VII. Baron Roman von Ungern-Sternberg: Between Global
Pop Culture and Mongolian Historiography
Adam Dohnal!
Ofien, when studying world history, a scholar can overlook the fact that certain events that
from the global perspective can look like curiosities ora typical aspect of the period can
have far-eaching significant and political meaning for local historiography. Small border
skirmishes, failed rebellions, personal actions can not only be cores of local historical and
national identity, but can also cast a long shadow on political relationships in the region.
‘The problem becomes even mote severe with the state's involvement in historical events,
which hides those events from the academic world and silences local scholars from ex-
pressing their voice. An excellent example of such a case is the persona of Baron Ungern.
Ungem-Stemberg (1886-1921), was an eccentric anti-communist leader in the Russian
Civil War from a Baltic German aristocratic family. His worldview consisted of a rather
odd combination of arch-monarchism, a hybrid of Buddhist-Christian religious thought,
and a fascination with nomadic culture, He served in the Russian army in the Russian-Jap-
nese War, on the front of World War I, and most notably, he participated in the Civil War
in Siberia, His most notable exploit was the invasion of Mongolia with the aim of using
the country asa base of operation against the revolutionary forees in Russia and regaining
control over the empire. While he was successful in defeating the Chinese forces occupy-
ing Mongolia and establishing short-term control over the country, he was captured during,
his attempt to counterattack the Bolsheviks. Unger was sentenced and executed in 1921
Although from a global perspective, he may be perceived like one of the countless
warlords that appeared in Asia at the beginning of the 20th century, Baron Unger man-
aged to gain quite a cult status in western pop culture, Although Baron Ungem may be
seen as an exciting oddity for the rest of the world, for the 20th century, for Mongols,
his exploits become quite problematic. For the newly established Mongolian state, the
fall of Unger became one of the most important events, leading to the involvement
of the Bolsheviks in the region. Therefore, finding a way to interpret the actions of
Baron Ungern and their lasting effects accurately became one of the essential tasks of
the nascent Mongolian Marxist historiography. This fell in the hands of one of the first
‘Mongolian modem historians ~ Bazaryn Shirendyb,
Ungern-Sternberg ~ chevalier romantique!
Ungern-Sternberg’s political ideas of creating a theocratic empire capable of erush-
ing the Bolsheviks, and in the long-term healing the corrupt Western world, are not
"Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, Poland,
® Ungern-Sternberg. romantic knight, chorus from Paris Violence
published on the Ni Fleurs Ni Couronnes album. Dialektik Records Fran
song Unger Sternberg,
22001,126 Adam Dohnal
treated particularly seriously apart from by a small circle of radicals, like Russian
Eurasianist Aleksandr Dugin, Italian esoteric traditionalist Julius Evola, leader of
the Russian National Bolshevik Party, Eduard Limonov or some particularly ill-
informed journalists desperately looking for a shocking story. However, Ungern has
a rather long-lasting appeal in western consciousness. Ungern-Sternberg's exploits
in Siberia and Mongolia managed perfectly to resonate with the archetype of a blind,
romantic knight, waging a hopeless war against an uncaring world, filling a niche
for the right-wing equivalent of Che Guevara, A lot of this success in the West Bar-
on Unger owed to a mixture of two sources: Ferdynand Ossendowski and Soviet
propaganda. Ossendowski was a Polish writer, adventurer, academic, esoteric and
anti-communist. He fled Russia during the Civil War, through Siberia and Mongolia.
Allegedly, he was briefly Ungern’s advisor and chief of intelligence. While a lot of
criticism can be directed at Ossendowski and his works, one thing is undeniable. He
was an incredibly capable individual who did a lot to spread an awareness about the
‘Sino-Russian borderland and the events that occurred there in the early 20th century
among American and European readers.
Beasts, Men and Gods — Ossendowski’s most influential book, was published in
the USA less than a year after Baron von Ungern-Sternberg’s final and failed coun-
terattack against the Bolsheviks. The book was quickly translated into many Euro-
pean languages. Ossendowski did not stop there. One of his first ventures after arriv-
ing in Poland was to create a theatre play called The Living Buddha’ (Michalowski
2014). The play was a dramatization of Ossendowski’s meeting with Bogdo Khan, It
was also the debut of Baron von Ungern-Stemberg’s character in the entertainment
world, Ossendowski’s work helped Baron von Ungern-Sternberg’s legacy to live in
‘western pop culture, inspiring countless authors to feature the Mad Baron in their
works.
‘The popularity of the figure of the erazy baron
is not that surprising. Baron von Ungem-Stern-
berg was a self-proclaimed anti-revolutionist,
pronouncing the establishment of a Euro-Asian
Empire of the size unseen since the times of the
Mongolian conquests governed by a mystical
hybrid of Christianity, Buddhism and Shaman-
ism that would heal the dying West. Ungern was
waging a hopeless war against superior enemy
forces in the middle of vast Asian wastelands
surrounded by shamans and lamas, shrouded in
rumors of cruelty, the supematural and hidden
treasures. Baron von Ungern-Stemberg sounds
more like a character from the pages of pulp
novel ora comic book than a real person made of
flesh and blood
\WSETUCEAT OSSINDOWSRIFGO"20WY BUDA
The play is also notable for featuring the first topless performance in the history of Polish
theater.VL Baron Roman von Ungern-Siernberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian... 127
Over the last 97 years, the Mad Baron has made appearances in very varied me-
dia forms, In 1930, in the German Third Reich, Berndt Krauthoff wrote a book ch
befehle: Kampf und Tragédie des Barons Ungern-Sternberg (I command: Strugel
and tragedy of Baron von Ungern-Stemnberg). command and a theater play under the
title of Kreuzzug 1921 (Crusade 1921) by Michael Haupt showed Baron von Ungern-
Sternberg as a sort of proto-Ubermensch (both were influential enough to be published
in Germany in a shared release in 2011).
Ungern-Sternberg the crusader
In postwar Europe, the Mad
Baron conquered the graphic
novel industry appearing in
Hugo Pratt, the critically ac-
claimed Corto Maltese series,
and the prolific Chrispeels
Crisse Didier’s L’ombre
des damnés Ungern Kahn
(Shadow of the Damned Un-
gem Kahn). He also became
the hero of multiple lesser-
known works, like the loose
adaptation of Ossendowski’s,
Beasts, Men and Gods called _‘Fig. 2 Baron Ungem-Sternberg (Hugo Pratt, 2004)
Taiga Rouge or Le Baron
Fou by Rodolphe Daniel and Michel Faure. The underground
music scene also found itself quite charmed by the Mad Bar-
on’s legacy. It is enough to mention the non-folk bands like
the Italian T.S.1.D.M.Z. (which stands for Thule Sehnsucht In
Der Maschinen Zeit) and the Dutch H.E.R.R. (which stands
for Heiliger Europa! Romisches Reich), metal bands like the
Ukrainian black metal outfit called Ungem, and punk bands
in the vein of Paris Violence. Unger also became the antago-
nist in an alternative history first-person shooter relisted for PC
Windows in 2002 named Iron Storm' (also known as World
War Zero in its PlayStation 2 version).
Of course, there were also many serious works, among
them, of course, the controversial The Bloody White Baron by
Fig. 3 Baron Ungern model from the game Iron Storm,
In the game he is known as Baron Ugenberg, a leader of the Russo-Mongol empire stretching
rts have managed not only to overcome the Bolsheviks
but also to drag over the events of World War [into the 1960s, Internet resource: htip:stes google
com{siteironstormpe/irs/ 1$04022598512/multiplayer/ungem png7height=3208widih=145_[ac-
cess 07.10.2017].128 Adam Dohnal
James Palmer, Willard Sunderland’s The Baron's Cloak: A History of the Russian
Empire in War and Revolution and Vladimir Pozner’s Bloody Baron: The Story of
Ungern-Sternberg. Despite his popularity in the West, Baron von Ungem-Stemberg
mostly remains a historical curiosity, living proof of how chaotic and unstable the
period of the beginning of the 20th century was mainly in the regions of Siberia and
Mongolia,
Ungern-Sternberg and the Soviet Film industry
It. was not only the West that raised Baron von Ungern-Stemberg to cult status, but
the communist bloc also dedicated quite a lot of time and resources to upholding the
Bloody Baron’s legacy. It was the communist bloc that gave Baron von Ungern-Stem~
berg a new life on the silver screen through movies like Kochuyshchiy Front (Nomadic
Front), 1971 CCCP. The movie focuses on the struggle of the communist revolutionar-
ies to liberate parts of Siberia from Admiral Kolchak’s rule. To defeat the overwhelm
ing forces of the admiral, the guerrillas construct a daring plan to regroup in Mongolia
and gain local support to overthrow their enemy.
Very popular in socialist coun-
tries was the film Iskhiod (Exodus)
The film focuses on the final mili-
tary operation waged by the Baron,
through the eyes of two friends,
a Mongolian shepherd and a Soviet
spy. They infiltrate Ungern’s camp to
steal his plans of attack. The movie
is notable because its screenplay was
written by Shirendyb, who wrote also
Ego zovut Sukhe-Bator (His Name is
Sukhe-Bator), CCCP 1942, The lat-
Fig, 4 Baron Unger, metal figures forthe war ter film tells the story of the life and
‘gaming system Back of Beyond by North Star struggle of the founder of the Mon-
Military Figures Limited golian People’s Revolutionary Party
Damadin Sukhe-Bator.
But the reason for Baron’s popularity in socialist countries was quite different
than in the West. For the communist authorities, Baron von Ungern-Sternberg was
something more than a curiosity. An elitist aristocrat conspiring with local feudal
and religious elites, irrational and superstitious, obsessed with ancient rites, cruel to
both allies and foes, desperately clinging to an illusion of the past, blinded by mad-
ness to the inevitable victory of the new socialist order, Baron von Ungern-Stemberg
‘made for a perfect poster boy for the evil and incompetence of counter-revolutionary
forces.
aS
"The movie was released in several westem counties under regional language title variants as
The End of Baron UngernVil, Baron Roman von Ungern-Sternberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian... 129
Fig. 5 The Polish, Hungarian and French posters for the movie Iskhod?
‘Compared to other counterrevolutionaries in the Russian Far Bast, the persona of
Baron von Ungern-Sternberg was also a safe target for communist propaganda, Not
only was the Mad Baron’s Mongolian escapade never a significant threat to the Bolshe-
vviks, but his vision was global, international, a detachment from reality, so making him
an adversary who did not directly antagonize any minority ethnic groups. Even in this
context, Baron von Ungern-Sternberg was no more than a useful tool for a propaganda
‘machine than an actual prominent historical figure with significant historical impact.
Fig. 6 A Hugo Pratt-inspired graffiti of Baron von Ungern-Sternberg’
Internet resource: —_hitp:/www.imdb.comititle/t0347261/mediaindex?ref=t_pv_mi_sm
[access 07.10.2017}.
France, Internet resource: htp:/duxvonzazer.umblzcomlimage’149S57302057 [access
07.10.2017)130 Adam Dohnal
Ungern-Sternberg and the Mongolian question,
Baron von Ungern-Stemberg posed a severe problem to the newly formed Mongolian
People’s Republic, The events which led to Baron von Ungern-Stemberg’s fall could
shed severe doubts on not only the independence of Mongolian liberation, but also
the relationship with the USSR and the identity of Mongolian society. The proper
interpretation of the Mad Baron within the emerging Mongolian communist histo-
riography was erucial for avoiding such problems. This issue fell to the influential
historian Bazaryn Shirendyb. His interpretation not only makes it possible to prevent
several dangers surrounding the persona of the infamous Bloody Baron, but to use von
Ungern’s exploits to strengthen the legitimacy of the Mongolian communist revolution
within Marxist-Leninist historiography. Shirendyb was part of the first generation of
post-revolutionary Mongolian intellectualists, secretary of the Choibalsan, head of the
Mongolian Academy of Science, and one of the most prominent historians (Shirendyb
1997: 210).
Ungern-Sternberg and Mongolian development in the works of Bazaryn Shirendyb
For Shirendyb, the persona of Ungern is an essential part of a bigger issue — the i
sue of nature and the place of the Mongolian communist revolution in the gathering
framework of Marxist historiography. According to Shirendyb, the Mongolian revo-
lution found its source in two historical phenomena. The first of these phenomena is
Chinese colonialism. Although Mongolia was included in the area of China as early
as the 17th century, because of the special attitude of the new dynasty to the northem
lands and nomadic peoples, the area remained relatively autonomous tll the end of the
19th century. This situation began to change dramatically because of the inability of
the Chinese authorities to compete effectively with Western colonial powers and Japan
(Shirendyb 1973: 234). The expansion of Tsarist Russia in Siberia was particularly
worrying for the authorities in Beijing. To prevent the potential loss of the northern
regions to Russia, the Chinese authorities were forced to break their traditions and be-
agin the process of consolidation of its influence in the region. According to Shirendyb,
this meant the beginning of Chinese colonialism in the region. This colonialism took
two forms. The first of these was the inflow of Chinese settlers to the northern areas
of the country. Although this was the event that mostly caused the rise of the Mongo-
lian independence movement in Shirendyb’s opinion, it was secondary important to
the arrival of large groups of Chinese merchants supported by Beijing to the area of
Mongolia. Shirendyb thinks that it was Chinese merchants who became the main tool
of the exploitation of the Mongotian population (Shirendyb 1971: 25). The model of
exploitation differs, however, from exploitation in the capitalist and feudal societies,
where the owner of the means of production exploits the working people. Here, you
are dealing with a colonial situation, where the colonialists drain the country by attach-
ing it to the capitalist market. Local elites purchase luxury goods at high prices, which
they cannot afford because of the backward nature of the economy, becoming indebted
to the foreign merchants. Not being able to pay off their debts, they transfer them to
their subordinate population.Vi. Baron Roman von Ungern-Siernberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongotian...__131
The second key event in the history of Mongolia is the Russian democratic revolu-
tion in 1905, It was a part of the long process of the gradual socio-economic transfor-
‘mation leading to creating a classless society. Shirendev believes that the revolution in
1905 was responsible for “awakening” the peoples of the Far East from economic and
‘moral stagnation and gave the impulse for their pursuit of independence (Shirendyb
1968: 11). Such a course of events led to the weakening of the power of China and the
growth of revolutionary sentiment among the Mongolian public in Outer Mongolia.
1911 was the year of the declaration of Mongolian independence under the leadership
of the Bogdo Khan, which Shirendev calls the Nationalist Revolution. According to
Shirendey, it was a fully independent operation of the Mongolian nation which fitted in
with the Marxist-Leninist national liberation struggle. The revolution transmitted full
power into the hands of the Mongolian elites, led by monarchist-nationalistic ideas.
Although it was a crucial step towards the existence of a free Mongolia and the future
evolution of the whole region, it did not eliminate several state problems. Paradoxi-
cally, the Mongols trying to fight for intemational support for the independence of their
country became the object of the games of the imperial powers struggling for influence
in the region. The newly created state became not only an object of China and Russia’s
interest, but also of Japan, and the UK and other European countries showed colonial
concern in the region
Unaware of the problem, the Mongolian elites established broad cooperation with
Wester forces, but the most important ally turned out to be Tsarist Russia. However,
paradoxically, the Mongolian elite, thinking that they were strengthening the Mongo-
lian position, instead involved their country in an even more intimate colonial relator
ship (Shirendyb 1968: 15). Rapprochement with Russia meant a new wave of debt, this
time on the state level. The Mongolian government took out many loans for weapons,
soldier training, creation of a modern education system, modemization of infrastruc-
ture and economy. However, according to Shirendey, it meant only a deeper colonial
drain of the country. Money from the loans was spent on Wester goods and Western
specialists, which did not lead to the creation of an internal market. The country was
forced to sell off materials to make further changes. Besides, individual people also
had to pay debts contracted privately with Chinese merchants. As with other bourgeois
revolutions, the socio-economic transformation served only a certain elite and did not
improve the fate of the working class. In contrast to this kind of revolution in the West,
despite the Mongolian inclusion in the capitalist market area, feudal relations ruling
here remained intact.
In time, Mongolia would evolve naturally into the capitalist way of development, as
all the necessary elements were already taking root by the beginning of the 20th century.
All ofthis changed drastically in 1921 with the violent arrival of Baron Ungem and his
forces, Shirendev sees Ungem very differently than most sourees do. While Unger was
‘cruel and violent man, for Shirendey, he is not an unstable madman but a rational indi-
vidual working within the framework of his social class and its interests. Shirendev be-
lieves that Ungem’s fighting force was more capable than traditionally given credit for,
and its appearance in Mongolia dragged the country into the forefront of the communist
revolution. Ungem’s attack on the Chinese regained control of Ulan Bator in 1920 and
‘was a significant act. According to Shirendyb, Ungem’s attack on Chinese forces is not
an act of liberation of Mongolia, but an attempt to take advantage of the discontent of132 Adam Dohnal
“Mongolia’s population by the Japanese to use the Mongolians for supporting Unger and
his men (Shirendyb 1973: 283). However, it is not merely a clash of two hostile imperial-
ist forces; in this ease, Mongolia is a tool to stop the spread of the revolution. Imperial-
ists see the social changes happening in Russia as a rising threat to their interests. They
are willing to use and manipulate local groups being warlords or colonial subjects by
promising them power and freedom not only to stop but also to destroy the revolution-
ary forces. Peaceful existence is impossible with imperialist forces, as they will always
ook for new spaces to subjugate and exploit. That is the nature of the current world sys-
tem; therefore, to survive, the social revolution must cause the overthrow of the existing
socio-economic system. The French Revolution did not manage to overcome the local
system and therefore failed eventually.
The situation in Russia, however, had reached the moment and place in history
where the working class could overcome the local system and be victorious on the
local level. The persona of Baron Ungem, however, fleeing from Siberia to Mongo-
lia, changed the situation by making the revolution a global event, Now, the Russian
revolutionaries had to worry not only about the local remains of the old regime and
some foreign capitalists, but the global imperial system that had noticed the events of
the revolution. The situation also shows that Russian workers needed to build rela-
tions with other forces. In this case, cooperation with backward countries and colonial
subjects was not only a moral issue but a matter of survival for the revolution. Only by
undermining the capitalists could the old system be overcome and bring true freedom
to the exploited, Such an interpretation makes Baron von Ungemn-Stemberg one of the
‘most efficient, imported agents of social change in the history of Mongolia and — by
extension — of the world, Baron von Ungern-Stemberg’s case showed how the forces
of global imperialism use bandits and local warlords to destroy local revolutionary and
independence movements (Shirendyb 1971: 33).
For Shirendev, the events of 1921 showed above all that undeveloped countries and
colonies seeking modernization and independence must avoid compromises and must
seek a path to communist revolution, The Baron’s actions showed the Mongols the sad
but undeniable truth that local elites of even the noblest intentions cannot be trusted to
fight for independence. Even if the local lords and leaders are the most patriotic and
forward-thinking individuals, they cannot escape the limitation of their class and only
lead the people to a certain point on their road to freedom, before falling into the trap
of their cass interest. In the case of Unger, they will exchange the well-being of Mon-
gols for their own monetary and honorary gains, blinding them to the acquiring of true
independence for the Mongol people. It is an unfortunate truth for all underdeveloped
or colonial countries. The local people cannot count on their elites to liberate them.
‘The rulers inthe capitalist system are only capable of bringing nations toa certain level
of independence before falling under the control of the capitalist market and imperial-
ism, According to Shirendev, this clearly shows that the national-liberation struggle,
communist revolution, resistance against colonialism and imperialism are inseparable.
Ifa nation striving for independence does not want to carry out the communist revo-
lution, then its fight will only finish in the exploitation of the population by colonial
powers. However, the localized struggle for the independence and modernization of
the Mongol elites did bring an important element to the later success of the Mongol
revolution; despite the lack of major system changes, in Shirendev’s opinion, the revo-VL Baron Roman von Ungern-Siernberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian... 133
lutionary processes started in the lower social classes. Changes in power without abol-
ishing exploitation made the Mongols aware of the need for drastic socio-economic
reforms. Western education also played an important role, even though it concemed
a very narrow group of Mongols; however, it was used to create the seeds of the Mon-
golian intelligentsia, which proved to be very useful for the subsequent democratic
revolution, But it was the short but brutal rule of Baron von Unger-Sternberg and his
attempt to rebuild the Mongolian, and ultimately Russian monarchy, that was the key
to the success of Mongolia’s communist revolution. Although the Mongolian society
had earlier revolutionary tendencies, it was the time of the White Terror that spread
revolutionary attitudes in wider social circles (Shirendyb 1968: 20).
The cooperation with Baron von Ungern-Stemberg had put them in the hot seat
the local feudal and religious elites. For Shirender, it does not, however, deny the im-
portance of those groups in Mongolian history. Only the defeat of Baron von Ungern-
Sternberg and removal of the feudal elites that betrayed their country, and cooperation
with the Soviets could lead to the creation of a strong and independent Mongolian
state. First, the country needed to be freed from the grasp of imperialists, bandits and
traitors. Then a government needed to be established to represent the interests of the
minority, while at the same time modernizing all the country’s social-economic struc-
tures creating the possibility to cooperate with the network of communist organiza-
tions in the region, to spread the communist revolution. Only by a change in the entire
region, and the strengthening of the individual nations could situations like the activity
of Baron von Ungem-Stemberg be prevented. Mongolia served a crucial role in the
transformation of the world’s social-economic order, Shirendyb believes that Mon-
golia is not only the second country in the world after the USSR which succeeded in
establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat, but it was also the first colonial and non-
capitalist country to try to establish this kind of order. It was the fate of the Mongolian
revolution to show how to perform such changes successfully in an underdeveloped
country. It would open up the opportunity for other nations, exploited by colonial and
imperialistic forces, to copy the Mongotian example (Shirendyb 1968: 43).
‘According to Shirendev, the Mongolian development process leading to socialism
needed to be different from the one Russia had chosen. Mongolia, at the beginning
of the 20th century, was not on the level of historical development to begin the com-
‘munist revolution naturally. The arrival of Baron von Ungern-Sternberg and the Red
Amy forces that were chasing him, gave Mongolia a unique chance to skip the natu-
ral order of social development based on social transformations. This did not mean
Mongolia was not capable of healthy development. The events of Unger’s rule merely
showed that the Mongolian people could not allow themselves a capitalist period of
growth, since it would, eventually, lead to losing its independence to other foreign
forces (Shitendyb 1971: 310). The contact established with the Bolsheviks through the
common struggle against Baron von Ungern-Sternberg and his men gave Mongolians
unique chance to establish socialism without undertaking the standard sequences of
historical development. Since the Soviet Union had already reached the final level of
historical development, Mongolian leaders could use the experience and help of their
northern neighbor to copy the outcomes of social changes necessary for the establish-
‘ment of socialism without the necessity of going through the historical events that
‘would lead to the emergence of those changes naturally.134 Adam Dohnal
The case of Mongolia showed that the world revolution was a process that could
take place in extremely diverse environments and take on different forms. Regardless,
it always led to the same effect, socialism. The case of Mongolia opened the way for
other states wishing to break out of colonial control by working with the states ruled
by the dictatorship of the proletariat, at the same time showing that these countries
could not achieve independence without adopting a path of socialist development.
Without social transformation, economic change is not possible, The old elites will
seek to secure their class privileges, while democratization without economic change
will cause a country to fall victim to colonial exploitation. From the perspective of al-
ready existing communist countries, helping underdeveloped and oppressed nations is
a matter of survival. The spread of the communist revolution would remove resources
and support from the hostile imperialist and colonial elites who, in defense of their
selfish class interests, would use underdeveloped countries to try to stop and destroy
the socialist nations, so as to rebuild their influence. The case of Baron von Ungem-
‘Stemberg is the best example of this mechanism, Ungem-Stemberg invaded Mongolia
to use it and its people to create an operational base for his counteroffensive against
the Bolsheviks. Baron von Ungern-Stemberg himself would be, in the long run, just
a proxy of the imperialistic forces of Japan and capitalists of the West, to destroy the
Soviets and secure the interests of the capitalist world (Shirendyb 1973: 289). As long
as the old elites had a place to retreat and regroup, the independent communist na-
tions would never know peace. This observation, of course, changed the perception
of the world revolution, it showed that communists must become active and support
all underdeveloped nations. One could not just wait for the natural progress of history
because it would be too costly and lengthy. Revolutionary forces needed to spread all
over the world, and if they did not exist, they should be created. Only by creating an
active socialist bloc could the freedom and independence of a country like Mongolia
be secured (Shirendyb 1971: 95).
Conclusion
While Baron Ungern may have been a footnote in history, he was an interesting foot-
note, His legacy has survived not only in culture, but also in Mongolian history, taking
role far exceeding his real-life achievements. In both cases, Unger has become more
significant than he was in life. For western pulp fiction authors, he has become the last
of the mystical knights errant, traversing the edges of the known world in search of
glory and a twisted version of chivalry. For Mongolian Marxist historiography, thanks
to the efforts of Shirendev, he becomes a living avatar of the revolution, unknowingly
and contrary to his beliefs bringing class liberation to the whole of Asia. Ungern’s mili-
tary defeat not only becomes the foundation for Soviet-Mongol friendship but also,
according to Shirendev, it pushed the Mongols into what was necessary to achieve real
national liberation. This case shows that the roles of historian and fiction author have
cerie similarities. In both cases, historical figures become characters whose fates and
achievements are reframed to tell the overarching story. Historians, like Shirendev, of-
ten find themselves in the situation where the existing historical tendencies force them
to reinterpret people’s lives and real-life events to serve a higher purpose than just de-VIL Baron Roman von Ungern-Siernberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian... 135,
scribing the past. History is never entirely free from polities, especially when dealing,
‘with modern local history. This problem can often escape the eye of a foreign observer
for whom the regional relations are unclear, due to knowing the local events through
the filter of his own culture and language. Especially with characters like Baron Un-
gem, who are now more well-known thanks to fiction and heavily dramatized accounts
than their real lives, a high level of intellectual precaution and cultural sensitivity must
be retained by the scholar to carefully navigate the complicated network of fact, ideol-
ogy and fiction that entangles such individuals.
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