Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Peter Staudenmaier
Between Occultism and Nazism: Anthroposophy and the Politics of Race in the
Fascist Era (Aries Book Series 17), Leiden/Boston: Brill 2014. Approx. 430 pp. isbn
9789004264076.
Heydrich, Martin Bormann, and Joseph Goebbels. The episode, a major subject
of scholarly discussions, is essential for an understanding of the relationship
between esotericism and National Socialism. Staudenmaier shows how the
campaign of June 1941 was the outcome of longer power struggles within the
Nazi “polycracy.” It combined the actions of Heydrich’s sd, the Gestapo, and
their allies such as Bormann and Goebbels. Staudenmaier stresses the para-
doxical situation that ‘official Nazi hostility toward organized occult groups
depended as much on underlying ideological similarities as on overt ideo-
logical distance’ (p. 215). The “investigation of ideological enemies” (Gegner-
forschung) conducted by the sd and its rivalry with the Gestapo is of central
importance for this. In order to prove its own indispensability in the face of an
increasing lack of actual enemies in Germany, the sd tended to greatly exag-
gerate the threat posed by their objects of study. In light of the importance
of racial identity and national belonging in the teachings of many occultist
groups, including Anthroposophy, sd analysts deemed them especially dan-
gerous because they perceived them as competitors to the totalitarian claim
of National Socialist Weltanschauung: ‘What made occult organizations into
“ideological enemies,” in other words, was not so much ideological distance as
ideological proximity’ (p. 245). While this argument is not new, Staudenmaier
is the first scholar to discuss it in a highly nuanced and convincing manner: by
highlighting both the fractured nature of Anthroposophy, the “occult milieu,”
and National Socialism; by explaining those currents in the light of historical
contingency and entanglement; and by using a wide range of archival sources,
publications, and correspondences.
Staudenmaier gives additional weight to his argument with an analysis of
Italian Anthroposophists and their roles in the Fascist state. Most remarkably,
Staudenmaier shows that it was ‘in Fascist Italy rather than Nazi Germany that
esoteric ideas about the spiritual nature of race came to fruition and influ-
enced concrete measures adopted by the state’ (p. 284). This was due to the
success of a “spiritual racism” propagated by authors such as Julius Evola (1898–
1974) and Giovanni Preziosi (1881–1945), as well as Anthroposophists such as
Massimo Scaligero (1906–1980), Aniceto Del Massa (1898–1975) or Ettore Mar-
tinoli (1895–1958). Italian Anthroposophists were even more sharply divided
than their German counterparts, with prominent members being anti-Fascists
or Jews. However, Anthroposophical ideas ‘found significant points of con-
tact with Fascist thought through compatible doctrines about race and nation’
(p. 281) and would eventually play a significant role in the complex develop-
ment of Fascist racist and anti-Semitic thought. This can be exemplified by the
roles of Del Massa and Martinoli, who became to occupy influential positions
within the Fascist bureaucracy, namely in the Center for the Study of the Jew-
ish Problem and the General Inspectorate for Race (pp. 303–317). This ‘reveals
a harder edge to seemingly softer forms of esoteric racial discourse’ and shows
instructively how Italian esoteric racists ‘stood out as exponents of a specif-
ically Italian racial vision, rather than mere imitators of Nazi race ideology’
(pp. 284, 318).
It is this exclusive focus on the affinities between esoteric, and more specif-
ically Anthroposophical notions of nation and race that allows for some criti-
cism of Staudenmaier’s study. Of course it is legitimate to give weight to these
aspects, and Staudenmaier can hardly be accused of making false claims. How-
ever, it would have added to the complexity of Staudenmaier’s approach to shed
light on the actual differences and open conflicts between Anthroposophical
and National Socialist or Fascist ideas. The picture would have become even
more complex if Staudenmaier had devoted some space to internal Anthro-
posophical disputes, which are deliberately left out (p. 19). It might also be
mentioned that the terminology employed by Staudenmaier is often vague
and sometimes gives the impression of deliberateness: “occultism,” “the occult,”
“occult milieu,” “occultist,” “occult,” or “esoteric” are some major examples that
are used interchangeably. Of course the meaning of those terms has been very
unclear in modern discourse and remains so until today, but Staudenmaier
could have made a greater contribution towards an understanding of what
“occultism,” “esotericism” and so forth meant in their historical context. This
would have been especially enriching because Staudenmaier, quite unlike the
majority of historians of the Third Reich, shows a comprehensive knowledge
of the study of Western esotericism and could have engaged in a more direct
dialogue with its particular debates (pp. 2–4, 10). An important step towards
this would have been to make more explicit the original German and Italian
terminology and differentiate clearly between the meta-language of the study.
At times this even becomes confusing, for example when Staudenmaier intro-
duces the category of “esoteric racism,” vaguely distinguished from “spiritual
racism” (p. 289). However, these criticisms should not reduce the significance
of the study.
Staudenmaier’s Between Occultism and Nazism shows that the ambivalent
links between esotericism and National Socialism can only be explained if one
abandons simplistic dichotomic narratives and approaches the deeply entan-
gled histories of those subjects in their own right. This means not only under-
standing their complexity, fluidity, and ambiguity, but also the radical contin-
gency of their historical developments. As Staudenmaier rightly emphasizes,
‘the convoluted historical details become unsettling when the certainties of
posterity collide with the perplexities of the past’ (p. 319). It requires courage to
admit that National Socialism was not ‘irreducibly estranged from the normal
course of things,’ that it was no radical “other,” no evil that defies understand-
ing. As Hannah Arendt has recognized, it was the ordinariness of National
Socialism that made its crimes possible. Staudenmaier convincingly argues
that it was such ordinary aspects that enabled significant links between cer-
tain esoteric and National Socialist notions. The emergence and development
of esotericism cannot be considered in isolation from “Western culture” and
was, in many ways, strikingly “ordinary.” It is no wonder, then, that it took part
in the fatal course of European modernity and is thus an expression of gen-
eral cultural developments. Those developments cannot simply be described
in teleological or dualistic terms. At times, as the work of Jacob Talmon has
shown as early as the 1950s, their political implications cannot be categorized
into left and right, and neither can they be comprehended in terms of pro- or
anti-Enlightenment stances. To ignore these “ambiguities of modernity” means
to defy an understanding of the emergence of Western identities. It can thus
be said that Staudenmaier’s book is a truly enlightening one, which will, it is
hoped, stimulate further research in the same spirit.
Julian Strube
Heidelberg University
julian.strube@zegk.uni-heidelberg.de