Beyond “Art Collections”

Edited by Gianfranco Adornato,

Gabriella Cirucci, and Walter Cupperi

Beyond “Art Collections”

Owning and Accumulating Objects from Greek Antiquity
to the Early Modern Period

De Gruyter
Published thanks to the support of the Ministero dell’Istruzione, dell’Università e della Ricerca and
VJG&KRCTVKOGPVQFK'EEGNNGP\C%NCUUGFK.GVVGTGG(KNQUQʏC5EWQNC0QTOCNG5WRGTKQTG

ISBN 978-3-11-053791-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2020936978

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

6JG&GWVUEJG0CVKQPCNDKDNKQVJGMNKUVUVJKURWDNKECVKQPKPVJG&GWVUEJG0CVKQPCNDKDNKQITCʏG
detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

© 2020 Walter De Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Cover illustration: Fanciful Representation of Maximilian I’s Treasury, detail from: The Triumphal Arch
of Maximilian I of Habsburg, woodcut, 1515. London, The British Museum, inv. no. E 5,1.
Typesetting: SatzBild GbR, Sabine Taube, Kieve
2TKPVKPICPFDKPFKPI$GNV\)TCʏUEJG$GVTKGDG)OD*$CF.CPIGPUCN\C

www.degruyter.com
Contents

Acknowledgments 7

Introductory Essay

Beyond “Art Collections”

Rethinking a Canon of Historiography
Gabriella Cirucci/Walter Cupperi 9

Essays
Displacing Artifacts
Towards a Framework for Studying Collecting in the Ancient Roman World
Jane Fejfer 29

Too Ugly to be Collected?

Unexpected Greek “Originals” in Roman Contexts
Gabriella Cirucci 55

Collecting and Owning Sikyonian Paintings

Aratus of Sikyon and his Interest for Art in Plutarch’s Perspective
Eva Falaschi 77

7VGVKCOʏEVKNKCRNWTKUEQPUVGPVSWCOOWTTKPC
Art market, Canons, and Archaeological Evidence
Gianfranco Adornato 95
 Contents

Accumulating and Interacting

Artworks in Ancient Rome’s Public Spaces
Alessandro Poggio 113

Memories of Mauretania
A Late Antique Installation in the House of Venus, Volubilis
Susan Walker 133

The “Marmorsaal” of the Harbour Baths in Ephesus and the Avarian Treasure
of Nagyszentmiklós
Two Case Studies
Georg A. Plattner 149

Treasures on Display
On the Forms of Exhibition of Medieval Church Treasures
Susanne Wittekind 163

Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

Titian’s Charles V with a Drawn Sword and Other Items with a Controversial Status
Walter Cupperi 183

Studiolo, Grotta, Cupola e Museum

.C6TKDWPCFK(TCPEGUEQ+FGo/GFKEKGNG5VCP\GFK$KCPEC%CRRGNNQG&QP#PVQPKQCINK7Hʏ\K
Valentina Conticelli 199

A Material Dynasty
Royal Collections and Collecting in Tudor England, 1485–1603
Andrea M. Gáldy 227

Authors 249

Index 251

Credits 257

Plates 261

6
Walter Cupperi

Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

Titian’s Charles V with a Drawn Sword and Other Items
with a Controversial Status

Let us […] prune this rambling exordium right at the outset, and say quite simply that the travelers
will spend the night in a village called Villalar, not far from Toro, Tordesillas, and Simancas, all of
them touching closely on Portuguese history in terms of a battle, a treaty, archives. A teacher by
RTQHGUUKQP,QUG#PCKÃQʏPFUVJGUGPCOGUGXQECVKXGDWVNKVVNGGNUG*KUMPQYNGFIGQHJKUVQT[KU
only general, other than the rudiments he knows only a few more details than his Spanish and
Portuguese audience who must have learned something, or can’t have forgotten everything,
about Simancas, Toro, and Tordesillas, given the wealth of information and patriotic lore to be
found in the history books of both countries.1

In José Saramago’s The Stone Raft (1986), the fate of Simancas, a village in Castile
ʏI,
sheds an ironic light on the paradoxical nature of collective memory, which retains the
names of minor sites and ignores the facts that made them well known (in this case, the
presence of a major archive). However, there is another reason to associate Simancas with
JKUVQTKECNOGOQT[HTQOCDQWVVQKVUHQTVTGUUJQUVGFCUKIPKʏECPVPWODGTQH
objects that belonged to Charles V of Habsburg (1500–1558).2 The raison d’être of this
accumulation of artifacts and its ties with the social practices of the imperial court deserve
closer consideration.
In the last decade, major contributions have advanced our understanding of how the
Habsburgs stored their precious items in the sixteenth century.3 Several studies also cast a

1 José Saramago, The Stone Raft, transl. by Giovanni Pontiero, San Diego, London: Harvest, Harcourt,
1996, p. 242.
2 Rudolf Beer, Acten, Regesten und Inventare aus dem Archivo General zu Simancas, in: Jahrbuch der
Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses 12 (1891), part II, pp. 91–204, in part.
RR s PQ  (GTFKPCPFQ %JGEC
GF Los inventarios de Carlos V y la familia imperial,
Madrid: Villaverde, 2010, vol. 1, pp. 218–227.
3 Sabine Haag, Franz Kirchweger, Paulus Rainer (eds.), Das Haus Habsburg und die Welt der fürstlichen
Kunstkammern im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert9KGP*QN\JCWUGP%JGEC
CUHP

183
 Walter Cupperi

1 The Fortress of Simancas, rebuilt in the 15thEGPVWT[CPFNCTIGN[OQFKʏGFKPVJGth century, before its

renovation in the 2000s.

new light on the other “repositories” where Charles V kept the objects which he did not
need to carry along in his continuous travels. The imperial insignia and part of his jewels,
goldware, silverware, paintings, tapestries and books were preserved in Brussels.4 His armo-
T[YCUMGRVKP8CNNCFQNKFQVJGTXCNWCDNGCTVKHCEVUKP#NECN½FG*GPCTGU5 Paintings, tapestries,
jewels, precious vessels, astronomical instruments and mechanical clocks were recorded
KP VJG %NQKUVGT QH ;WUVG
'ZVTGOCFWTC YJGTG %JCTNGU URGPV JKU NCUV [GCTU WPVKN JKU FGCVJ
in 1558.6 Even after his abdication in 1556, the goods administered by his casa remained
disseminated across several locations.

4 Alexandre Pinchart, Tableaux et sculptures de Charles Quint, in: Revue Universelle des Arts 3 (1856),
RRs (GTPCPFQ %JGEC 'N 'ORGTCFQT %CTNQU 8 +PXGPVCTKQU DKGPGU [ EQNGEEKQPGU KP %JGEC
2010 (as fn. 2), pp. 39–56 (with literature).
5 Jesús F. Pascual Molina, La armería de Carlos V en Valladolid, in: Fernando Checa (ed.), Museo imperial.
El coleccionismo artístico de los Austrias en el siglo XVI, Madrid: Villaverde, 2013, pp. 81–102.
6 William Stirling-Maxwell, The Cloister Life of the Emperor Charles the Fifth .QPFQP 2CTMGT 
Louis-Prospère Gachard, Retraite et mort de Charles V à Yuste$TWUUGNU*C[G\s,WCP,
/CTVÉP)QP\½NG\'N2CNCEKQFG%CTNQU8GP;WUVGKPArchivo Español de Arte 23 (1950), pp. 27–51 and
s
RRs(GTPCPFQ%JGEC
GFEl monasterio de Yuste, Madrid: Fundación
%CLC 
YKVJ RTGXKQWU NKVGTCVWTG %CTOGP )CTEÉC(TÉCU
GFCarlos V en Yuste: muerte y gloria
eterna/CFTKF2CVTKOQPKQ0CEKQPCN%CVJGTKPG9KNMKPUQP<GTPGT.KXKPI#TTCPIGOGPVUQHVJG

184
 Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

The case of Simancas is perhaps the most atypical one. First, this fortress was not a
royal residence, but a non-urban facility located 14km outside Valladolid (one of the centers
QHVJGTQ[CNCWVJQTKV[KP%CUVKNG4GPQXCVGFKPVJGʏHVGGPVJEGPVWT[VQUGTXGCUCLCKNKVYCU
EQPXGTVGFKPVQCUVQTCIGDWKNFKPICTQWPFUJQTVN[DGHQTGVJGʏTUVKPXGPVQT[QHKVUHCEKNK-
ties was drawn in 1545. No member of the Habsburg family ever lodged there or had easily
access to the items held in the fortress.7
Second, the fortress of Simancas is usually described as an archive where Charles V and
Philip II preserved the documents that supported their dynastic rights. This interpretation,
which emphasizes the continuity with the building’s current use as State archive, tends to
overshadow the fact that the items stored within its walls were not only papers and parch-
ments, but also included a considerable selection of objects.8 For instance, art historians
have shown interest in a portrait of the Emperor painted by Titian (more on this below) and
KPVJGRTGUGPEGQHUGXGTCNWPKFGPVKʏGFIQNFGPUKNXGTUVCVWGU9 Great attention has been paid
to the Mesoamerican, Peruvian and Indian-Portuguese artifacts documented in the facility
(weapons, jewels, precious stones, clothes and ritual shields). The richness of the mechan-
ical clocks has also been noted.10;GVVJGITQWRQHKVGOURTGUGTXGFKP5KOCPECUJCUQPN[
RNC[GFCOCTIKPCNTQNGKPVJGFKUEWUUKQPQH%JCTNGU8oURTQʏNGCUCPQYPGTQHXCNWCDNGQD-
LGEVUYKVJVJGGZEGRVKQPQH(GTPCPFQ%JGECCPF/KIWGN/QT½P6WTKPCoURKQPGGTKPIUWTXG[
QHVJG*CDUDWTIEQNNGEVKQPUKP5RCKP
UEJQNCTUJKRJCUDGGPEJKGʐ[HQEWUKPIQPVJG
YQTMUQHCTVMGRVKPVJG'ORGTQToUSWCTVGTUKP;WUVGCPF$TWUUGNU11 The issue of why such

Spanish Habsburgs from Charles V to Philip IV, in: Monique Chatenet, Krista De Jonge (eds.), Le prince,
la princesse et leurs logis, Paris: Centre A. Chastel, 2014, pp. 125–140.
7 .CWTC)QP\½NG\(GTP½PFG\6JG#TEJKVGEVWTGQHVJG6TGCUWTG#TEJKXGVJG#TEJKXGKP5KOCPECU(QTVTGUU
in: Bernardo J. García García (ed.), Felix Austria. Lazos familiares, cultura política y mecenazgo entre
las cortes de los Habsburgo, Madrid: Carlo de Amberes, 2016, pp. 61–101.
8 Arndt Brendecke, ‘Arca, archivillo, archivo’: the Keeping, Use and Status of Historical Documents about
the Spanish Conquista, in: Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences, 10 (2010), pp. 267–283,
RQKPVU QWV UKIPKʏECPV FKHHGTGPEGU DGVYGGP C OQFGTP CTEJKXG CPF VJG HCEKNKV[ ETGCVGF KP 5KOCPECU KP
terms of use, arrangement, accessibility and relations with the historiographical practice. Additionally,
VJGJ[DTKFEJCTCEVGTQHVJGJQNFKPIUMGRVKPVJGHQTVTGUUYCUUKIPKʏECPVN[CNVGTGFWPFGT2JKNKR++oUTWNG
9 Resp. Harold E. Wethey, The Paintings of TitianXQN++.QPFQP2JCKFQPRPQ.CPF,WCP
,/CTVÉP)QP\½NG\El escultor en Palacio, Madrid: Gredos 1991, p. 45.
10 Karl F. Rudolf, Exotica bei Karl V., Philipp II. und in der Kunstkammer Rudolfs II., in: Jahrbuch des
Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien U  
 RR s #NOWFGPC 2ÅTG\ FG 6WFGNC #PPG-
marie Jordan-Gschwend, Luxury Goods for Royal Collectors: Exotica, Princely Gifts and Rare Animals
Exchanged between the Iberian Courts and Central Europe in the Renaissance, KDKFRRsR
Sabine Haag (ed.), Der altmexikanische FederkopfschmuckGZKDECV#NVGPUVCFV<-(%JTKUVKCP
Feest, Mexican Featherwork in Austrian Collections, in: Alessandra Russo, Gerhard Wolf, Diana Fane
(eds.), Images Take Flight. Feather art in Mexico and Europe, 1400–1700, Munich: Hirmer, 2015,
RRsR
YKVJRTGXNKVGTCVWTG#NGUUCPFTC4WUUQL’image intraduisible. Une histoire mé-
tisse des arts en Nouvelle Espagne, Paris: Presses du Réel, 2015, pp. 47–59. On the clocks: Elisabeth
Scheicher, Die Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Habsburger, Wien: Molden, 1979, p. 187.
11 (GTPCPFQ%JGEC/KIWGN/QT½P6WTKPCEl coleccionismo en Espana de la cámara de maravillas a la
galería de pinturas /CFTKF %½VGFTC  RR s /KEJGNKPG 5QGPGP &G EQNNGEVKGU KP #TNGVVG
Smolar-Meynart (ed.), Het Paleis van Brussel, Brussels: Gemeentekrediet, 1991, pp. 173–266, 196–204.

185
 Walter Cupperi

a heterogeneous accumulation of jewels, medals, coins, books, minerals, horns, tableware,

reliquaries and liturgical items was gathered in Simancas has not been addressed in a satis-
factory way to date.
In general, the objects accumulated by Charles V in Simancas raised no particular atten-
tion outside of Spain. This oversight has several reasons. First, many of these items were dis-
persed shortly after the Emperor’s death in 1558: according to the Spanish use, the goods
of monarchs were put on sale or melted down to pay off their debts.12 Second, scholarship
implicitly associates this custom (the almoneda) with an appreciation of artifacts based only
on their economic and functional value. From this point of view, the attitude of Spanish
rulers is at odds with the keywords associated with the history of collections during the past
FGECFGUUWEJCUpF[PCUVKEEQPVKPWKV[qpJKUVQTKECNOGCPKPIqCPFpCGUVJGVKECRRTGEKCVKQPq
this attitude also has little to do with the focus on the pre-history of museums that still
characterizes this discipline in some countries.13 Finally, the inventories of the fortress are
EJKGʐ[UQTVGFD[OCVGTKCNCPFHQTOQHWUG5WEJCPCTTCPIGOGPVKUQDXKQWUN[QHNKVVNGCRRGCN
to researchers who focus on collectibles in order to reconstruct the emergence of new
disciplines, such as natural sciences or numismatics, throughout the sixteenth century. As a
consequence, the valuables gathered on behalf of Charles V were often overlooked within
the general history of collections: they became an issue of regional or national interest, and
were dismissed as an unpromising topic by collection theorists.
However, a closer look at the inventories of the items preserved in Simancas (published
in full text in 2010) suggests that it would be worth reconsidering their status.14 This paper
argues that such a re-assessment can contribute to better understanding the accumulations
QHQDLGEVUVJCVFQPQVʏVKPVJGUEJGOGFTCYPD[,WNKWUXQP5EJNQUUGTKPVQQWVNKPG
the history of the imperial collections (especially after his interpretation was questioned in
relation with them, too).15
6JKUGUUC[YKNNʏTUVUJQYWPFGTYJCVEKTEWOUVCPEGUVJGUGCTVKHCEVUYGTGCNVGTPCVKXGN[ENCU-
UKʏGFCUCPpCTVEQNNGEVKQPqCpVTGCUWTGqCp9WPFGTMCOOGTqCPFCpTGRQUKVQT[qQXGTVJGNCUV
three centuries. Then, it will address the history of Simancas as a site dedicated to the preser-
vation of these objects: this short survey will hopefully provide a better account of Charles’s
motivation for keeping and gathering valuables across several locations. Further, highlighting
how the fortress and its holdings were used before 1561 will demonstrate that neither the
interpretations offered in the past, nor the relation they imply with the Emperor are quite
satisfactory to explain the practices documented in the inventories. Finally, the paper will dis-
cuss several methodological issues raised by groups of objects such as the ones studied here.

12 ,WCP.)QP\½NG\)CTEÉC2T½EVKECUFGTGEKENCLG[CWVQEQPUEKGPEKCHCOKNKCTGPGNEQNGEEKQPKUOQCTVÉUVKEQ
de los Habsburgo, in: Checa 2013 (as fn. 5), pp. 43–52.
13 For an example of this critical approach see: Krzysztof Pomian, Collectionneurs, amateurs et curieux.
Paris, Venise, XVIe–XVIIIe siècle. Paris: Gallimard, 1987, in part. pp. 28–30.
14 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), vol. 1, pp. 163–864.
15 Julius von Schlosser, Die Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Spätrenaissance. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte
des Sammelwesens, Leipzig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1908. Haag et al. 2015 (as fn. 3).

186
 Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

 /KIWGN,CFTCSWG[5½PEJG\1ECÍCCarlos V en Yuste, cm 146×193, oil on canvas, 1877, Madrid, Museo

0CEKQPCNFGN2TCFQ
EWTTGPVN[FGRQUKVGFCVVJG%½OCTCFG%QOGTEKQG+PFWUVTKCKP5CNCOCPEC

Emperor, Cenobite and Connoisseur

+PVJGRGTKQFURCPPKPIHTQOVQPQNGUUVJCPʏXGOQPQITCRJUHQEWUGFQPVJG
ENQKUVGTQH;WUVGVJGNCUVTGVTGCVQH%JCTNGU8CPFKVUJQNFKPIU16 According to these works,
the monarch, once relieved from his government duties and worldly concerns, cultivated a
passion for art. William Prescott, for instance, claims that the Emperor “was a true lover of
art, and, for a crowned head, no contemptible connoisseur” (1856).17 According to this nar-
rative, Charles lived in a frugal way during his last days: only “a small but choice collection of

16 5VKTNKPI/CZYGNN 

CU HP  #OÅFÅG 2KEJQV Charles-Quint 2CTKU (WTPG  )CEJCTF s

CUHP(TCPÃQKU#WIWUVG#/KIPGVCharles Quint, Paris: Paulin, L’Heureux et C.ie, 1854 (with
further two editions by 1857). On this moment in the scholarship of Charles V cf. Mia J. Rodríguez
Salgado, Los últimos combates de un Caballero Determinado, in: Checa 2007 (as fn. 6), pp. 83–108.
17 William H. Prescott, Life of Charles V After his Abdication, in: William Robertson, The History of the
Reign of the Emperor Charles the Fifth (1856), ed. by Wilfred H. Munro, vol. 4, Philadelphia: Lippincott,
1904, pp. 280–281.

187
 Walter Cupperi

paintings” followed him in his retreat and fed his spiritual needs.18 His jewels and silverware,
“worthless in the monastery”, had been “left to those who had still their showy parts to play
on the theatre of the world”.19
Terms such as “lover of art” and “connoisseur” confer the attitude of nineteenth-cen-
tury amateurs to the Habsburg Emperor. This short-circuit between modern collectorship,
historical fantasy and a sixteenth-century ruler becomes evident if we compare Prescott’s
words to other nineteenth-century depictions of Charles V’s monastic life (ʏI and. pl. XI):
KPCRCKPVKPID[/KIWGN,CFTCSWG[5½PEJG\FG1ECÍCCVVJG/WUGQFGN2TCFQ
HQT
instance, we can see him surrounded by monks, a confessional and several paintings by
Titian, as he examines two peculiar polychromed statuettes made in the manner of Jean-
Léon Gérôme. The same topoi shape Hugh Trevor-Roper’s questionable portrait of Charles
as “a discriminating, enthusiastic patron of the arts”, a “lover of beauty” and a “genuine
aesthete” in 1976.20

A Statesman Straddling the “Middle Ages” and the “Renaissance”

On the other side of Europe, in Austria, the research of Alphons Lhotsky (1958) offers a
disenchanted counterbalance to the Anglo-Saxon enthusiasm for Charles as an “art lover”.
Compared to the commitment of his relatives, Charles’s interest for collectibles looks epi-
sodic to the Viennese scholar:

&C»GTIWVGPLCXQTVTGHʐKEJGP)GUEJOCEMDGYKGUKUVKJOFCDGK=scilicet die Wirkung des Prunkes

richtig zu taxieren] sehr zugute gekommen. Allerdings wird er in den ewigen Sorgen und Nöten
des Alltags nur selten Muße gefunden haben, sich der schönen Dinge mehr als von ungefähr zu
erfreuen. Hat er doch – auch hierin durchaus noch mittelalterlich – keine feste Residenz gehabt, so
dass er kein Sammler werden konnte, wies es sein Bruder, sein Neffen und Großneffen geworden
sind.21

Not only does Charles’s attitude not correspond to that of an art collector, but his cultural
DCEMITQWPFKUCNUQUGGPCUEQPUGTXCVKXGCPFpOGFKGXCNq*KUCIGPE[KPVJGʏGNFQHCTVRCVTQP-
age and art consumption seems subordinated to his political agenda and desire for fame.22

18 Prescott 1856 (as fn. 17), resp. pp. 279 and 280. On this Leitmotiv see also Giovan Battista Cavalcaselle,
Joseph A. Crowe, Tiziano, la sua vita e i suoi tempi, Florence: Le Monnier, 1877, p. 332: “Ma Carlo
era veramente un patrono appassionato dell’arte della pittura […] e poneva nelle sue collezioni tanto
affetto, che volle condur seco i suoi tesori d’arte in quel solitario convento dell’Estremadura […]”.
19 Prescott 1856 (as fn. 17), p. 279. Interestingly, this view was not shared by Prescott’s main source,
Gachard 1854–1855 (as fn. 6), who emphasized the Emperor’s active participation in State affairs
(p. LXI) and demonstrated that a considerable amount of silverware and precious stones had been
DTQWIJVVQ;WUVG
++RRs
20 Hugh Trevor-Roper, Princes and Artists: Patronage and Ideology at Four Habsburg Courts, London:
Thames and Hudson, 1976, pp. 13 and 26.
21 Alphons Lhotsky, Einleitung, in: Alphons Lhotsky, Erwin M. Auer (eds.), Sonderausstellung Karl V.,
Wien: Kunsthistorisches Museum, 1958, pp. IX–XII, p. X.
22 Ibid., p. IX: “Ein Musagetes in seinem Sinne [of Maximilian I] ist Karl V. nicht gewesen, vielmehr eine
durchaus politische Erscheinung – dieses Wort im weitesten Sinne genommen.”

188
 Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

Lhotsky’s judgment is echoed in Elisabeth Scheicher’s monograph Die Kunst- und

Wunderkammern der Habsburger (1979). The book presents Charles V as a patron interest-
ed in the different forms of “Repräsentation” without being a collector (“kein Sammler im
eigentlichen Sinn”): he had too little time, “zu wenig Spielraum […], um mit ihrer Hervorbrin-
gungen [scilicetFGT9GNV?LGPGUDGUQPFGTGWPFKPVKOG8GTJÀNVPKU\WRʐGIGPFCUFKG8QTCWU-
setzung jedes wahren Sammlertums ist.”23 Only mechanical clocks triggered his enthusiasm.
Scheicher’s rejection of Trevor-Roper’s romantic view of Charles V is a good example of
the favorable reception of Julius von Schlosser’s theories in the scholarship of pre-modern
collections. In Schlosser’s view, pre-modern accumulations of artifacts can be seen in terms
of an evolution from ancient and mediaeval hoards and treasures to sixteenth- and seven-
teenth century collections, in which he saw the emergence of a formal, non-utilitarian, and
modern understanding of art.243WKVGUKIPKʏECPVN[%JCTNGU8YCUPQVKPENWFGFKP5EJNQUUGToU
UWTXG[QHVJGOQUVUKIPKʏECPV*CDUDWTIEQNNGEVQTU6JGQDLGEVUMGRVKP5KOCPECUCNUQFKFPQV
deserve a place in Scheicher’s history of the “enzyklopädische Kunstkammer”, because the
fortress hosted neither “Naturalien, wie Knochen und präparierte Tiere,” nor “Mirabilien”.25
In her view, Charles had a “retrospektive Haltung”.26
6JGFQYPRNC[KPIQH%JCTNGUoUKPVGTGUVHQTpCTVCUUWEJqʏPFUKVUGZVTGOGGZRTGUUKQPKP
Hugh Honour’s The New Golden Land (1975). In this respect, the pages in which Honour
considers Fernando Pizarro’s bestowal of exceptional pieces of Peruvian goldsmithery to
Charles V in 1534 are particularly telling:

The Emperor is said to have been suitably impressed: but he sent the whole lot straight to the
melting pot. An inventory of his possessions drawn up shortly after his death shows that of the
vast quantity of rich and strange objects sent to him from his dominions in the New World all
that survived intact were a few pieces of gold and silver, some examples of featherwork, and such
oddities as a ”pair of shoes of the Indians of Peru ”.27

The storage of a selection of Charles’s belongings in Simancas and their deaccession be-
come evidence of his “little […] appreciation” of such imports.28

23 Scheicher 1979 (as fn. 10), resp. pp. 186 and 187. Cf. Ferdinando Checa, Carlos V y la imagen del héroe
del Renascimiento, Madrid: Taurus, 1987, p. 186.
24 Schlosser 1908 (as fn. 15), pp. 5 and 34. Cf. above the introductory essay: Beyond “Art Collections”.
Rethinking a Canon of Historiography.
25 Scheicher 1979 (as fn. 10), resp. pp. 12 (“enzyclopädische Kunstkammer”) and 188 (Simancas).
26 Scheicher 1979 (as fn. 10), p. 187. Cf. Schlosser 1908 (as fn. 15), p. 22.
27 Hugh Honour, The New Golden Land. European Images of America from the Discoveries to the Pres-
ent Time 0GY ;QTM 2CPVJGQP  R  (QT C UKOKNCT EQPENWUKQP UGG ,WCP , /CTVÉP )QP\CNG\
Obras artísticas de procedencia americana en la colección de Carlos V, in: María J. Redondo Cantera,
/KIWGN<CNCOC
GFUCarlos V y las artes. Promoción artística y familia imperial, Valladolid: Univ.
FG8CNNCFQNKFRRs;GV/CTVÉP)QP\½NG\JCFʏTUVJCPFMPQYNGFIGQHVJGs
inventory and his contribution is better documented.
28 Honour 1975 (as fn. 27), p. 29.

189
 Walter Cupperi

A “Collection” and a “Wunderkammer” for Charles V

A reaction to Elizabeth Scheicher’s position can be found in two different, seminal works:
The Impact of Charles V upon the Visual Arts, by William Eisler (1983), and El coleccionismo
en España: de la cámara de maravillas a la galería de pinturas, by Fernando Checa and
/KIWGN/QT½P6WTKPC
29 Both authors agree with Lhotsky and Scheicher in emphasiz-
ing the non-aesthetic character of the Emperor’s focus on the visual arts. Nevertheless, they
also try to present Charles V under a new light, i.e. as an innovative collector.
Eisler acknowledges that Charles V’s “direct participation in the arts was minimal”,
and that his sixteenth-century biographers do not ascribe to him a humanistic education.
;GVVJGUEJQNCTCNUQCTIWGUVJCVp%JCTNGURCTVKEKRCVGFHWNN[KPVJGVGEJPKECNCPFUEKGPVKʏE
culture of the Cinquecento and […] his interests in this domain had a direct impact upon
the nature of his collecting and patronage”.30 In his view, the accumulation of artifacts re-
corded in Simancas in 1558–1561 can be seen as “an important Kunst- und Wunderkammer
which may have inspired the later collections of Habsburg princes such as Ferdinand of Tirol,
Maximilian II and Rudolf II”.31'KUNGToUKPVGTRTGVCVKQPOCMGU%JCTNGU8CRKXQVCNʏIWTGQHVJG
Antirinascimento as conceptualized by Eugenio Battisti in his book of 1962.32
Checa and Turina’s better-documented survey, El coleccionismo en España, describes
the artifacts stored in Simancas as “símbolos de la dignidad imperial” along with “tesoros
[…] de valor artístico y material”.33 In this adaptation of Schlosser’s interpretive model to
the history of Iberian collections, the objects kept in the fortress represent a traditional,
KPCEEGUUKDNG VTGCUWTG VJCV EJKGʐ[ EQPUKUVGF QH RTGEKQWU KVGOU OCIKE VQQNU RCTCFG YGCR-
ons, war trophies and diplomatic gifts. The presence of artifacts from non-European lands,
JQYGXGTKUTGICTFGFCUCUKIPKʏECPVKPPQXCVKQP34+PUVGCF%JCTNGUoUJQNFKPIUKP;WUVGCTG
EQPUKFGTGFVJGʏTUVpCTVEQNNGEVKQPqRWVVQIGVJGTD[C5RCPKUJ*CDUDWTI6JGUGYQTMUQHCTV
are presented as actively selected by Charles, and as representative of his individual “taste”
CPFpUEKGPVKʏEKPVGTGUVUq/QTGQXGT%JGECCPF6WTKPCRQKPVQWVVJCVVJG[YGTGRTGUGTXGFKP
an intimate ambient, which facilitated hands-on contact with each artifact.35

29 William L. Eisler, The Impact of Charles V upon the Visual Arts, Ph.D. Diss., University Park: Pennsylvania
5VCVG7PKXGTUKV[%JGEC/QT½P6WTKPC
CUHP
30 William L. Eisler, The “Wunderkammer” of Charles V. The Emperor, Science, Technology and the Ex-
panding World, in: Annali dell’Istituto storico italo-germanico di Trento, 19 (1993), pp. 11–53, p. 11.
31 Eisler 1983 (as fn. 29), p. 13. Eisler suggested tracing back a table clock (Stuttgart, Landesmuseum
Württemberg, inv. no. 1973/22) and an automaton clock in the form of a table ship (Écouen, Musée
National de la Renaissance) to Charles’s “collection”, but without the support of documentary evi-
dence. The automaton is currently dated to the last quarter of the sixteenth century (David Thompson,
Clocks, London: British Museum Press, 2004, p. 54).
32 Eugenio Battisti, L’Antirinascimento, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1962, p. 180, cited in Eisler 1983 (as fn. 29),
p. 35.
33 %JGEC/QT½P6WTKPC
CUHPR
34 %JGEC/QT½P6WTKPC
CUHPR
35 %JGEC/QT½P6WTKPC
CUHPR6JKUCURGEVKURCTVKEWNCTN[GORJCUK\GFKP%JGEC
CU
fn. 2), p. 50.

190
 Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

More on the Objects Kept in Simancas Before 1561

0KPGVGGPVJCPFVYGPVKGVJEGPVWT[UEJQNCTUJKRQP5KOCPECUKUEJKGʐ[DCUGFQP4WFQNH$GGToU
abstracts (1891) from the fortress’ inventory drawn in 1558–1561, that is after Charles
V’s death. In 2010, the publication of two earlier inventories of the “joyaulx, ornements,
licornes, bagues, vasselles, pierres […] et aultres meubles” belonging to the Emperor, dat-
ing respectively from 1545 and 1556, provided a large amount of new information.36 This
editorial enterprise gives us a better understanding of the raison d’être of the objects accu-
mulated in Simancas.
The inventory of 1545, in particular, has been only considered in relation with the mov-
able goods kept in Brussels.37 Nevertheless, its last section focuses on items “left in Spain”

pFGNCKUUG\GP'URCIPGqVJGKTNQECVKQPKUPQVURGEKʏGFDWVC/GUQCOGTKECPHGCVJGTJGCF-
dress (“ventaille de plumes verdes”), similar to the one reproduced in ʏI, is said to have
been struck by a lightning in “Symancques” some time before the document was written.38
This remark suggests that at least some of the objects “left in Spain” were stored in the
fortress of Simancas at the time.
The inventory of 1556 provides further clues in this direction. Not only does it localize
in Simancas the same objects that were recorded in the 1545 inventory as “in Spain”, but
it also details that Charles deposited them there the “last time that he left” Castile to travel
to the Ancient Netherlands (“cuando partió la postrera vez para venir en estas partes”, that
is in the area of Ghent, where this document was drawn up).39 Now, the last time that the
Emperor had travelled from Spain to Flanders before 1556 was in 1543. As the renovation
QHVJGHQTVTGUUQH5KOCPECUJCFDGIWPCTQWPFYGECPCUUWOGVJCVCʏTUVITQWRQH
valuables was left in Castile as early as 1543.
This chronology suggests that the storage of precious items in Simancas had a practical
reason. In 1541–1543, Charles spent a large portion of his Spanish stay in Valladolid, where
the Castilian cortes convened. However, the Emperor did not own a mansion in Valladolid:
during his stays, he was hosted by the Count of Benavente, the Count of Ribadavia or
Francisco de los Cobos y Molina.40 Therefore, he could not store in Valladolid any of the
gifts that he had gathered during his Italian travels in 1533 and 1541, or the luxury items

36 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), pp. 218–228, 250–260.

37 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 45.
38 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), resp. p. 218 and p. 225. About the similar, but probably not identical headdress
MGRVKPVJG9GNVOWUGWOQH8KGPPC
ʏTUVFGUETKDGFKPVJGKPXGPVQT[QH#ODTCU%CUVNGKPʏI
see esp. Karl A. Nowotny, Mexikanische Kostbarkeiten aus Kunstkammern der Renaissance, Wien: Mu-
UGWOHØT8ÒNMGTMWPFGRRsPQ%JTKUVKCP((GGUV5RCPKUEJ#OGTKMCKPCW»GTURCPKUEJGP
Kunstkammern, in: Kritische Berichte 20 (1992), issue 2, pp. 43–58, pp. 44–45 (with literature). On this
kind of artifact see: Russo et al. 2015 (as fn. 10).
39 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 229. Cf. Manuel de Foronda y Aguilera, Estancias y viajes del emperador
Carlos V, Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1914, pp. 537–658.
40 #IWUVÉP $WUVCOCPVG )CTEÉC 8CNNCFQNKF [ NC EQTVG KORGTKCN KP %CPVGTC <CNCOC 
CU HP 
pp. 129–164.

191
 Walter Cupperi

3 Mesoamerican workshop,
*GCFFTGUU*EO
W. cm 175 ca., feather, leather,
RCRGTXGIGVCNʏDGTYQQFGPUVKEMU
gold appliques and gold thread,
ʏTUVJCNHQHVJGth century,
Vienna, Weltmuseum.

that he had received or inherited in Spain. This is possibly the reason why he ordered the
fortress of Simancas to be renovated: the facility, not far from Valladolid, could hold the
movable goods that he did not want to expose to risky displacements through France and
the Holy Roman Empire.
A further look at the dates of Charles V’s travels reveals more details about the life of
these objects. In 1543, he left Valladolid and conferred the regency of Castile and Aragon
on his son Philip. From that moment until his death in 1558, the Emperor spent only a cou-
RNGQHFC[UKP8CNNCFQNKFQPJKUYC[VQVJG%NQKUVGTQH;WUVGKP#UCEQPUGSWGPEGHTQO
1543 his belongings in Simancas were never available to him for use, display or personal
enjoyment. Nor do we know of any visitors who were allowed to see them. After all, the
fortress and its very sober interiors were intended for safekeeping rather than for display
and reception, and its precious holdings were kept wrapped in cloth and locked in trunks.41
The selection, origin, location and form of conservation of these items present crucial dif-
ferences with respect to the valuables kept in the Kunstkammern of Munich, Stuttgart and
Dresden.420QVUWTRTKUKPIN[VJGHCEKNKV[QH5KOCPECUYCUPGXGTFGʏPGFYKVJVJCVVGTOKPGCTN[
modern sources.
Additionally, the extensive descriptions provided in the inventories of 1545 and 1556
include information about the provenance of several objects. In order to understand the link
between the origin of these items and their subsequent life, it is worth considering three
GZCORNGUFTCYPHTQOVJGKPXGPVQT[QH6JGʏTUVQDLGEVKUCJWPVKPIQTFTKPMKPIJQTP

41 The parchments and papers archived in the fortress were also infrequently consulted and kept in trunks:
)QP\½NG\(GTP½PFG\
CUHPR
42 Peter Diemer, Dorothea Diemer, Einführung, in: Willibald Sauerländer (ed.), Die Münchner Kunstkam-
mer, München: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2008, vol. 3, pp. IX–XIV.

192
 Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

une corne torse, garnye aux deux boultz d’argent dore, escript au dedens du gros boult “DE
CAMBUS BIRES LETICIAMQue BIRES”, donnee a l’Empereur par feu le conte Castillon lors le nonce
du Pape.43

The donor is Baldassarre Castiglione, author of the Libro del Cortegiano and Apostolic nun-
cio in Spain from 1524 until 1529, when he died in Toledo: thus, the horn cannot date from
after 1529. Charles V had kept the gift of a Vatican diplomat who had been loyal to him in
VJGFKHʏEWNV[GCTUQHVJG5CEMQH4QOGCPFYJQJCFHQTVJCVTGCUQPHCNNGPHTQOITCEGYKVJ
pope Clemens VII.44
A similar example is provided by a capilla consisting of a silver cross, a pax and two
candlesticks, all decorated with rock crystal intaglios. The inventory states that it was do-
nated by Paul III Farnese in September 1541, when he met Charles V in Lucca after the Diet
QH4GIGPUDWTI
pEJQUGUSWGQPVGUVGFQPPGGUC5C/CLGUVGCUQPTTGVQWTFG4TGPIUDQWTEJ
et premierement ce que a este donne de part le pape Paule a Lucq”).45 A set of rock crystals
GPITCXGF D[ 8CNGTKQ $GNNK
CPF PQY FKUUGOKPCVGF COQPI %KPEKPPCVK 0GY ;QTM 2CTKU CPF
Vicenza, ʏI) is what remains of this liturgical apparatus, which had enjoyed considerable
fame at the time of its making in August 1541.46 This outstanding group of objects can also
DGVTCEGFDCEMVQCURGEKʏEFQPQTCPFCRCTVKEWNCTGPEQWPVGTCPFVJGKPXGPVQT[FGVCKNUVJG
town and the journey during which the bestowal took place.
A slightly different case is that of the following painting: “une ressemblance de sa
Majesté en armes que fut faicte en Bouloigne la Grasse, qu’es sur bois en ung grand chas-
si de bois taillé et doré”.47 This portrait of Charles V in armor was painted in 1532–1533
(or, less plausibly, in 1530) when he was in Bologna – the Italian city, nicknamed “The Fat
1PGqCUVJGCWVJQTQHVJGKPXGPVQT[URGEKʏGUCPFPQVVJG(TGPEJ$QWNQIPG+PVJG
inventory, the painting is recorded with almost the same words (“une ressemblance de sa
Majesté en armes que fut faicte en Bouloigne la Grase, qu’es sur bois, lequel es mis en ung
chassy de bois taillé et doré”) and is explicitly located in Simancas.48 Therefore, it is quite
likely that this item is identical to the likeness recorded as a work by Titian in the inventory
of the fortress drawn in 1558–1561, although this circumstance has remained unnoticed so
far.49 Admittedly, the latter inventory does not mention its provenance, but the Bolognese

43 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 221.

44 Claudio Mutini, Castiglione, Baldassarre, in: &K\KQPCTKQ$KQITCʏEQFGINK+VCNKCPK, vol. 22, Roma: Istituto
della Enciclopedia italiana, 1979, pp. 53–68. On Castiglione’s art patronage in general see: Guido
Rebecchini, Book Collection and Other Possessions of Baldassarre Castiglione, in: JWarb 61 (1998),
pp. 17–52.
45 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 226. Cf. ibid., p. 258.
46 Walter Cupperi, Doni, largizioni e memoria della festa (1530–58): un servizio d’altare di Valerio Belli e
altri oggetti d’arte nelle cerimonie di accoglienza in onore di Carlo V, in: Victor Mínguez, Inmaculada
Rodríguez (eds.), 8KUKQPGU FG WP KORGTKQ GP ʏGUVC, Madrid: Carlo de Amberes, 2016, pp. 247–268,
260–263.
47 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 225.
48 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 258.
49 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 666: “un rretrato de su Magestad […] en una tabla armado en blanco y dora-
do de mano de Tiçiano”.

193
 Walter Cupperi

4 Valerio Belli, Washing of the Feet, mm 72 × 85 × 121, rockcrystal, 1541, Vicenza, Museo Civico.

“ressemblance” is the only panel with this iconography recorded in Charles’s inventories,
and in 1558–1561 it is still described in the same position on the list, together with the
portraits that it preceded in the list of 1556.50 Bought by Philip II after Charles’s death, the
RKEVWTGTGCRRGCTUKPVJG2CTFQ2CNCEGKPCPFKPVJG#NE½\CTQH/CFTKFKPDGHQTG
going lost.51 According to Jeremy Wood, Rubens may have copied it in Simancas in 1603

ʏI .52 6Q DTKGʐ[ UWOOCTK\G VJKU KUUWG VJGTG KU GZRNKEKV GXKFGPEG VJCV 6KVKCP RCKPVGF C
likeness of Charles V in Bologna in 1533.53 Therefore, there are good reasons to conclude

50 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 258. Titian pictured the Emperor in other three portrait types, but his Charles
V in Armor with a Baton was painted in Augsburg in 1548 and could not have been in Spain in 1545,
while his Charles V with a Hound is a painting on canvas and the subject wears no armor. The same
goes for his Charles V Seated: Wethey 1971 (as fn. 9), loc. cit. and pp. 85–91, nos 20 and 22.
51 Wethey 1971 (as fn. 9), p. 192, no. L3.
52 Jeremy Wood, Rubens: Drawing on Italy, exhibition catalogue, Edinburgh, Nottingham: National Gal-
lery of Scotland, Djanogly Art Gallery, 2002, p. 68, no. 48.
53 Letter from Girolamo Negrino to Federico Gonzaga of 28 February 1533, in Willelmo Braghirolli, Alfonso
Cittadella scultore del secolo XVI, in: Atti e memorie della Reale Accademia Virgiliana di Mantova,
1881, p. 81. Cf. Ulrich Middeldorf, Una proposta per Alfonso Lombardi, in: Franco Panvini Rosati (intr.),
La medaglia d’arte, Udine: CIAC, 1973, pp. 20–28, p. 21. The dating of the Charles V with a Sword,

194
 Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

5 Peter Paul Rubens (after Titian),

Charles V with Armour and Sword,
cm 119 × 93, oil on canvas, 1603 (?),
Harrogate, Viscount Mountgarret
Collection.

that the picture kept in Simancas, twice described as being “made in Bologna” and once as
being painted by Titian, had followed the imperial court on its journey from Italy to Spain
in 1533–1534.
The Simancas inventories of 1545 and 1556 record an impressive number of items
together with the name of their donor or the circumstances of their acquisition.54 One

formerly kept in the Palacete del Pardo, has long been debated (cf. especially Charles Hope, Titian,
.QPFQP,WRKVGT$QQMUR*CTQNF'9GVJG[Titian and his Drawings, Princeton: Princeton
7PKXGTUKV[2TGUURRs&KCPG*$QFCTVTiziano e Federico II Gonzaga. Storia di un rappor-
to di committenza4QOC$WN\QPKRRs//CPEKPKTiziano e le corti d’Asburgo nei
documenti degli archivi spagnoli8GPKEG+UVKVWVQ8GPGVQFK5EKGP\G.GVVGTGG#TVKRRG
Sylvia Ferino-Pagden, Andreas Beyer, Tizian versus Seisenegger 6WTPJQWV $TGRQNU  )KQXCPPK
Sassu, Carlo V, Tiziano e il ritratto “tutto armato” dell’imperatore, in: Schifanoia 52/53 (2017), pp. 299–
/KIWGN(CNQOKT%CTNQU86K\KCPQ[GNTGVTCVQGPCTOCFWTCKPNXCT5QNGTFGN%CORQ
GFEl arte
del poder. La Real Armería y el retrato del corte, exhibition catalogue, Madrid: Museo Nac. Del Prado,
 RR s s ;GV PQDQF[ SWGUVKQPU VJCV VJG Portrait of Charles V with a Sword was
RCKPVGFCVUQOGRQKPVKP$QNQIPCCPFVJGKFGPVKʏECVKQPRTQRQUGFJGTGTGUVUQPVJGRTQXGPCPEGQHVJG
panel, not on its dating.
54 6JKUITQWRQHCTVKHCEVUKPENWFGUUGXGTCNKVGOUpXGPCPVFGGU+PFGUFGNC;UGNGFGN2GTQWq
%JGEC
CUHPR;GVKVKUWPENGCTKHVJG[YGTGFQPCVKQPUQH5RCPKUJEQPSWKUVCFQTGUCPF/GUQCOGTKECP

195
 Walter Cupperi

TGCUQP HQT WUKPI RTQXGPCPEG CU C HTGSWGPV KFGPVKʏGT KP VJGUG FQEWOGPVU KU EGTVCKPN[ VJG
great amount of objects inherited or received as presents, as remarked in the foreword of
the 1545 inventory.55 Nevertheless, another complementary reason should be considered.
#UKIPKʏECPVRQTVKQPQHVJGKVGOUJGNFKPVJGHQTVTGUUECPDGUGGPCUQDLGEVKʏECVKQPUQHEQP-
SWGUVUOGGVKPIUCPFEGTGOQPKGU6JG[TGʐGEVUQEKCNDQPFUUWEJCUXCUUCNCIGHCOKN[VKGU
and diplomatic relations, even when they cannot be considered as proper gifts (as in the
case of Titian’s Portrait of Charles V with a sword).
In general, even the artifacts that had a remarkable origin could be still be melted
down or re-gifted. This was the fate of many items stored in Brussels, e.g., a silver double
cup presented by the city of Augsburg and re-donated to the “Sieur de Mouchaulx” after
1545.56 There is no evidence that this practice was frowned upon: a prominent member of
the court of Philip II, Martin de Aragón, Duke of Vallehermosa, nonchalantly reports that
CNCTIGURKPGNYKVJVJGʏIWTGUQH8GPWU%WRKFCFQXGCPFUGXGPUVCTUYCUDGUVQYGFD[C
(TCPEKUEQ&WMGQH/QPVCNVQVQ%JCTNGU8YJQGXGPVWCNN[ICXGKVVQ.WKUFG<ÖPKIC[XKNC
before 1558.579KVJVJKUTGICTFKVOWUVDGPQVGFVJCVVJGʏTUV&WMGQH/QPVCNVQYJQUG
name was actually Ferdinando de Aragona y Guardato, and not Francisco, died in 1542: the
RTGUGPVYCUVJGTGHQTGIKXGPCYC[CHVGTVJGFGCVJQHKVUʏTUVFQPQT5WEJRTGUVKIKQWUKVGOU
YGTGOQTGGCUKN[CNKGPCVGFYJGPVJGKTFKRNQOCVKEUKIPKʏECPEGJCFHCFGFQTYJGPVJGIQCN
pursued through the donation had been reached. In 1535, for instance, Charles V was of-
fered a silver plate with historical scenes by the community of Cava dei Tirreni, caught in a
EQPVTQXGTU[YKVJ(GTTCPVG5CPUGXGTKPQ2TKPEGQH5CNGTPQ;GVCHVGT5CPUGXGTKPQJCFHCNNGP
in disgrace and Cava dei Tirreni was no longer threatened by his expansionist designs, the
plate, still recorded in the 1545 inventory, was deaccessioned.58 In this sense, several ob-
jects with a clear provenance acted as extensions of the communities and individuals that
donated them. Their fate often depended on Charles’s willingness to honor the bonds they
embodied, and on the survival of these personal ties.
6JGKVGOUKP5KOCPECUUGGOVQJCXGCXQKFGFCNKGPCVKQP;GVVJGTGKUPQUKIPVJCVVJG[
enjoyed a particular status and were comparable to regalia and dynastic goods, as did the
diplomas preserved in the same rooms. Their longer preservation may well be a conse-
quence of their having been out of reach from 1545 to 1557, when Charles was outside
of Spain. As a matter of fact, when Charles’s belongings in Spain were put on auction in
1558, his son Philip II bought especially pieces of outstanding quality or of use for his own

rulers, or proper war trophies: Russo 2015 (as fn. 10), pp. 40–47. In several cases, the indication of
provenance seems inaccurate: a copper medal of the “grand Turq”, possibly Suleyman I or Mehmet II,
may have been cast in Southern Europe or in the Ottoman Empire (see Walter Cupperi, Culture di
scambio: medaglie e medaglisti italiani tra Milano e Bruxelles (1535–71), Pisa: Edizioni della Normale,
forthcoming, ad indicem).
55 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 164.
56 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 202: “Il en est fait don par feu l’Imperialle Maieste au Sieur des Mouchaulx au
DCRVGUOGFGUQPʏNUq
57 Checa 2010 (as fn. 2), p. 103.
58 Cupperi 2016 (as fn. 46), p. 265.

196
 Charles V’s Valuables in Simancas

projects (e.g., books for the new royal library). His choices do not seem to take into account
the item’s history and provenance, as prestigious as they may be.59

Conclusions
As we have seen, the items gathered in Simancas were described as a “collection”, a “trea-
sure” or a “Wunderkammer” with an emphasis on “symbols of royalty” or on “technical
CPFUEKGPVKʏEEWNVWTGq6JGUGQUEKNNCVKQPUFGOQPUVTCVGVJGFKHʏEWNV[QHOCMKPIUGPUGQHVJKU
accumulation. I do not believe that describing Charles V as an art collector (or as a failed
collector) is the best account of how his house managed these valuables. The traditional
alternative solutions are unsatisfactory, too. The chief purpose of this accumulation was
neither the daily enjoyment of rarities, nor their durable safekeeping outside the circuits of
exchange. On the one hand, regarding the Emperor’s belongings in Simancas as regalia is
a way of acknowledging their particular status, but does not explain their early dispersal.
/QTGQXGTVJKUKPVGTRTGVCVKQPIKXGUPQKPUKIJVKPVQVJGURGEKʏEEWNVWTCNCPFEQOOGOQTCVKXG
practices of which these items were part. On the other hand, the items kept in Simancas
could be alienated, yet they cannot be simply regarded as stored wealth. Depending on the
circumstances, they alternatively served as future donations, mementos connected with
short narratives that were recorded in the inventories, or as sources of precious materials. To
a certain extent, these objects also served for a long while as identity holders. That identity,
however, was established through the registration of their provenance and connection with
URGEKʏERGTUQPUTCVJGTVJCPD[VTGCVKPIVJGOCUKPCNKGPCDNGIQQFU#ESWKUKVKQPKPJGTKVCPEG
CEEWOWNCVKQP DGUVQYCN CPF TGWUG QH UKIPKʏECPV CTVKHCEVU CNNQYGF %JCTNGU VQ GORJCUK\G
his prominent position, his family ties and his vassal bonds. Facilities such as the fortress of
Simancas made this custom compatible with the life of an itinerant court.
It is worth reiterating that the appreciation of valuables such as the ones kept in Siman-
ECUFKFJCTFN[TGUVQPEQPPQKUUGWTUJKRKPVJGOQFGTPUGPUGQHVJGYQTF;GVVJGKTMGGRGTU
were not blind to their materiality. The relationship between the rank of the object’s com-
missioner and that of its recipient, the performance of similar patrons and the richness and
complexity of the artifact itself did matter in its preservation. Acquiring, re-using or alien-
ating artifacts imply forms of evaluation that are different from those of art collectors, but
cannot be reduced to mere considerations of material value.
Another point to be stressed is that terms such as collection, treasure, Wunderkammer
and regalia usually imply that objects were accumulated according to a stable regime of
value: their status is assumed to be regulated through aesthetic, economic, material/sym-
bolic or dynastic criteria.60 6JKU KU TGICTFGF CU C RTGEQPFKVKQP VQ FGʏPG CP CEEWOWNCVKQP

59 Consistently with this change of status, the portrait of Charles in Armour made in “Bouloigne la Grasse”
was eventually recorded as a work “by Titian’s hand” in the 1558–1561 inventory.
60 On the concept of regimes of value, see Arjun Appadurai, Introduction: Commodities and the Politics
of Value, in: Arjun Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective,
Cambridge et al.: Cambridge University Press, 1986, pp. 3–63, in part. 4–5. The sharp contrast between

197
 Walter Cupperi

of objects as a collection (or a treasure) not only according to Krzysztof Pomian’s theories,
but also, as we have seen, in the scholarship on Habsburg collectorship to this date.61 The
history of the items kept in Simancas suggests a different approach. Personalities such as
Charles V challenge the expectations connected with the term “art collector” (e.g., personal
involvement in the acquisition of items, physical closeness to their place of conservation,
demonstration of taste through their display). The objects that he accumulated and man-
aged have indeed little meaning in the pre-history of museums and modern collectorship.
;GVVJGKTFGUETKRVKQPKPUKZVGGPVJEGPVWT[UQWTEGUCPFVJGKTHCVGFWTKPI
CPFCHVGT%JCTNGUoU
life cast a new light on his motivation for keeping and gathering valuables. The study of
KVGOUUWEJCUVJGQPGUUVQTGFKP5KOCPECUJKIJNKIJVUVJGEQORNGZKV[CPFʐWKFKV[QHVJGETKVG-
TKCVJTQWIJYJKEJGCTN[OQFGTPTWNGTUCPFCTKUVQETCVUEQPHGTTGFUKIPKʏECPEGVQVJGKTQDLGEVU

gift and commodity has been criticized from different perspectives: Fred R. Myers, Introduction: the
Empire of Things, in: Fred R. Myers (ed.), The Empire of Things. Regimes of Value and Material Culture,
5CPVC(G5EJQQNQH#OGTKECP4GUGCTEJRRs#TLWP#RRCFWTCK6JG5QEKCN.KHGQH6JKPIU
in: Tone Hansen, Ana María Bresciani (eds.), Looters, Smugglers and Collectors, Cologne: König, 2015,
pp. 63–78, p. 67.
61 Krzysztof Pomian, Collectors and Curiosities. Paris and Venice, 1500–1800, translated by Elisabeth
Wiles-Portier, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990, p. 30.

198