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    Critical study about carnival in anthropology and the case of Brazil

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    DaMatta_ Carnival as a Cultural Problem

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    Critical study about carnival in anthropology and the case of Brazil

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    81 views40 pages

    DaMatta - Carnival As A Cultural Problem

    Uploaded by

    Santiago Medina
    Critical study about carnival in anthropology and the case of Brazil

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
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    @KELLOGG INSTITUTE ‘Tue Heten Keuroce INstrTore FoR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES CARNAVAL AS A CULTURAL PROBLES TOWARDS A THEORY OF FORMAL EVENTS AND THEIR MAGIC Roberto DaMatte Working Paper 479 - September 1996 Roberto DaMfatta teachos Social Anhvopology at the National Museum in Ro de Janeiro, Brazil. He has been working on symbokc structures and deolgies of ladian bes and has wen extensively onthe Apinayé and Gavibes Indian of Cenal Braz He g also studying the cules ‘of Brazil and the Untod States. Among his reco pubicalons are 2 (Flav Salamenca); Gamavais. Malandns a Hass (Flo: Zahar) Relaizanda (PetrOpats: Vor A.Gasa ea Rua (S20 Paulo Brasilense) and Exgloracsas (Fle. Rocca) He recently wote the Ssonips fortwo Seros of television programs on Brazil, The Beazllans (TV Manchete) and Gut ‘@mazan (TV Bande\antes). From January fo May 1986 ho was a faculyfolow of the Kelogg Instivie, He would ie to thank Carl ONel, Margaret Keck and Caroline Damingo for thew hep {comments on this paper. An earier version was presented at tho symposium an Test, Play and Stor atthe ArecanEtwelapeal Societys TOs Annual Meeting mBaion Rouge, Louisiana February, ApsTRAcT “This paper is a study ofthe Brazilian Camaval tom the parspectve of social antvopolegy. The author contends that Camaval, while early a major social phenomenon. is tfcut to shalyee because it does nol express seriousness, a Sense a eugious mystery ora wel delined purpose but rather laughter, tesquerie and sensuality, which seems fo pose the question of whether t can be considered areal ual. In the cours of answering this question he examines a number ot ‘cultural oppostions-tor example “above the waist’rbeiow the. walsl,” acceptable taboo, fatinalemotional, siaic/elational, formal spontaneous, scialindivdsal-and points ut hat theories of some Social anthropologists tod to reintorce the bell thal such appostons amount {fo mutual excision. -f argues on the contrary that lis necessary to recognize the paradox ot Social sivations whose essence isto mix hese categories inorder fo reach an understanding of “rauals of reversal” ard also that social occasions shoul be studi both interme ofthe behavior that they prescribe as appropriate andthe behavior that they excl. Against ths background the paper presents a detased analysis of Carnaval, and In particular the Carnaval Ba and ts fuocion in relation to Brazilan ie as a whole. The concluding section discusses the logic and human significance created by rials and thoi mage RESUMEN Este ensayo es un estudio del Carnaval Brasil soqdn la perspectva de la antropogla social ET autor sostene que el Carnaval. aunque es claramante un anémeno socal importante, 2 dil e analizar porque no expresa seviedad. ni un semido de mister relioea nun propésio ben Setndo, sino mas bie aris, lo grotesco,y la senevaidad, lo oval parece poner en dca st dobe considerarse un verdatero rival Al conestar esa proguna outer examina varias oposiciones Sulturales~por elemplo “arriba de la ciniurardebajo dela. cintura. aceptablenael, Faconaemacional, estatcolcortelatv, formalesportaneo, sociaindhvicual-y sefala Que las {orias de algunos antopdlegos sociales london arolorzar la creencia de que tales oposicines implican exclustin ma, autor argumenta por el convario que es necesaro reconocer a paradoja de siuacones sociales cuya catactoisicabasica os la Gs mela esas calogorias para ‘aleanzar una mejor comprension de “auales de invorsicny ambign quo las ocasiones sociales {eben ser estuchadas on érminos del comportamiento que eas ordanan come apropiados y del omporiamiento que elas excluyen. En este contoxo sl eneayo presenta Un anatiis detafod el Carnaval, y en paricular de Balle do Camaval y su unclén on rlacn a la vida brasiona on conjunto. La Secctn fal discutelalgicay el sigeiicado humane creado por los rules y SU maga’ Introduction: Some Ditfculties in Studying Carnaval Camaval is aways scussed as a ceremony or secular festivity. Not inched in the usualideact Carnaval are thase mystical or magical ras certralto religious res, those sacred eccasions that gather together al the ingredans that have been the delight and fascination of studies of ruals and savages for generations a social antvopobogiss. Ieter, obvious, o body mutation: the sacitee of animals in honor of some god: tasting; the secision of nates who goto Wve temporal tar from thet vlagos the sacredness ard fomaliy of gestures, body painting and symbols. Other such inte ‘ents are the eaching of songs, tales, moral principles, and those codes of behavior that te ciasstied as “serous. “honorable” or dint inked to the tanscendental the snystcalsancions impli inthe behave ofthese who conduct he ual and tha ofthe spectators and participants as wel, sanctions that can bring blessings bu also sickness, loss oscil status, and even death ‘the same time a tis, ike other secular ceremonies of his wold, however, (Carnaval has ts own manic andi own sacred alsions. I areal tual? The question is "rot simply metrcl but refers o a considerable theoretical problem. (For example, (Gluckman, 1962, separates eval rom ceremony.) The existence of this doubt leads us to ‘beain wih to adouble eloction. We have io elscuss Carnavas reason for being and, ‘ogetner wi ths, to bear in mind the tendency of social anthropology o establish ‘Sehotomies witout te least concer fr tho means, dys, or even the celatvty ‘pied by the meanings othe toms used by these denotes. In wth carnivals appear to be phonomena wthout the deep sevousness and mystery that characterize Yel ios” If tuas do indeed say someting about people, social categories, and soca relation, as Si Edmund Leach maintains, tis nt easy to cover what type of discourse is produced by Camaval. i seems much easier to under stand hal a handshake means, lam pleased to meet you and wing to converse" (as Leach notes), than to discover what amutiude of Bazitans mean by a Camaval dance in the srets ofthe ci, which they throw oftheir clotes, eeplayingbutlocks, penises, and vaginas, and show her tongues in a most abusive, erotic, and grotesque fashion. By the same token, lis even harder to understand when the poorest ofthe poor othe ‘owesto the oxplated rain abr force dress as kings, queens, and mythological figures and parade wher peers. Of course, they wat to have fun. But his highy ‘complex form ot fun. requires time, money, energy, and above al, a profound sense of Caravan, that, earwcion that in Carnaval one ving through a éttrert, liminal,invened or subverted lapse of tempo. |botiove that pat ofthe tcuty i that Carnaval has todo with pleasure, ertcsm, and laughterin a form of socal congregation for which there fs no well defined purpose, As a mater lac, occasions that we cal tual aways have purpose, target, aim, 0al and center. Ever whon thoy are secular, uals ae ferent rom camivals because they request, tgitimae, reat, exchange, instal, inaugurate, help to change, cur ote, prohibit, exoreze, demand mislorunes or good cops. But Camaval, with ts wide smile and ts grand soeualty sa rte without a centr or, point aut elsewhere, an ‘owner (CI. DaMatta, 1679: Ch.3}, As Bakhtin emphasizes, Camaval does not command ‘or demand anything, Besides, laughter and the comic ae tic to understand precisely ‘because they are banred rom every formal occasion. (Ct Bakhtin, 1968: 67) We can even say that the formal (andor the solemn) exchudes by daintion laughter and comedy. Thats to ay: one of cut iticutlas in taking Carnaval sorcusly as a sociological fact full of politcal, magical, and moral implcations es precisely n or resistance ointerrating the comic ang the grotesque that pervade most Camaval events and make fof course, a ‘Terata eanen ol Samal For a all eatment of Sarnavain its tual ar polical contexts, soe DaMata, 1979 (1982), 1981 opuar esti. iti easier for ws to discuss the bloody ling ot sacred animals as @ sacrice to honor the gods than lo appreciate the mearing of laughter. Socal anthropologists have had many elaborate, nt turgid and baroque, play Camava). Hence the bocos’, “cores” and “escolas de samt tha appear in camaval tie ae whose main characarit eo be voluntary and based on tis, fiendship and sympathy. razans in everyday ie are detined by thei eationshios ‘wth er houses (ca829, throbs, the skn coor, thor family nares, ther way of speaking, their academic degrees, poliical parts, ype of rends, prestige oftheir compacres etc. wha simpotantin the defintion of a Camaval recpe is a sor of negative ‘social determination, snce on ths oocasion they gain the freeom fo choose the group ‘wth whom they wish ogo Carnaval. 1a persons daly Weis deteminedby “ectablohed" relationships and wo know thatthe Brantan masses are determined by their work and working condtons -Camaval opens up the possibly of individual eterna, etal bated ona chlce that comes rom wii the person's intemal space. This posiity's common in Bazi wth the groups thet are in charge ofthe festive {and ne hide. Thus, religious groups and ftebo (seer fan groups are often tae of {amily and kinship obigations. Though cannot choose my family or even some of my ‘tons, can choose the saints to whom pay the soccer cubs ha exe me and give ime some experience ol social justice (See DaMatta, 1962) and the Carnaval groups that allow me a much mor inividvaized perspective onthe socal universe. _Althe same tine, Carnaval permits me to wear special clothes, a isguse thal n Brass cated a fantasa, In one sence, as have pointod out bene (Ct. Dabata, 1970), fantasia is ype of Camaval norm. Butwhio a nom leads to undormty, ‘making poopl sia and accentuating thet elationship wih, ard thr immersion in a corporation or social gnup, a fantasia does the exact opposte. The fanlasia perms he expcession o individual interests and motivations that ar impossibe In everyday it, 13 ‘Thus, icontnast to formal vestments and robes which as we saw hide and protect the person's sentiments (and inner space in genera from th ol he (or she) spefoming, 251s the casewih judges, instr, piss, pressor and soldars, whose emations are hidden underneath ther uniforms, the fantasia relates both wha the person really iin aly hatin Brazil ales the real wor ora dra eaidade da vise, the hard realty of He) and what he or she would ke obo or coud have been In tis perspec, the {artasia of Camaval operates asa mediator between the socal (and polica tations ot ‘ealy and the teedom and hope thatthe rece of Camaval promises to create. perts man tole woman asinthe tinting and karate cate of tranevestes); inks the ‘anonymous utan por wth tho arstoracy arte aga of mythologal ques, as happens wher the poor parade inthe best krown samba schools cresed as kings and Princesses, neblemen and gods. Moreover, the fartasia accentuates a specie social gaup (the samba school), ‘without ceasing to permite ful exresson of ndvicualy, since inthe parade of tho ‘samba schools, people dessod inthe same way aerate with people cressed in an incvduattic way, who are called “destaques" (persons o distinction) because thoy are ‘etiet distinguished rom tho group, tke superstar o super india ‘Camara, hen, has recip or lomua that orders and coorsnates sociale by moans of cra relationships, values and emotion, while necessary ihibing thar sentiments anc rlaonsip. would be impossible o have Carnaval in Baz Brains incited on cortning to think about the quaittan and problematic aspects oftheir oes, ‘such asthe lomidable extemal de th high rats of nant monaltyandieracy, the tronic absence of policl bers, andthe shocking socioeconomic contrasts. Butts necessary to enphasizethat these aspects are absent rom the celebration onty expt, ‘orally or paradigmatcaly. Because intact, ther presence is remembered, no ont by ‘social and poll ees of Camaval using precisely these facts to support their “4 _xguments-Camaval, hey sa, the opium of he Bazitanpeople-but abo through thee presence as part ofthe site ofthe clebation se init attempts to esohe and smedate al these contractions by tanstoring eppostions int hierarchical cople- rmertartes. Is precisely tis overwhelming presence of contrasts and contradictions that explains the energy that Braitans expend onthe creation of Camaval wher they celebrate a utopian society based on abundance, on pestve and open individualism, and ‘on pleasure, social misary oid note, # here wore ot erormeus fail repression, society cd not scrminatebrtaly agains! women nthe publ sphere, andi there wore a air cistrbuton of inceme, the Brazilan Camaval ight sti xs, butt wouk cetainy have a diterent contigyation and syle. What explain the syle ofBralian Camavalis the necessy of inventing a celebration whee things that need tobe forgo canbe forgotten fhe celbraton ito be experienced as a social utopia, Just as a wild dream ‘makes realty evn mow vehement, Carnaval can ony bo understood when we ake into account what needs hide in order tobe acaabration of pleasure, sexuality and lavotter. What am saying, then, ery singe. Al dled social vents involve a complex relationship between what they reveal and what hey conceal, between wha is said and what must belo uneai, between what they make possbe and wha they rohit. Both aspects ae essontal fora oorectsaclogcalirerpretaton. Wout the sear fr inks botwoon the expt ad the impli one runs the rik of proposing a purty formal theory ol social events Wo alow tat Camaval a rua reversal. Butts necessary tego beyond this to observe the typeof reversal that happens inthe razitan Camaval in cotast other camival. tis ne sary o establish which objets, sconais, social elationships, and persons are systeraticaly fersed. is my thesis that one can only be cear about a this when one tes to ciscover the relationships between what the event reveals and 18 rrakos expt and what hides or spy makes inlovant. To produce a sci ocasion means to show and onthe ater hand, ode ‘The comparison fh Camaval of Rio do Janko wth athox cama is important inthis sonso, andi sores us as kind of et cae or ome of he main ideas here presented Inthe case of Brazil the festival of bey, the celebration of happiness an pleasure the eccason on which everyting is possible ard which Brazitans call oueura (madness, a moment whon social categories which nly ae lary and ‘tamatcaly separate, canbe linked to each other. What categories are these? ‘The Other Side of Carnaval Brazlan social fe run is bounded by three basic social domains: the home (casa, the street (rua and the otber word (oura mundo) 4 The sphere ofthe homes a region where the physical Being is create, maintained, and dspatched othe other word by people whe are very close, poop who share the same “nature” (Ihe same “flesh and “blood” the same tendencies and aversons). There the person has diect. on-going, and inaonable relationships, as wellasa singular and exchisve postion that is accentuated by the fundamental hierarchies of sex and age. The world ofthe street, however, is eriely ferent There, universal values and an indvidvaltc eology, ved ‘and conceived negatively, predominate, Thus, din my home Iam a supercizen, in the ret willbe defined by what | am notable todo. at home there are no laws, nthe ‘7 The Biarlian words casa, vanclated here as home, annua translated as street have somewhat dient connalations ttm thee Engi counterparts. Casa refers to bath the home, inthe sense of home and heath ad also othe Gwoling orshoter Neel” Au, in contrast, has ales feral moarang in Porugueso than in Engieh I refers fo te eal world ‘outside the ome, tothe place, n'an urban seting, hore ie ousie th family takes place. 16 “reat | am subordinated 0 altho laws. Inthe sret am subject othe lnpersonalty of the laws of the market, uning the risk af beng equal everyone Before the aw, a Suan that-as !have shown elsowhore-isiksome or all raztans of whatover social strata and that seems charactor sesraonal sities that have double or rutile eis, (Cf, DaMatta, 1979, 1985; and, onthe question of double ethics, Weber, 1967). The supernatual sphere permits the reconciliation of alle contradictions between if inthe home and onthe street. Ina society tus cnstived, fe seems to take place In atleast thee social spaces and flowing least wo diferent ethics. Onthe one han, there ks a maralty based on personal relationships and onthe fact that membership inthe family groups perpetuated and based on the substance that passes rom ane generation ancther. (onthe other hand there exists an etic based onthe individual as the mora conte ofthe world and on unversallaws that guarantee his beny and pubic equal a acizen. This, ‘of couse isthe legacy that comes o Braziby means ofthe French and American Revolutions and that operates inthe county simitaneously wih the morality of personal ‘olatonships, Inthe set, therefor, a are equal before the law. For this reason the sitet is seen as a dargerous space, precisely because there the auhores can

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