(io in a capitalise mode of production. The aim of an alternative sociology would be to explore and unfold the relations beyond oar direct experience that shape and termine it. An altemative sociology would be a means to anyone of understanding he world comes about for us and how it is organized so that it happens 10 us as it docs in our experience. An alternative sociology, from the standpoint of women, makes the everyday world its problematic, Black Feminist Epistemology [1990] Patricia Hill Collins As critical social theory, US. Black feminist thought reflects the interests and stand- point ofits creators. Tracing the origin and diffusion of Black feminist thought ot any comparable body of specialized knowledge reveals its affinity to the power of the group that created it (Mannheim, 1936), Because elite Whive men control Western structures of knowledge validation, thee interests pervade the themes, paradigms, and epistemologies of traditional scholarship. As a zesule, US. Black women’s expeti- as well as those of women of African descent transnationally have been S. Black feminist thought az specialied thought reflects the di of African-American women's experiences, Black feminist thoughts cove themes of work, family, sexual politics, motherhood, and political activism rely on paradigms that emphasize the importance of inerecting oppression in shaping the US. mate of domination, But expressing these themes and paradigms has not been easy because Black women have had to struggle against White male interpretations of the world, thought has often become highly Visible, yet curiously, despite this visibility, it has become differentiy subjugated. Investigating the subjugated knowledge of subordinate groups ~ in this case a Black women’s standpoint and Black feminist thought ~ requires more ingenuity than that needed to examine the standpoints and thought of dominant groups. “Black Feminist Epistemology,” pp. 251-6, 266-71 from Black nowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, 2nd ed, (New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis, 2000}. Copyright © 2000. Reproduced by per ‘mission ofthe author and Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.Pc a] | found my training as a social scientist inadequate to the task of studying the sub- jugated knowledge of a Black women’s standpoint. This is because subordinate groups have long had to use alternative ways to create independent self-defiitions and self-valustions and to rearticulate them through our own specialists. Like other sub- ‘African-American women not only have developed a distinctive randpoint, but have done so by using alternative ways of produc- knowledge, ‘constitutes an overarching theozy of knowledge (Harding, 1987). restigates the standards used to assess knowledge or iwby we believe what we veto be true. Far frora being the apolitical study of ceuth, epistemology points to the ways in which power relations shape who is believed and why. For example, ‘various descendants of Sally Hemmings, a Black woman owned by Thomas Jefferson, claimed repeatedly that Jefferson fathered her children. These accounts forwarded by Jefferson’s African-American descendants were ignored in favor of accounts advanced by his White progeny. Hemmings’s descendants were routinely disbelieved knowledge claims were validated by DNA testing. ishing among epistemologies, paradigms, and methodologies can prove logies, paradigms encompass interpre xe used to explain social phenomena. Methodology refers t0 the broad principles of how o conduct research and how incespretive paradigms are to be applied. The level of epistemology is important because it deter- ‘mines Which questions merit investigation, which interpretive frameworks will be used to analyze findings, and co what use any ensuing knowledge will be put. ‘In producing the specialized knowledge of US, Black feminist chought, Black women. intelleceuals often encounter two distinct epistemologies: one representing elite White ‘male interests and the other expressing Black feminist concerns. Whereas many vsti ations of these epistemologies exis, iis possible ro distill some of their distinguishing features that transcend differences among the paradigms within them. Epistemo- logical choices about whom to trust, what to believe, and why something is true are not benign academic issues. Instead, these concems tap the fundamental question of which versions of truth will prevail Eurocentric Knowledge Validation Processes and U.S. Potter Relations In the United States, the social ‘Western or Burocentric episte parts of the dominant knowledge vs and other experts represent specific interests and credent and their knowledge claims must satisfy the political and epistemol of the contexts in which they reside (Kuhn, 1962; Mulkay, 1979). Because this enter- prise is controlled by elite White men, knowledge validation processes reflect this _group’s interests, Although designed to represent and protect the int ions that legitimate knowledge as well as the that house these processes nor the actual epistemologies that they promote need (ek eit pte 22) bbe managed by White men themselves. White women, African-American men and women, and other people of color may be enlisted to enforce these connections berween power relations and what counts as truth. Moreover, nt all White men accept these power relations that privilege Eurocentism. Some have revolted and mas and the ideas they prom fluence knowledge valida y a group of experts whose of sedimented experiences that reflect their group location in intersecting oppres fions. No scholar can avoid cultucal ideas and his or her placement in intersecting foppressions of race, gender, class, sexuality, and nation. Inthe United States, this reans that a scholar making a knowledge claim eypically must convince a scholarly Community controlled by elite White avowedly heterosexual men holding U.S. ed. Second, each community of experts aust situated processes. First, knowledge bees bring with them a host scholarly communities thar challenge basic bel in those that support popular ideas. For example, stray too far from widely held beliefs about Black woman- hood, they ran the risk of being diser ‘When elite White men or any other ov« homogeneous group dominates know- tesla can work to suppress Black ‘White-male-controlled academic seti and the answers to them would necessarily reflect a basic lack of fa Black women’s realities. Even those who think they are familiar ean reproduce stereo~ types. Believing that they are already knoveledgeable, many scholars staunchly defend controlling images of U.S, Black women as mammies, matriachs, and jezebes, and allow these commonsense beliefs to permeate their scholarship. sworen scholars illustrate how indi jon processes. Exclusion from iy and administrative posi- eka imited U.S. Black womea’s aecess eo influential academic positions. Black Women have long produced knowledge claims that contested those advanced by ‘lite White men, But because Black women have been denied postions of author- ity, chey often relied on alternative knowledge validation processes to generate com: peting knowledge claims, As a consequence, academic disciplines typically rejected uch claims, Moreover, any credentials controlled by White male academicians could then be denied to Black women who used alzenative standards on the grounds that Black Siomen’s work did not constitute credible research, ‘Black women with academic credentials who seek ro exert che authority that out satus grants us to propose new knowledge claims about African-American women al experiences,{ace pressures to use our authority to help legitimate a system that devalues and ‘excludes the majosiy of Black women, When an outsider group ~ in this case, Aftican- “American women ~ recognizes that the insider group ~ namely, elive White men ~ requires special privileges from the larger society, those in power must find ways of keeping the outsiders out and at the same time having them acknowledge the legitimacy of this procedure. Accepting a few “safe” outsiders addresses this legitimation problem (Berger and Luckmann, 1966). One way of excluding the ma) ity of Black women from the knowledge cess isto permit a few Bla women to acquire positions of authority nae that legitimate knowledge, us to Work within the taken- ept these assurmptions are likely co be rewarded by tutions, Those challenging the assumptions ean be placed under surveillance and ‘ran the risk of being ostracized. ‘African-Atmerican women academicians who pecsist in tying to reatticulate a Black ‘women’s standpoint also face pote temological grounds. Just as the ma produce separate standpoints, these groups may also deploy distinctive epistemologies ies of knowledge. Black women scholars may know that something is trae ‘American women ~ but be Ienowledge thatthe group controling the intezpretive context accepts as true. ‘Criteria for methodological adequacy associated with positivism illustrate the standards that Black women scholars, especially those in the social sciences, would have to satisfy in legitimating black feminist thought. Though I describe Wester or Eurocentric epistemologies ata single cluster, many interpretive frameworks ot paradigms are subsumed under this category. Moreover, my focus on positivism er to mean that all dimensions of positivism are inber ‘women nor thae nonpositivis fa approaches aim to create scientific descriptions of realty by producing objective generalizations. Because researchers have widely differing values, expei- ences, and emotions, genuine scence is thouahe ro be unattainable unless all human characteristics except rationalicy are elimioated from the sesearch process. By fl- lowing strict methodological rules, scientists aim to distance themselves from the values, vested interests, and emotions generated by their clas, race, sex, or unique Situation, By decontextualizng chemlves, they allegedly become detached observers and manipulators of nature (Jaggar, 1983; Harding, 1986). Several requirements typify postvist methodological approaches. First, research ‘methods generally require a dis ing of the researcher from her or his “object” of study by defiing the researcher asa “subject” with full human subjeciviey and by objectfying the “objet” of study (Keller, 1985; Asane, 1987). A second require- neat is the absence of emotions from the research process (Jaggar, 1983). Thicd, ethics and values ate deemed inappropriate in the research proc inquiry or as past of the research process itself Finally, adversarial debates, whether written or oral, become the preferred method (sk eit Estomoor| 31) of asceresining truth: The arguments that can withstand the greatest asault and Survive incact become the strongest tuths (Moslton, 1983) ‘Such criteria asl Aiican-American women 0 objctfy ourselves, devalue our emocional if, displace oar motivations for frhering knowledge about Black womes, ip those with more socal, economic, and ‘nly that Blac women would cey point. ‘experiences in sociology illtrate diverse responses to encountering an entrenched positivism, Given Black women’s long-standing excla- sion feom sociology prior to 1970, the sociological knowledge about race and gea- dee produced during their absence, and the eymbolis importance of Black women's Stounce to sociologialselfdefintions as a scence, African-American women acting ts agents of Knowledge faced complex situation. In order ro refute the history of Black women’s uasitbily for science, they had cools of by using ve, they simultaneously needed to challenge the same sn acy. Thee responses to this dilerima reflect the sirategi us gm when nesded, coupled with overt challenges to positivism when tat seemed le ‘On the other hand, many Black women have had acess ro another epistemology hae ccoompases standards fo assessing truth that are widely accepted among African- [American women. An experiential, matsial base ondeskies a Black feminist eps- temology, tamely, collective experiences and acco that US. Bia women sustained based on our pariculas history. The historical conditions of Black women's work, both in Black civil socsey and in paid employment, fostered Slseries of experiences that when shazed and passed on become the collective Gviadom of a Black women’s standpoint. Moreover, a sc of principles for asses- She lnawiedge claims mey be available to those baving these shared experiences. ‘These principles pase ince a more general Black women’s wisdom and, fucter, nso svhat Ecall here a Black feminist epistemology. ‘This alternative epistemology uses different standards that are consistent with Black women's criteria for substantiated knowledge and with or rtra for methodological ddequacy. Certainly this alternative Black feminist epistemology has been devalued by dominant knowledge validation process and may not be claimed by many ‘éicaAmeriean worn. B 'an epistemology exist, shat are its contours? Moreover, what ace ts actual and potenil eotebutions to Black feminis ehought? Black Women as Agents of Knowledge the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s stimulated a greatly changed ited States. Compared to the past, many ated agents of knowledge. No longer pas- sive objects of knowledge manipulated within prevailing knowledge validation processes, African-American women aimed ro speak for ourselves.