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What is This?
What Is Sin?
Scripture talks about a definite standard or ideal and says that
falling short of that mark is sin (Rom 3:23). Jesus makes it clear
that the standard is whole hearted love for God, and love for
one's neighbor as one's self (Matt 22:37-39). Then He adds,
"The whole Law of Moses and the teachings of the prophets
depend on these commandments" (Matt 22:40).1 In other
words, this kind of love is the su pracultural essence of the
Levitical law. Paul states this explicitly in Romans 13:8-10,
"Whoever loves his fellow man has obeyed the Law. The
commandments, 'Do not commit adultery; do not murder; do
not steal; do not covet' - all these, and any others besides, are
summed up in the one command, 'Love your neighbor as
yourself.' Whoever loves his neighbor will never do him wrong.
To love, then, is to obey the whole law."
It is this law of love to which John refers when he says,
"Whoever sins is guilty of breaking God's law; for sin is a
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Toward a Cross-Cultural Definition of Sin
30
breaking of the law" (I John 3 :4). The Bible defines this kind of
love in negative terms by the Ten Commandments and by lists of
sins (Exodus 20:1-17, Mark 7:21-23, Gal 5:19-21). It defines it
positively by the example ofJesus, and by the fruits of the Spirit
(I Cor 13; Gal 5:22-23).
I believe these defining characteristics are also universals. One
evidence is that there are similar characteristics in the behavioral
ideals of all cultures. Prohibitions against lying, stealing, murder
and adultery are virtually universal, though exactly what
constitutes each can vary from culture to culture. I have seen this
in parts of Papua New Guinea and the Philippines which had not
yet been affected by Christian teaching. Beals describes a similar
set of moral norms in a Hindu village in India (1962:50-52). In
all three cases the ancestral rules were similar to the ten
commandments, but actual behavior fell far short of these ideals.
Such information does not often appear in ethnographies,
however, for it is considered irrelevant to many anthropological
inquiries. Furthermore, some anthropologists are so oriented to
focus on actual behavior that they never explore cultural ideals
and values. For instance, one study on polygamy (polygyny) in
Mexico seemed peculiar to me at first, because the wives usually
lived in different villages and were not known to each other. It
finally became clear to me that that particular culture did not
have polygamy at all. Instead, a high proportion of men were
keeping mistresses. The researcher mistakenly equated the way
people were observed to behave with the underlying value
system of the culture. Apparently, he never asked if the people
approved of their "polygyny" (as any true polygamist would) or
whether they were in fact wracked by guilt about their
unacceptable behavior (Nutini 1965).
Though these universal moral principles seem clear enough,
the actual realization of them is partly determined by each
culture. Exactly what actions manifest kindness, humility, peace,
or self-control (Gal 5:22-23)? An executive in an industrial
country is being patient if he waits for someone ten minutes. A
Bahinemo of Papua New Guinea would think nothing of waiting
two hours. In one village in southern Mindanao, my daughter
and I were given gifts equal to a month's wages, as a
demonstration of their hospitality. In the U.S. the most lavish
hospitality to a stranger seldom adds up to a day's wages.
Even such clear statements as the Ten Commandments have
31
An Example
I close with an illustration from the small Bahinemo village
where I am translating the Bible. Back before they had had
Christian teaching, I tried to translate Jesus' list of sins in Mark 7.
As each sin was described, they gave me the local term for it.
They named other sins in their culture.
"What did your ancestors tell you about these things?" I asked
them.
"Oh, they told us we shouldn't do any of those things."
"Do you think these were good standards that your ancestors
gave you?" They agreed unanimously that they were.
"Well, do you keep all these rules?"
"No," they responded sheepishly.
One leader said, "Definitely not. Who could ever keep them
all? We're people of the ground."
I took this opportunity to explain that God expected them to
keep their own standards for what is right, that He was angry
because they hadn't. Then I pointed out that it was because they
fell short of their own standards that God sent His Son to bear
their punishment so they could be reunited with Him.
This was a crucial step toward their conversion. For the first
T. WAYNE DYE
Toward a Cross-Cultural Definition of Sin
40
time the Scriptures were linked to what God was telling them
through their consciences. Within a year most of the people in
that village had committed themselves to Christ.
Since that day in 1967, they have never lost the awareness that
in the Bible God is concerned about their daily behavior and not
just talking about strange taboos. Since then, they have changed
their source of authority from inherited tradition to the
Scriptures, and they have been learning how Christ through His
Spirit can come inside them and give them the power to attain
the standards they could not keep before. All this has led them
into a vital relationship with God and produced a strong
indigenous church.
Notes
1. New Testament quotations are from GoodNews Fur Modem Man. Italics within these
quotations always reflects the emphasis of the present author.
2. While every discussion of sin and conscience must deal with a variety of situations,
this view must not be confused with "situation ethics" which is profoundly different.
Situation ethics encourages individuals to foIlow their own reasoning and interpretation
of love in each specific situation even when they are aware that these differ from the
Bible. The popular view of this "new morality" largely ignores the Bible as a guide for
present conduct, though Fletcher's original formulation suggests using the
commandments as guidelines (1966). Situation ethics also ignores the necessity for love
and obedience to God, the reality of sin and guilt, and the importance of doing what one
perceives to be right in order to grow in understanding of what is right. The proposals in
this article, however, are solidly based on the Bible and include all of these factors which
these situationists disregard.
3. [We assume the author means the culture(s) within which the events recorded in the
New Testament occured. Most ethnotheologians avoid as potentially distortive terms
such as biblical culture or Christian culture. Ed.]
References Cited
Barrett, David
1968 Schism and Renewal in Africa: An Analysis ofSix Thousand Contempurary Religious
Movements Nairobi: Oxford University Press
Beals, Alan R.
1962 Gopalpur, a South Indian Village New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston
Dye, Sally F.
1974 "Decreasing Fatigue and Illness in Field Work" Missiology, An International
Review 11:79-109
Fletcher, Joseph
1966 Situation Ethics Philadelphia: The Westminster Press
Grounds, Vernon
1967a "The New Morality: What's Right With the New View of Wrong?" His May
1967b "The New Morality: What's Wrong With the New View of Right?" pan I,His
October
I967c "The New Morality: What's Wrong With the New View of Right?" part 2,His
November
41
Irwin, Barry
1972 "The Liability Complex Among the Chimbu Peoples of New Guinea" Practical
Anthropology 19:280-285
Loewen, Jacob A.
1970 "The Social Context of Guilt and Forgiveness" Practical Anthropology 17 :80-96
Menninger, Karl
1973 Whatever Became of Sin? New York: Hawthorne Books
Mowrer, O. Hobart
1961 The Crisis in Psychiatry and Religion Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Co.
Norbeck, Edward
1961 Religion in Primitive Society New York: Harper and Row
Nutini, Hugo C.
1965 "Polygyny in a Tlaxcalan Community" Ethnology 4:123-147
Pike, Kenneth L.
1954 Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human Behavior
Glendale: Summer Institute of Linguistics
1957 "A Stereoscopic Window on the World" Bibliotheca Socm 114:141-156
Schaeffer, Francis
1969 Death in the City Chicago: Inter Varsity Press