VII. Baron Roman von Ungern-Sternberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian Historiography Adam Dohnal! Ofien, when studying world history, a scholar can overlook the fact that certain events that from the global perspective can look like curiosities ora typical aspect of the period can have far-eaching significant and political meaning for local historiography. Small border skirmishes, failed rebellions, personal actions can not only be cores of local historical and national identity, but can also cast a long shadow on political relationships in the region. ‘The problem becomes even mote severe with the state's involvement in historical events, which hides those events from the academic world and silences local scholars from ex- pressing their voice. An excellent example of such a case is the persona of Baron Ungern. Ungem-Stemberg (1886-1921), was an eccentric anti-communist leader in the Russian Civil War from a Baltic German aristocratic family. His worldview consisted of a rather odd combination of arch-monarchism, a hybrid of Buddhist-Christian religious thought, and a fascination with nomadic culture, He served in the Russian army in the Russian-Jap- nese War, on the front of World War I, and most notably, he participated in the Civil War in Siberia, His most notable exploit was the invasion of Mongolia with the aim of using the country asa base of operation against the revolutionary forees in Russia and regaining control over the empire. While he was successful in defeating the Chinese forces occupy- ing Mongolia and establishing short-term control over the country, he was captured during, his attempt to counterattack the Bolsheviks. Unger was sentenced and executed in 1921 Although from a global perspective, he may be perceived like one of the countless warlords that appeared in Asia at the beginning of the 20th century, Baron Unger man- aged to gain quite a cult status in western pop culture, Although Baron Ungem may be seen as an exciting oddity for the rest of the world, for the 20th century, for Mongols, his exploits become quite problematic. For the newly established Mongolian state, the fall of Unger became one of the most important events, leading to the involvement of the Bolsheviks in the region. Therefore, finding a way to interpret the actions of Baron Ungern and their lasting effects accurately became one of the essential tasks of the nascent Mongolian Marxist historiography. This fell in the hands of one of the first ‘Mongolian modem historians ~ Bazaryn Shirendyb, Ungern-Sternberg ~ chevalier romantique! Ungern-Sternberg’s political ideas of creating a theocratic empire capable of erush- ing the Bolsheviks, and in the long-term healing the corrupt Western world, are not "Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, Poland, ® Ungern-Sternberg. romantic knight, chorus from Paris Violence published on the Ni Fleurs Ni Couronnes album. Dialektik Records Fran song Unger Sternberg, 22001,126 Adam Dohnal treated particularly seriously apart from by a small circle of radicals, like Russian Eurasianist Aleksandr Dugin, Italian esoteric traditionalist Julius Evola, leader of the Russian National Bolshevik Party, Eduard Limonov or some particularly ill- informed journalists desperately looking for a shocking story. However, Ungern has a rather long-lasting appeal in western consciousness. Ungern-Sternberg's exploits in Siberia and Mongolia managed perfectly to resonate with the archetype of a blind, romantic knight, waging a hopeless war against an uncaring world, filling a niche for the right-wing equivalent of Che Guevara, A lot of this success in the West Bar- on Unger owed to a mixture of two sources: Ferdynand Ossendowski and Soviet propaganda. Ossendowski was a Polish writer, adventurer, academic, esoteric and anti-communist. He fled Russia during the Civil War, through Siberia and Mongolia. Allegedly, he was briefly Ungern’s advisor and chief of intelligence. While a lot of criticism can be directed at Ossendowski and his works, one thing is undeniable. He was an incredibly capable individual who did a lot to spread an awareness about the ‘Sino-Russian borderland and the events that occurred there in the early 20th century among American and European readers. Beasts, Men and Gods — Ossendowski’s most influential book, was published in the USA less than a year after Baron von Ungern-Sternberg’s final and failed coun- terattack against the Bolsheviks. The book was quickly translated into many Euro- pean languages. Ossendowski did not stop there. One of his first ventures after arriv- ing in Poland was to create a theatre play called The Living Buddha’ (Michalowski 2014). The play was a dramatization of Ossendowski’s meeting with Bogdo Khan, It was also the debut of Baron von Ungern-Stemberg’s character in the entertainment world, Ossendowski’s work helped Baron von Ungern-Sternberg’s legacy to live in ‘western pop culture, inspiring countless authors to feature the Mad Baron in their works. ‘The popularity of the figure of the erazy baron is not that surprising. Baron von Ungem-Stern- berg was a self-proclaimed anti-revolutionist, pronouncing the establishment of a Euro-Asian Empire of the size unseen since the times of the Mongolian conquests governed by a mystical hybrid of Christianity, Buddhism and Shaman- ism that would heal the dying West. Ungern was waging a hopeless war against superior enemy forces in the middle of vast Asian wastelands surrounded by shamans and lamas, shrouded in rumors of cruelty, the supematural and hidden treasures. Baron von Ungern-Stemberg sounds more like a character from the pages of pulp novel ora comic book than a real person made of flesh and blood \WSETUCEAT OSSINDOWSRIFGO"20WY BUDA The play is also notable for featuring the first topless performance in the history of Polish theater.VL Baron Roman von Ungern-Siernberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian... 127 Over the last 97 years, the Mad Baron has made appearances in very varied me- dia forms, In 1930, in the German Third Reich, Berndt Krauthoff wrote a book ch befehle: Kampf und Tragédie des Barons Ungern-Sternberg (I command: Strugel and tragedy of Baron von Ungern-Stemnberg). command and a theater play under the title of Kreuzzug 1921 (Crusade 1921) by Michael Haupt showed Baron von Ungern- Sternberg as a sort of proto-Ubermensch (both were influential enough to be published in Germany in a shared release in 2011). Ungern-Sternberg the crusader In postwar Europe, the Mad Baron conquered the graphic novel industry appearing in Hugo Pratt, the critically ac- claimed Corto Maltese series, and the prolific Chrispeels Crisse Didier’s L’ombre des damnés Ungern Kahn (Shadow of the Damned Un- gem Kahn). He also became the hero of multiple lesser- known works, like the loose adaptation of Ossendowski’s, Beasts, Men and Gods called _‘Fig. 2 Baron Ungem-Sternberg (Hugo Pratt, 2004) Taiga Rouge or Le Baron Fou by Rodolphe Daniel and Michel Faure. The underground music scene also found itself quite charmed by the Mad Bar- on’s legacy. It is enough to mention the non-folk bands like the Italian T.S.1.D.M.Z. (which stands for Thule Sehnsucht In Der Maschinen Zeit) and the Dutch H.E.R.R. (which stands for Heiliger Europa! Romisches Reich), metal bands like the Ukrainian black metal outfit called Ungem, and punk bands in the vein of Paris Violence. Unger also became the antago- nist in an alternative history first-person shooter relisted for PC Windows in 2002 named Iron Storm' (also known as World War Zero in its PlayStation 2 version). Of course, there were also many serious works, among them, of course, the controversial The Bloody White Baron by Fig. 3 Baron Ungern model from the game Iron Storm, In the game he is known as Baron Ugenberg, a leader of the Russo-Mongol empire stretching rts have managed not only to overcome the Bolsheviks but also to drag over the events of World War [into the 1960s, Internet resource: htip:stes google com{siteironstormpe/irs/ 1$04022598512/multiplayer/ungem png7height=3208widih=145_[ac- cess 07.10.2017].128 Adam Dohnal James Palmer, Willard Sunderland’s The Baron's Cloak: A History of the Russian Empire in War and Revolution and Vladimir Pozner’s Bloody Baron: The Story of Ungern-Sternberg. Despite his popularity in the West, Baron von Ungem-Stemberg mostly remains a historical curiosity, living proof of how chaotic and unstable the period of the beginning of the 20th century was mainly in the regions of Siberia and Mongolia, Ungern-Sternberg and the Soviet Film industry It. was not only the West that raised Baron von Ungern-Stemberg to cult status, but the communist bloc also dedicated quite a lot of time and resources to upholding the Bloody Baron’s legacy. It was the communist bloc that gave Baron von Ungern-Stem~ berg a new life on the silver screen through movies like Kochuyshchiy Front (Nomadic Front), 1971 CCCP. The movie focuses on the struggle of the communist revolutionar- ies to liberate parts of Siberia from Admiral Kolchak’s rule. To defeat the overwhelm ing forces of the admiral, the guerrillas construct a daring plan to regroup in Mongolia and gain local support to overthrow their enemy. Very popular in socialist coun- tries was the film Iskhiod (Exodus) The film focuses on the final mili- tary operation waged by the Baron, through the eyes of two friends, a Mongolian shepherd and a Soviet spy. They infiltrate Ungern’s camp to steal his plans of attack. The movie is notable because its screenplay was written by Shirendyb, who wrote also Ego zovut Sukhe-Bator (His Name is Sukhe-Bator), CCCP 1942, The lat- Fig, 4 Baron Unger, metal figures forthe war ter film tells the story of the life and ‘gaming system Back of Beyond by North Star struggle of the founder of the Mon- Military Figures Limited golian People’s Revolutionary Party Damadin Sukhe-Bator. But the reason for Baron’s popularity in socialist countries was quite different than in the West. For the communist authorities, Baron von Ungern-Sternberg was something more than a curiosity. An elitist aristocrat conspiring with local feudal and religious elites, irrational and superstitious, obsessed with ancient rites, cruel to both allies and foes, desperately clinging to an illusion of the past, blinded by mad- ness to the inevitable victory of the new socialist order, Baron von Ungern-Stemberg ‘made for a perfect poster boy for the evil and incompetence of counter-revolutionary forces. aS "The movie was released in several westem counties under regional language title variants as The End of Baron UngernVil, Baron Roman von Ungern-Sternberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian... 129 Fig. 5 The Polish, Hungarian and French posters for the movie Iskhod? ‘Compared to other counterrevolutionaries in the Russian Far Bast, the persona of Baron von Ungern-Sternberg was also a safe target for communist propaganda, Not only was the Mad Baron’s Mongolian escapade never a significant threat to the Bolshe- vviks, but his vision was global, international, a detachment from reality, so making him an adversary who did not directly antagonize any minority ethnic groups. Even in this context, Baron von Ungern-Sternberg was no more than a useful tool for a propaganda ‘machine than an actual prominent historical figure with significant historical impact. Fig. 6 A Hugo Pratt-inspired graffiti of Baron von Ungern-Sternberg’ Internet resource: —_hitp:/www.imdb.comititle/t0347261/mediaindex?ref=t_pv_mi_sm [access 07.10.2017}. France, Internet resource: htp:/duxvonzazer.umblzcomlimage’149S57302057 [access 07.10.2017)130 Adam Dohnal Ungern-Sternberg and the Mongolian question, Baron von Ungern-Stemberg posed a severe problem to the newly formed Mongolian People’s Republic, The events which led to Baron von Ungern-Stemberg’s fall could shed severe doubts on not only the independence of Mongolian liberation, but also the relationship with the USSR and the identity of Mongolian society. The proper interpretation of the Mad Baron within the emerging Mongolian communist histo- riography was erucial for avoiding such problems. This issue fell to the influential historian Bazaryn Shirendyb. His interpretation not only makes it possible to prevent several dangers surrounding the persona of the infamous Bloody Baron, but to use von Ungern’s exploits to strengthen the legitimacy of the Mongolian communist revolution within Marxist-Leninist historiography. Shirendyb was part of the first generation of post-revolutionary Mongolian intellectualists, secretary of the Choibalsan, head of the Mongolian Academy of Science, and one of the most prominent historians (Shirendyb 1997: 210). Ungern-Sternberg and Mongolian development in the works of Bazaryn Shirendyb For Shirendyb, the persona of Ungern is an essential part of a bigger issue — the i sue of nature and the place of the Mongolian communist revolution in the gathering framework of Marxist historiography. According to Shirendyb, the Mongolian revo- lution found its source in two historical phenomena. The first of these phenomena is Chinese colonialism. Although Mongolia was included in the area of China as early as the 17th century, because of the special attitude of the new dynasty to the northem lands and nomadic peoples, the area remained relatively autonomous tll the end of the 19th century. This situation began to change dramatically because of the inability of the Chinese authorities to compete effectively with Western colonial powers and Japan (Shirendyb 1973: 234). The expansion of Tsarist Russia in Siberia was particularly worrying for the authorities in Beijing. To prevent the potential loss of the northern regions to Russia, the Chinese authorities were forced to break their traditions and be- agin the process of consolidation of its influence in the region. According to Shirendyb, this meant the beginning of Chinese colonialism in the region. This colonialism took two forms. The first of these was the inflow of Chinese settlers to the northern areas of the country. Although this was the event that mostly caused the rise of the Mongo- lian independence movement in Shirendyb’s opinion, it was secondary important to the arrival of large groups of Chinese merchants supported by Beijing to the area of Mongolia. Shirendyb thinks that it was Chinese merchants who became the main tool of the exploitation of the Mongotian population (Shirendyb 1971: 25). The model of exploitation differs, however, from exploitation in the capitalist and feudal societies, where the owner of the means of production exploits the working people. Here, you are dealing with a colonial situation, where the colonialists drain the country by attach- ing it to the capitalist market. Local elites purchase luxury goods at high prices, which they cannot afford because of the backward nature of the economy, becoming indebted to the foreign merchants. Not being able to pay off their debts, they transfer them to their subordinate population.Vi. Baron Roman von Ungern-Siernberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongotian...__131 The second key event in the history of Mongolia is the Russian democratic revolu- tion in 1905, It was a part of the long process of the gradual socio-economic transfor- ‘mation leading to creating a classless society. Shirendev believes that the revolution in 1905 was responsible for “awakening” the peoples of the Far East from economic and ‘moral stagnation and gave the impulse for their pursuit of independence (Shirendyb 1968: 11). Such a course of events led to the weakening of the power of China and the growth of revolutionary sentiment among the Mongolian public in Outer Mongolia. 1911 was the year of the declaration of Mongolian independence under the leadership of the Bogdo Khan, which Shirendev calls the Nationalist Revolution. According to Shirendey, it was a fully independent operation of the Mongolian nation which fitted in with the Marxist-Leninist national liberation struggle. The revolution transmitted full power into the hands of the Mongolian elites, led by monarchist-nationalistic ideas. Although it was a crucial step towards the existence of a free Mongolia and the future evolution of the whole region, it did not eliminate several state problems. Paradoxi- cally, the Mongols trying to fight for intemational support for the independence of their country became the object of the games of the imperial powers struggling for influence in the region. The newly created state became not only an object of China and Russia’s interest, but also of Japan, and the UK and other European countries showed colonial concern in the region Unaware of the problem, the Mongolian elites established broad cooperation with Wester forces, but the most important ally turned out to be Tsarist Russia. However, paradoxically, the Mongolian elite, thinking that they were strengthening the Mongo- lian position, instead involved their country in an even more intimate colonial relator ship (Shirendyb 1968: 15). Rapprochement with Russia meant a new wave of debt, this time on the state level. The Mongolian government took out many loans for weapons, soldier training, creation of a modern education system, modemization of infrastruc- ture and economy. However, according to Shirendey, it meant only a deeper colonial drain of the country. Money from the loans was spent on Wester goods and Western specialists, which did not lead to the creation of an internal market. The country was forced to sell off materials to make further changes. Besides, individual people also had to pay debts contracted privately with Chinese merchants. As with other bourgeois revolutions, the socio-economic transformation served only a certain elite and did not improve the fate of the working class. In contrast to this kind of revolution in the West, despite the Mongolian inclusion in the capitalist market area, feudal relations ruling here remained intact. In time, Mongolia would evolve naturally into the capitalist way of development, as all the necessary elements were already taking root by the beginning of the 20th century. All ofthis changed drastically in 1921 with the violent arrival of Baron Ungem and his forces, Shirendev sees Ungem very differently than most sourees do. While Unger was ‘cruel and violent man, for Shirendey, he is not an unstable madman but a rational indi- vidual working within the framework of his social class and its interests. Shirendev be- lieves that Ungem’s fighting force was more capable than traditionally given credit for, and its appearance in Mongolia dragged the country into the forefront of the communist revolution. Ungem’s attack on the Chinese regained control of Ulan Bator in 1920 and ‘was a significant act. According to Shirendyb, Ungem’s attack on Chinese forces is not an act of liberation of Mongolia, but an attempt to take advantage of the discontent of132 Adam Dohnal “Mongolia’s population by the Japanese to use the Mongolians for supporting Unger and his men (Shirendyb 1973: 283). However, it is not merely a clash of two hostile imperial- ist forces; in this ease, Mongolia is a tool to stop the spread of the revolution. Imperial- ists see the social changes happening in Russia as a rising threat to their interests. They are willing to use and manipulate local groups being warlords or colonial subjects by promising them power and freedom not only to stop but also to destroy the revolution- ary forces. Peaceful existence is impossible with imperialist forces, as they will always ook for new spaces to subjugate and exploit. That is the nature of the current world sys- tem; therefore, to survive, the social revolution must cause the overthrow of the existing socio-economic system. The French Revolution did not manage to overcome the local system and therefore failed eventually. The situation in Russia, however, had reached the moment and place in history where the working class could overcome the local system and be victorious on the local level. The persona of Baron Ungem, however, fleeing from Siberia to Mongo- lia, changed the situation by making the revolution a global event, Now, the Russian revolutionaries had to worry not only about the local remains of the old regime and some foreign capitalists, but the global imperial system that had noticed the events of the revolution. The situation also shows that Russian workers needed to build rela- tions with other forces. In this case, cooperation with backward countries and colonial subjects was not only a moral issue but a matter of survival for the revolution. Only by undermining the capitalists could the old system be overcome and bring true freedom to the exploited, Such an interpretation makes Baron von Ungemn-Stemberg one of the ‘most efficient, imported agents of social change in the history of Mongolia and — by extension — of the world, Baron von Ungern-Stemberg’s case showed how the forces of global imperialism use bandits and local warlords to destroy local revolutionary and independence movements (Shirendyb 1971: 33). For Shirendev, the events of 1921 showed above all that undeveloped countries and colonies seeking modernization and independence must avoid compromises and must seek a path to communist revolution, The Baron’s actions showed the Mongols the sad but undeniable truth that local elites of even the noblest intentions cannot be trusted to fight for independence. Even if the local lords and leaders are the most patriotic and forward-thinking individuals, they cannot escape the limitation of their class and only lead the people to a certain point on their road to freedom, before falling into the trap of their cass interest. In the case of Unger, they will exchange the well-being of Mon- gols for their own monetary and honorary gains, blinding them to the acquiring of true independence for the Mongol people. It is an unfortunate truth for all underdeveloped or colonial countries. The local people cannot count on their elites to liberate them. ‘The rulers inthe capitalist system are only capable of bringing nations toa certain level of independence before falling under the control of the capitalist market and imperial- ism, According to Shirendev, this clearly shows that the national-liberation struggle, communist revolution, resistance against colonialism and imperialism are inseparable. Ifa nation striving for independence does not want to carry out the communist revo- lution, then its fight will only finish in the exploitation of the population by colonial powers. However, the localized struggle for the independence and modernization of the Mongol elites did bring an important element to the later success of the Mongol revolution; despite the lack of major system changes, in Shirendev’s opinion, the revo-VL Baron Roman von Ungern-Siernberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian... 133 lutionary processes started in the lower social classes. Changes in power without abol- ishing exploitation made the Mongols aware of the need for drastic socio-economic reforms. Western education also played an important role, even though it concemed a very narrow group of Mongols; however, it was used to create the seeds of the Mon- golian intelligentsia, which proved to be very useful for the subsequent democratic revolution, But it was the short but brutal rule of Baron von Unger-Sternberg and his attempt to rebuild the Mongolian, and ultimately Russian monarchy, that was the key to the success of Mongolia’s communist revolution. Although the Mongolian society had earlier revolutionary tendencies, it was the time of the White Terror that spread revolutionary attitudes in wider social circles (Shirendyb 1968: 20). The cooperation with Baron von Ungern-Stemberg had put them in the hot seat the local feudal and religious elites. For Shirender, it does not, however, deny the im- portance of those groups in Mongolian history. Only the defeat of Baron von Ungern- Sternberg and removal of the feudal elites that betrayed their country, and cooperation with the Soviets could lead to the creation of a strong and independent Mongolian state. First, the country needed to be freed from the grasp of imperialists, bandits and traitors. Then a government needed to be established to represent the interests of the minority, while at the same time modernizing all the country’s social-economic struc- tures creating the possibility to cooperate with the network of communist organiza- tions in the region, to spread the communist revolution. Only by a change in the entire region, and the strengthening of the individual nations could situations like the activity of Baron von Ungem-Stemberg be prevented. Mongolia served a crucial role in the transformation of the world’s social-economic order, Shirendyb believes that Mon- golia is not only the second country in the world after the USSR which succeeded in establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat, but it was also the first colonial and non- capitalist country to try to establish this kind of order. It was the fate of the Mongolian revolution to show how to perform such changes successfully in an underdeveloped country. It would open up the opportunity for other nations, exploited by colonial and imperialistic forces, to copy the Mongotian example (Shirendyb 1968: 43). ‘According to Shirendev, the Mongolian development process leading to socialism needed to be different from the one Russia had chosen. Mongolia, at the beginning of the 20th century, was not on the level of historical development to begin the com- ‘munist revolution naturally. The arrival of Baron von Ungern-Sternberg and the Red Amy forces that were chasing him, gave Mongolia a unique chance to skip the natu- ral order of social development based on social transformations. This did not mean Mongolia was not capable of healthy development. The events of Unger’s rule merely showed that the Mongolian people could not allow themselves a capitalist period of growth, since it would, eventually, lead to losing its independence to other foreign forces (Shitendyb 1971: 310). The contact established with the Bolsheviks through the common struggle against Baron von Ungern-Sternberg and his men gave Mongolians unique chance to establish socialism without undertaking the standard sequences of historical development. Since the Soviet Union had already reached the final level of historical development, Mongolian leaders could use the experience and help of their northern neighbor to copy the outcomes of social changes necessary for the establish- ‘ment of socialism without the necessity of going through the historical events that ‘would lead to the emergence of those changes naturally.134 Adam Dohnal The case of Mongolia showed that the world revolution was a process that could take place in extremely diverse environments and take on different forms. Regardless, it always led to the same effect, socialism. The case of Mongolia opened the way for other states wishing to break out of colonial control by working with the states ruled by the dictatorship of the proletariat, at the same time showing that these countries could not achieve independence without adopting a path of socialist development. Without social transformation, economic change is not possible, The old elites will seek to secure their class privileges, while democratization without economic change will cause a country to fall victim to colonial exploitation. From the perspective of al- ready existing communist countries, helping underdeveloped and oppressed nations is a matter of survival. The spread of the communist revolution would remove resources and support from the hostile imperialist and colonial elites who, in defense of their selfish class interests, would use underdeveloped countries to try to stop and destroy the socialist nations, so as to rebuild their influence. The case of Baron von Ungem- ‘Stemberg is the best example of this mechanism, Ungem-Stemberg invaded Mongolia to use it and its people to create an operational base for his counteroffensive against the Bolsheviks. Baron von Ungern-Stemberg himself would be, in the long run, just a proxy of the imperialistic forces of Japan and capitalists of the West, to destroy the Soviets and secure the interests of the capitalist world (Shirendyb 1973: 289). As long as the old elites had a place to retreat and regroup, the independent communist na- tions would never know peace. This observation, of course, changed the perception of the world revolution, it showed that communists must become active and support all underdeveloped nations. One could not just wait for the natural progress of history because it would be too costly and lengthy. Revolutionary forces needed to spread all over the world, and if they did not exist, they should be created. Only by creating an active socialist bloc could the freedom and independence of a country like Mongolia be secured (Shirendyb 1971: 95). Conclusion While Baron Ungern may have been a footnote in history, he was an interesting foot- note, His legacy has survived not only in culture, but also in Mongolian history, taking role far exceeding his real-life achievements. In both cases, Unger has become more significant than he was in life. For western pulp fiction authors, he has become the last of the mystical knights errant, traversing the edges of the known world in search of glory and a twisted version of chivalry. For Mongolian Marxist historiography, thanks to the efforts of Shirendev, he becomes a living avatar of the revolution, unknowingly and contrary to his beliefs bringing class liberation to the whole of Asia. Ungern’s mili- tary defeat not only becomes the foundation for Soviet-Mongol friendship but also, according to Shirendev, it pushed the Mongols into what was necessary to achieve real national liberation. This case shows that the roles of historian and fiction author have cerie similarities. In both cases, historical figures become characters whose fates and achievements are reframed to tell the overarching story. Historians, like Shirendev, of- ten find themselves in the situation where the existing historical tendencies force them to reinterpret people’s lives and real-life events to serve a higher purpose than just de-VIL Baron Roman von Ungern-Siernberg: Between Global Pop Culture and Mongolian... 135, scribing the past. History is never entirely free from polities, especially when dealing, ‘with modern local history. This problem can often escape the eye of a foreign observer for whom the regional relations are unclear, due to knowing the local events through the filter of his own culture and language. Especially with characters like Baron Un- gem, who are now more well-known thanks to fiction and heavily dramatized accounts than their real lives, a high level of intellectual precaution and cultural sensitivity must be retained by the scholar to carefully navigate the complicated network of fact, ideol- ogy and fiction that entangles such individuals. References. Didier Ch. (1987), L’ombre des damnés Ungern Kahn Paris, Armonia Kuzmin $. (2013), How bloody was the White Baron? Critical comments on James Palmer's The Bloody White Baron, “Inner Asia", 1 (15), pp. 177-87. Michalowski W. (2014), Zymy Buda, Kim naprawde byt Antoni Ferdynand Ossendowski?, accessed (07.02.2017, hp: www. racjonalista.pUkk pap, 9742. Perriot V. (2008), Taga Rouge, Tome 1, Paris: Dupuis Pratt Hugo (2004), Corto Maltes na Syberii. Edited and translated by Monika Gurgul, Krakow: ‘Wydawnictwo Post. First published. Shirendyb B. (1968), By-Passing Capitalism (Popular Essay), Ulan Bator, M.PR. State Publishers Shirendyb B. (1971), Die Mongolische Volksrepublik; von der Feudalordnung in den Sozialismus, Edited and translated by Gerteud Lehmann, Berlin: Staatsverlag der Deutschen Demok= ratischen Republik, First published 1967, Shirendyb B., Urgunge O. (1973), Hisiory of the Mongolian People's Republic, Moscow: “Nauka” Publishing House. Shirendyb Bazaryn (1997), Center for East Asian Studies, Washington: Western Washington Univer sity Bellingham. lup2n.a98 B. 2012), Akayenuey Basapoin Hlypodoouin Oyesanuite 22am, Vol. 1-9, YaaauGaarap: ra Yaamns Axe,