c ‘not only wartime but also peacetime planning, But the absence of major wars betwee nutldap powers is not the same as peace. Competition prevails in the international system and geopélitcalftratepcs from before the nuclear age still apply. ‘The nuclear revolution failed to materialize. Ihe aithors argue that this is due to long-held assumptions about nuclear weapons and their effgct on paweP politics having been wrong to begin with. The nature of nuclear stalemate his begh meer Salemate is neither easy to create, nor permanent or irreversible, and it cerlainly does not deter everything, ie, conventional attacks. Chapters two, threg, and four each explore one dimension of the misunderstanding of the nature of stalemate and explain why security competition has persisted contrary to the expectations of the proponents of nuclear revolution theory. To make their point, Lieber and Press look at the history of 15 nuclear deterrence and strategy, analyzing state behavior from US nuclear sovereignty to today’s nuclear dilemma - and it’s a compelling one. Chapter two discusses the question of “how much is enough?” to achieve stalemate. Lieber and Press go through several schools of thought to answer this threshold question in a historical perspective, These include existential deterrence, minimum deterrence, mutually assured retaliation, and mutually assured destruction. The authors conclude that a powerful deterrent needs to be not d flexible - the more, nthe adversary. Thus, achieving stalemate is neither fast nor easy but rather highly ex Chapter three looks at the strategies states apply to ensun arsenals (hardening, concealment, and redundancy) and advancements (accuracy, remote sensing, data processing and deterrence, The authors conclude that stalemate is neith instable and also conclude that competition prevails over Chapter four examines competitive behavior in the to deter conventional attacks with nuclear weapons the more likely conflict is to erupt and the worse coercive the nuclear doctrines and postures adopte ‘The last chapter summarizes the findings context. Lieber and Press conclude with a critiq world is safer now than it would be with prevailing, They demand more caution rega Indeed, Lieber and Press make a great case. Wh the international system and state behavig reading the book, I don't agree with their simply be more cautious about operatio hhas avoided another nuclear catastroy could have easily resulted in nuclear weapons are luckily and logically consequences of their use. The st daring, to really use the bomb, creating first-strike incentives or new es out the impossibility authors demonstrate that a broader theoretical and practical elition stance and stipulate that the ibolished and nuclear knowledge terrence to prevent any escalation, ‘agree with their analysis of the logic of lear age and wholeheartedly recommend at states should keep nuclear weapons and Tis only with tremendous luck that the world use, accidents, misperception, or irrationality night do so as long as nuclear weapons exist. Nuclear 1ons of the very last resort due to the catastrophic ed is at best a theoretical one if it depends on no one wuld quickly change due to technological advancements, ways for accidental or inadvertent use. Technological advancements, particularly ns accuracy, could also make nuclear weapons more ‘usable’, promising similar effects at ive'yields. This is not only dangerous as it would weaken the ‘nuclear taboo but also highly fal fo all efforts aimed at reducing and eliminating muclear risk, including disarmament, Having said this, ‘gfeat read for anyone interested in nuclear weapons policy, not only deterrence, bu mntrol and disarmament. Be it student, practitioner, researcher, or really anyone inte Thaw nuclear weapons have shaped international polities. The book is thought prove hensive and a great starting point when thinking about the future of nuclear weap. a fliture without nuclear weapons—and how technology will shape the develapment wears and decades, (Source: E-Tnternational Refations) 16 PAKISTAN: THE ECONOMY OF AN ELITIST STATE By Ishrat Husain Ather Naqvi Economists have been facing the challenge of putting Pakistan’s economy on the right track since the very first day of the country’s existence. There have been efforts, withimixed results though, to improve the economy and come up with feasible plans. One recent effort is th@)book under review. ‘The very title of the book specifies what it deals with — an ecasomy that has hiBterically offered benefits of economic development to the elite class mainly. The émbossed image of a majestic and elaborately decorated elephant on the book cover is an accufate reflection the nature of our economy, which is controlled by a small minority. Amid widespread poverty, thecommon man keeps ‘waiting for the economic benefits to trickle down. The book lays threadbare fundamental issues of growth and'Stuucttval change, agriculture and industry, macro-economic foundations, problemsaintzas¥laciuregind trade. It does that in a manner that hoth the hard core economist and a general réadr acquainted only with a limited ‘understanding of economy, gets a clear picture of Pakistaiis ecofigmy and the corrective course it must take First published sn 1999, the second edition i a muehifetded update on the first, taking into account the economic and socio-political reali A brief look at the author's profile lends weight. 0"Whal the book explains and recommends, Ishrat Husain, presently Advisor to the Prime,.Mlinist@F@n Institutional Reforms and Austerity, has served as chairman of the National CommissiamforGoyernment Reforms (2006-2008), and governor State Bank of Pakistan (1999-2005). [Te has gtd important positions at the World Bank (1979-1999), “The writers’ previous publications, such ag Gevétriigg the Ungovernable (OUP, 2018) and Fconomic Management in Pakistan 1999-2002 (OUP), af thonitative reference material on the ups and downs in Pakistan's economy. ‘As the book cover explains, it has thitee fain components. It traces the history of Pakistan's economic development during the last 70¥ears ahd outlines an agenda of economic and social reforms for the country. More importantly perhaps iV our context, the author analyses Pakistan’s economic development in the politcal context, aedmgection mostly ignored by some economists or discussed only briefly Looking at the politcaifecoR@imy, the author lays emphasis on the fact that accumulation of wealth amid widespread poveripas not sustainable socially and economically, To him, economic factors alone are not suffeigint to explain “the Pakistan paradox”, that is, high growth rate “with Jow and uneven dev eléfimnent followed by sluggish growth and weak social indicators”. How to ppt that right? As he points iiflin, thélghapter on Investing, in People: Fducation, Population, Health, and Poverty Alleviationslone'@hythe worst problems of Pakistan's economy is the “widening income inequalities and ‘Weak SoRial development in spite of high growth rate”. Investing in people, thus, is the way out As he elas im the preface, serving in major capacities for twenty years at a stretch enabled him to see “firsthand)Some of the dynamics of the elitist model in action”, He does not stop at lamenting the fact that the elitist grip on our sesources and their distribution still remains firm, he goes on to present an alternative. How the current model of growth can be dismantled for the benefit of the majority of the people, is his question which he answers in detail. especially in the chapter on the economic and social agenda for the 2Ist century. v7 But just before that, in the preceding chapter, Explaining Pakistan's Economic Performance, he gives a detailed analysis of Pakistan's economic picture. He argues that a broadened concept of sustainable development which, besides growth, incorporates other components of sustainable development, such as environment, equity, and social justice, is critical for Pakistan's development strategy. He also compares Pakistan's experience with best-practice countries’ performance and with other Fast and South sian countries, notably India, Of course, there are. many lessons to learn from some regional countries which have been through somewhat similar sitions ‘The chapter on foreign trade, external debt and resource flows prowides aflin-depth analysis of governments’ performance and concludes with the suggestion that Pakistam will havisto adapt to the emerging trends of the 21st century, the sooner the better In the chapter on the economic and social agenda, the auth@r lays streWonffeforming three key institutions — judiciary, education sector, and financial institations.— BYgkhe:main political parties. He believes that the “beneficial effects” of reforming these three instititions for economy and policy are too large to be ignored. The book seeks to dispel the general perception thaf interna inal financial institutions, such as the World Bank and the Intemational Monetary Fund are t0lprimarily blame for hijacking our economy and prescribing their own corrective measufes. Tolbe rid Of the elitist economic system, it proposes “a new model of democratic governance” wheré the state, markets, and civil society “play different but synergetic and mutually linked roles! asthe Way Tor ward ‘The book has a substantial number of nicely/placed and souiéed graphs, tables and charts to bring home the point, It is a valuable addition to the alfeady available debate and analysis on economic olorms, such as Growth and Inequality ie Pakistan BWeklalia A. Pasha and Pakistan's Agenda for Economic Reforms by Vagar Ahmed. Last batuotileast, the bibliography at the end of the book provides a useful list for further reading on the subject. (Source: TNS) HOW To AVoID A CLIMATE DISASTER: SOLUTIONS WE HAVE AND THE BREAKTHROUGHS We NEED By Bill Gates Mark Maslin (Professor of Earth System Science at University College London and author of Climate Change: A Very Short introduction) When one of the richest m@ilin tbe world writes a book, people usually take notice. When itis Bill Gates a leader of the téchiFeyolutfon and itis about climate change, then it ecomesa phenomenon So why has Dill Gates b€ome passionate about climate change and now sees it as the greatest threat to humanity? It all stért@yetfihis work with his wife Melinda at the Gates Foundation which was originally focused ofiploballhealth, development and US education. Two important facts emerged from the funded work ofthe Gates Foundation. First was that global health and development were being held back bijpa laloof access to affordable energy: 860 million people still have no access to electricity —whigh, raises the question how to produce this electricity. Second was that all the improvementigin global Bealth could be wiped out by climate change—which will increase both food and water insecuity fos billions of people. So, Bill Gates went on a journey of discovery and Tike al super-nerds wanted f6 find the most eflcient technological solutions to the climate crisis, 1t is important to remember that this hook is not just rhetori: Bill Gates is putting his money ‘where his mouth is, hoth through his Foundation and the company he founded, Microsoft. For the great monolithic global corporation, Microsoft is following his lead and taking climate change 18 seriously. In 2020, the company announced the ambitious target to go carbon negative by 2030, Even more ambitiously, it has pledged to remove all the carbon pollution from the atmosphere that they and their supply chain have emitted since the founding of the company in 1975 by 2050. But here is the issue; their cureent plan to reach these targets is to reduce their emissions as much as possible, but then to discount the rest oftheir emissions by using, carbon offsets or credits. Basically, Microsoft will, pay others to use renewable electricity, plant trees or biofuels, restore nature or capture carbon dioxide directly from power stations or the atmosphere and dump it deep in the.Earth. Many NGO and academics are highly critical of carbon offsets as it does not solve the tal issue of producing the emissions in the first place and allows companies to buy thei environmental responsibilities. Bill Gates's book, How to Avoid a Climate Disaster, cleadl§ follows the zeitgeist and is based on the fucamental principe tha the work! must get fo met gas BORENSaN by 2050 or eal if possible. Infact, there is a whole chapter call “Why Zero", This principle leeds some unpacking Not zero carbon emissions means that there will be no ing#ease inlatmospheric carbon dioxide by 2050 and if there are any emissions, these must be balanged BYecarbom dioxide being sucked out of the atmosphere either by technology or by plein Rg te term ‘net, What Bill Gates gles overt tht even if we reach net nevada "205g,the science clearly shows we must have negative emissions for the rest ofthe cent to “oar any hope of keeping global temperature below the 2 Knit sc by worl eA ara AIM.‘ toy fo mae he Set sero carbon target understandable, Bill Gates refers 1 the Current 5L‘billion tons of carbon emitted per year as a way of illustrating all the things we néed to Wa to reduce this huge number and eventually hit zero. Chapter 4 addresses 27% of the 51 billion 16R8?and iS About our production and use of electricity it examines how we ean decarbonise electricity pOduetion and accelerate the uptake of renewables. Chapler 5 covers 31% and mainly focuses ot the prédietion of concrete which if il were a country it would the 68 largest emitter in the wurld Chapter 6 represents 195 and concenns itself with agriculture and deforestation: #t explores ‘can produce food more efficiently, with less environmental destruction and greenhouse gas ehilssions. Chapter 7 analyses how we tranport otisclves and our goods around the world which makes up 16% of the total tons of carbo ae Tooks at ways of removing fossil fuels from vehicles, ships and aircraft though the latter tivo.only get two pages inthe book because they are so difficult. Finally, chapter 8 analyses the remaining 9%, looking at how we heat and cool our buildings —for example, how we will needslopshift from natural gas to electricity for heating our homes. He acknowledges that the effort toma all of these changes will be hard and in each chapter the book presents some of the available techitological solutions —with an occasional suggestion that we should do less of those things which Greate the most carbon emissions The book comes atthelight time as there are encouraging signs for the first time in over a decade. In June 2018, the UK parliament amended the 2008 Climate Change Act to requiring the government to reduce the UK’ greenhouse gases to net zero by 2050. In the midst of the pandemic, in April 2021, tha Rmbiiced fan interim reduction target of 78% in carbon emissions by 2035 ~15 ‘years earlier than peyiously planned. In addition, the European Commission announced that the EU. would reduce‘ use gas emissions by at Teast 55% from 1990 levels by 2020, instead of the 40% cut agrédhe Vears.ago. This is a major slep towards the EU's overarching pledge of carbon neutrality by 2050, in/Seplember 2020, President Xi Jinping announced via videolink to the UN General Assembly in New York that China would aim to reach peak emissions before 2030, followed by a long-term target to become carbon neutral by’ 2060, China is the world's largest carbon emitter, accountable for around 28% of global emissions, and up to now has not committed to a long-term emissions goal 19 In 2021, the USA is the second largest produicer of around 15% of global emissions. After the ‘Trump dispensation, President Biden has re-engaged the USA in the Paris Agreement and has become a strong advocate of collective international action to deal with climate change. In 2021, the USA announced a target cut of 50% ofits carbon emissions by 2030 and pledged to reach net carbon zero by 2050, Biden has also reinstated the environmental regulations removed by Trump, put in. major policies to cut greenhouse gas emissions and greatly increased federal fanding for renewable energy and the US green economy. It is clear in the seconcl half of Bill Gates's Hod that he is addressing the US audlience, as we have a whole chapter dedicated to showing why goveriment matter. A gentle counter or push back against the neoliberal agenda of the last 40 yeas, He uses positive examples of how governments have made environmental policies that have saved lives suelvas the UK Clean Air ‘Act after the killer smog of the 1950s. He stops short of showingshow statéihinfluence the aspirations of civil society through the rule of law and the development of policy. Babe dBsshow how they can use incentives, subsidies, taxation and regulation to help couihtstes, partictlafly the USA, go carbon neutral. What many people do not realise is that governmental powerand policy are the major drivers of innovation, through investment in university researchy futding fdlastrial R&D and. driving, demand through incentives. ‘The book finishes with a disappointing chapter gf what indWiluals can do—which isnot very inspiring. Itsays all the right things — talk about climate change/engage with your local politician, use your consumer povrer to buy renewable energy and sustainable goods, buy an electric car and try a plant-based burger (his way of suggesting we allimeed fo go vegetarian or vegan!) These are covered in just 4 pages—like people are an afterthought t6 a billionaire, Admittedly, individwal actions will only make a small contsibution to the overall catbgn rétuetions needed, but they are extremely important as they send a strong message to bothivernient and corporations that citizens want and support major changes. Individual action haAAdjgg(@MijeroMet. The School Climate Strikes and the Function Rebellion protests have broughtdgether"diverse groups of people across the world, all ‘wanting governments to start taking the peoteetion of our planct seriously. And change is starting to happen, with over 1400 local governments and OVer 35 countrics having declared that we axe in a climate emergency. But Bill Gatey’s bdbkeis etipbland! when it comes to pulitics and there is no mention of public agitation or protests abosit saving our planet Bill Gates includes an afterwaiet ORYGOVID-19 and how he sees it as a major setback for the imate change and global health/ageada. While the shutdown of many: sectors of the economy has had environmental benefits in terms Myon gfnissions and biodiversity loss, few would argue that the socio-economic cost can bejustfied. But Bill Gates misses the key point thatthe global lockdown had omly a minimal effect ongOur Cathn emissions, recent study suggests a drop of ust 7% in carbon emissions occurred in 2020,3 So, easing almost all flying and car journeys has a small impact on our total greenhouse gas pollatidn. In fact, 2020 global carbon emissions were the same as 2006. This is because there has been v@fpittethalnge to energy production and agriculture during the pandemic ~ both major emitters of greenfidase gases. In many sways, this point re-enforces the key chapters of the book that show thakionergy Pioduction, building and manufacturing and agriculture are the greatest emitters of greenhouse gases —none of which changed much during the pandemic. In the afterWiind, BillyGates also seems to have missed that the pandemic has change many people's views@ffand felationship with government and their agencies?.4 ln response to the COVID- 19 crisis, nafimal governance has been replaced by strong government coordination based on achieving the comme good for everyone by managing the rate of new infections through social isolation measures in this severe pandemic, as well as keeping people supplied with food, medication and vaccines. This switch in governance model has not been smooth or quick enough in. some countries, with a delayed response in the UK and libertarian resistance in USA and Brazil, which are being counted in bodies, Recognition of the weakness of some government responses to address the 20 pandemic demonstrates that the majority of people look to governments to address this crisis and now are looking to goverraments to deal with the bigger climate change crisis. The book is limited in several important and revealing ways as it does not address the wider environmental and social issues which make dealing with climate change so hard. For example, global and national structural inequality and the concentration of power and wealth are not mentioned, Oxfam have calculated that the 26 richest people in the world (including, Bill Gates) currently own the same amount of wealth as those 3.8 billion poorest people collectively. When it comes to carbon emissions, 50% of which are directly related to lifestyle are emitted byt 0% of people in the ‘world, The poorest 50% af our global society emit just 10% of the that are also these, like climate The book also does not acknowledge the other major e ‘occurring such as pollution, deforestation, habitat destruction a ‘change, are caused by out fixation on consumption and the try and sell us more stuff Bill Gates’s book is a technophile dream of how revolution, Charles C, Mann in his book The Wizard a breaking American scientists, William Vogt and Nov opposing views of the world and our environmental. like Bill Gates, regarded technology, along with the panacea that will cure every ill, whereas William Wo darker and more dysfunctional, in which human the climate. In many ways, when I read Bill Ga technology and our Star Trek-style future will b Runner as the more likely future. I think itis tf Jssues in the book that makes it much less po ses the story of two ground- strate the fundamentally aug, the Wizard, very much of humans to innovate, as a ture of this planet, as a much environment and superheated like all we need to do is trust in -as many nor-billionaires see Blade ine confrontation with the real human {could have been. Gates's book is a well-written, solutions to the use af fossil fuels and prj from the atmosphere. But what his bo of consumer capitalism and its enviroi systems of governance and t weakis aimed at an American audience reassure them, there are solutions change. And yet, this is at odds with the opening and central message of the book, which is we have to go from emitting 51 mili of carbon emissions per year to zero in less than 30 years. This needs a revolution in our if energy and food, and in our transport systems, and our onsume less of the planet's valuable and finite resources. We ‘e consumption —because we cannot continue as we are, and billion people with the same consumption habits of an average day. Itis the acceptance of the need for this radical change that limate change but which is missing from Bill Gates's book. (Source: Springer Nature) book which outlines many technological fechnology required to remove carbon dioxide ly does not do is question the underlying issue built environment. as seed to radically chan; ‘we certainly cannot in person in the develope’ s0 essential if we a Climate Change WE MUST URGENTLY PRIORITISE ADAPTATION TO ADDRESS THE (CLIMATE EMERGENCY ‘Mizan R Khan, Saleemul Hug (Deputy Director and Director, respectively, of the international Centre {or Cimate Change and Development (ICCCAD) at independent University, Bangladesh) ‘The recently-published report of Working Group-I of the Infergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is a renewed wakeup call on the urgency of taking action atthe global level to address climate change. Ithas, with more accuracy and confidence, confirmed Maat ask one degree Celsius of temperature rise compared to pre-industrial level can be ateibuted ta but activities. The recent climate events in North America, Europe and Asia, suchas hea stress and floods, are ample evidence of runaway climate change ‘Against this, what is urgently needed is exponentially enllanced 8dplation actions, particularly in the most vsinerable low-income countries, Obviously, COP26 tbe eld in Glasgow in just three months is expected to negotiate an ambitious programme on adaptation. The July ministerial meeting held in London reached an understanding on putting adaptation on a higher political plane while moving forward. It may be mentioned that forthe last few years, framing of adaptation has been expanded by multidisciplinary thinking from the “Rational! to global levels, requiring global ‘cooperation and multi-stakeholder engagement. Accdrdingily, this norm of globalising, responsibility for adaptation is recognised! in the Paris Agg@ei@ent, a8 Mplobal goal” and a “global challenge” (Articles 71 and 72) Although six years have passed sincedthe adoplibn of the Agreement, not much progress has been made in operationalising the Global)Centetio Adaptation (GGA), nor is there any concrete roadmap to aeldress this challenge, So, COPBGIg xpected to establish clear process of defining the GGA going forward. Some agencies, faekiding the Green Climate Fund, adopted the potential of transformational adaptation as a efiters approving, projects/ programmes for funding. The challenge is how to achieve fie fralisiormational adaptation under the existing global socioeconomic order. ‘Transformational adaptation is ofteNBontrasted with incremental adaptation, as a continuum, beginning with reactive, copingtnategies. The former calls for a system-wide change, a restructuring of human and ecological systems asian integrated whole, with a focus on sustainability of natural resources and man-made attefactslhis grounds human actions i spaces/places in the natural world and questions the effectivendss of existing systems, social injustices and power imbalances. But incremental adaptation happens within the existing sociaeconomic structure, which works with the dlominant actors withoot gonfhels with prevailing interests and values, The proponents ofthis moe! argue fora slow pea tlt change while warking within the system, as the national or global

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