SILVA e FARELO 2020 Lisboa Plural

Convivéncia(s) / Coexistence Lisbo Plura 1147-1910 Coordenagao Paulo Almeida Fernandes Ana Paula AntunesP—01 Apresentagao Presentation Joana Sousa Monteiro P—08 Acerca da gestao da alteridade na hist6ria de Lisboa On the management of alterity in the history of Lisbon Ana Paula Antunes e Paulo Almeida Fernandes P—22 o1. O lugar de cada um na Lisboa Medieval The place of each one in medieval Lisbon Mario Farelo e Manuel Fialho pP—52 Segmento de cancela Fragment of a Chancel Paulo Almeida Fernandes P—56 Placa comemorativa da Sinagoga Velha de Lisboa Memorial stone of the old synagogue of Lisbon Esther Mucanick P—58 Lapide funeraria islamica Islamic gravestone Paulo Almeida Fernandes LISBOA PLURAL P—62 As raizes islamicas da ceramica moderna The Islamic roots of modern ceramics Susana Gémes Martinez Rodrigo Banka da Silva P—68 02. Lisboa mestiga Meztiza Lisbon Jorge Fonseca P—90 Africanos em Lisboa no século XIX Africans in Lisbon in the 19th century Arlindo Manuel Caldeira P— 108 Ex-voto de casal africano aN.*S.4 do Rosario African couple's Ex-Voto to Our Lady of the Rosary Ana Paula Antunes p—112 O busto do Pai Paulino Bust of “Father Paulino” Joao Alpuim Botelho P—114 Infante D. Afonso com pajem negro Infante Afonso with a black page Ana Paula AntunesCONVIVENCIA(S)/CORXISTENCE P—118 Testamento de Dona Simoa Godinha Will of Dona Simoa Godinha Ana Paula Antunes P—128 03. Espanhéis em Lisboa em tempos da Unido Dual (1580-1640) The Spanish in Lisbon at the time of the Dual Monarchy (Uniao Dual) (1580-1640) Miguel Soromenko P—146 Nagao holandesa e flamenga em Lisboa (séculos XVI e XVII) The Dutch and Flemish Nation in Lisbon (16th and 17th centuries) Rui Mesquita Mendes P—162 Algreja de Nossa Senhora do Loreto da nagao italiana The church of Nossa Senhora do Loreto of the Italian nation Nunsiatella Alessandrini P—174 Claude Laprade: um escultor do barroco entre a Provenca e Portugal Claude Laprade: A Baroque sculptor between Provence and Portugal Silvia Ferreira P— 184 Os Galegos em Lisboa The Galicians in Lisbon Arlindo Manuel Caldeira P— 194 Custédia Monstrance Luisa Villarinko Pereira P—198 Os cemitérios inglés e alemao The British and German cemeteries Ana Paula Antunes Henrique Carvalho Paulo Almeida Fernandes P—202 Vara de Capataz dos Aguadeiros Water-bearers’ Foreman’s rod Henrique Carvalho P— 206 Barril de Aguadeiro Water-bearer’s barrel ‘Ana Margarida Campos P—212 Autoretratos Self-portraits Servigo Educativ Learning ServiceO lugar de cadaum na Lisboa Medieval The place of each one in medieval Lisbon Manuel Fialho" Mario Farelo®AS FACES 0 conceito de convivencia remete para uma cooxistén- cia harmoniosa entre duas ou mais partes consideradas diferentes umas das outras. Uma tal diferenga implica a ideia de um relacionamento com um outro, o qual, no caso 4a cidade medieval portuguesa, tem sido percecionado € estudado sobretudo em termos das relacdes que se esta- beleceram entre uma maioria crista e as minorias confessionais judaica e mugulmana, no decurso e na sequéncia de um processo tradicionalmente designado de «recon- quistay crista Esta visio nao deixa de ser redutora. Numa cidade como Lisboa, o outro acabava por ser todo aquele ou aque- la que nao tina nascido na urbe e que, por razdes varias, no se conformava em pleno com 0s tracos identitarios do ‘«grupo» maioritério, Nesse sentido, 0 outro era o judeu & ‘© mouro que se distinguia da maior crista pela sua apa- rBncia, pelos seus costumes ¢ suas crencas; 0 outro era o mercador estrangeiro que falava um idioma diferente e que estanciava na cidade, de forma temporéria ou permanente; mas 0 outro era também 0 cristao, tanto o nobre que morava na cidade e impunha os seus privilégios aos restantes citadinos, quanto 0 estudante que morava dentro e fora dos ‘seus muros, vindo de qualquer outra parte do reino. As possibilidades de quebra da convivéncia eram indmeras na cidade, como variados eram os agentes pas- siveis de serem envolvidos nas dissensdes subsequentes. Na impossibilidade de aprender a globalidade dos aspetos dessa convivéncia (agentes, conjunturas, quotidianos), procedamos & andlise das relagées da (nao) convivéncia que tém sido as mais valorizadas pela historiografia: 0 relacionamento diacrénico da maioria portuguesa e crista ‘com as comunidades estrangeiras (geralmente associadas uma atividade mercantile financeira) ¢, sobretudo, com as minorais religiosas estabelecidas em Lisboa no perfodo medieval. Estas altimas, pela sua especificidade € dis- ponibilidade de informacao, merecerao duas abordagens complementares, uma com o propésito de evidenciar a sua abrangéncia espacial na cidade e, a outra, destinada a ca- racterizar a presenca hist6rica e jurisdicional de mouros © judeus na Lisboa medieval Urbanismo na Lisboa medieval: ‘caso das minorias religiosas Durante 0 longo e milenar perfodo que denominamos Idade Média, Lisboa era composta por uma populacao heterogé- nea marcada pelas trés religides que predominavam na Eu- ropa mediterranica. Num olhar superficial, podertamos afirmar que as tras religides do Livro, ou seja, cristaos, judeus ‘e muculmanos, desenharam a forma urbana de Lisboa com tragos distintos, consoante o seu modo de viver a cidade e DA PLURALIDADE ‘The concept of coexistence refers to a harmonious coexist- ‘ence between two or more parties considered different from ‘one another. Such a difference implies the idea of a relationship of one with another, which, in the case of the medieval Portuguese city, has been perceived and studied mainly in terms of the relations established between a Christian majority and the Jewish and Moslem denominational minorities in the course of and following a process traditionally known as the Christian “reconquest”, ‘This view is nonetheless reductive. In a city like Lisbon, the other turned out to be all the men or women who ‘had not been born in the city and who, for various reasons, did not fully conform to the identity traits of the majority “group”. In this sense the other was the Jew and the Moor ‘who distinguished her/himself from the Christian majority by her/his appearance, customs and beliefs; the other was the foreign merchant who spoke another language and who stayed in the city, temporarily or permanently; but the other ‘was also the Christian, both the nobleman who lived in the city and who imposed his privileges on the rest of its inhabitants, and the student who lived inside and outside its walls, ‘coming from any other part of the kingdom, ‘The possibilities of breaking the coexistence were nu- merous in the city, for how varied were the agents likely to be involved in any subsequent dissensions. If i is impossible to learn all aspects ofthis coexistence (agents, situations, daily life), let us analyse the relations of non-coexistence that have been most valued by the historiography: the diachronic relationship of the Portuguese and Christian majority with foreign communities generally associated with a commercial and financial activity and, above all, with the religious minorities living and working in Lisbon in the medieval period. ‘The latter, due to their specificity and availability of information, will merit ewo complementary approaches, one with the purpose of highlighting their spatial breadth in the city and the second, to characterise the historical and jurisdictional presence of Moors and Jews in medieval Lisbon. During the long and thousand-year period known as the “Middle Ages, Lisbon was made up of a heterogeneous population marked by the three religions that prevailed in Med- iterranean Europe, In a superficial way, we could say that the three religions of the Book, that is, Christians, Jews and ‘Moslems, designed the urban form of Lisbon with different characteristics, according to their way of living in the city and according to their religion. This consideration, though not totally wrong, is somehow too simplistic and incomplete ‘when subjected to a detailed analysis of the urban evolution 23‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM de acordo com a sua religiéo. Esta consideragao, néo sendo errada, 6 de algum modo demasiado simplistae incompleta quando submetida a uma analise detalhada da evolugao urbana da cidade, Observando com mais atencao a dinamica da morfologia urbana da cidade medieval e tendo em conta as especificidades dos espagos das minorias religiosas, 6 possivel reconhecer processos complexos de evolucao, onde a marca identitéria dessas minorias se diferencia devido a diversos fatores, desde a relevancia socioeconémica a0 sistema familiar, ou ainda, as necessidades e vontades daCoroa. Durante o perfodo medieval, a cidade da foz do Tejo foi governada tanto por mugulmanos como por cristaos, sendo que, em ambos os momentos, as trés comunidades. fizeram parte da populagao da cidade, Durante a época de dominio islamico, entre 714 € 1147, a forma urbana da cidade absorveu as caracteristicas fundamentals das cidades hispano-mugulmanas muitas vezes caricaturadas pelas suas vias de tragado irregular, estreito e desordenado. Na verdade o aparente labirinto urbano patente nas urbes mugulmanas pode ser analisado e dissecado numa estrutura Suportada em dais fatores que se complementam: por um lado a casa-patio, como unidade habitacional elementar (TRINDADE, no prelo; TRINDADE, 2009), ¢ por outro, as par- ticularidades da sociedade istamica (HAKIM, 1986; BETRAN ABADIA, 2006). Morfologicamente, @ casa-patio caracterizava-se geralmente por uma organizagao estruturada em torno de um patio central ou lateral, pela inexisténcia ou secunda- rizagdo da fachada e par uma comunicagao com o exterior efetuada através de uma entrada disoreta, muitas vezes situada no extremo de um acesso privado. A irrelevancia das fachadas possibilitava a justaposi¢ao de lotes urbanos adossados uns aos outros em todas as diregdes, mantendo- se apenas um acesso exterior, que muitas vezes acabava por se tornar num espaco semiprivado ou até mesmo privado. Além da morfologia das unidades habitacionais, importa considerar que a interferéncia das autoridades islamicas sobre 0 espaco urbano néo se direcionava para questies relacionadas com a estética geométrica do tragado vidrio, mas sim para questées de ordem pratica e funcional, nomeadamente relativas privacidade, iluminagao, danos causados pela agua ou pela construcao de edificios con- ‘tiguos ¢ também sobre a circulagao de pessoas e animais pelas vias. Estas preocupacGes refletem os limites das autoridades sobre os processos de mutagao da forma urbana, indicando que o foco incidia sobre o bem-estar das familias, que habitavam nas ja referidas casas-patio e nao sobre a estética do espaco puiblico. A organizacao familiar islamica, estruturada em torno da familia alargada, também contri- ula para a relevancia dada ao hem-estar destas familias, que detinham com certeza um peso importante na gestao 26 of the city. By observing the dynamics of the urban morphology of the medieval city more closely and taking into account the specificities of the spaces used by the religious minorities, it is possible to recognise complex processes of evolution, where the identifying mark of these minorities differs due to several factors, from socio-economic importance to the family system, or the needs and desires of the Crown. During the medieval period, the city at the mouth of the ‘Tagus was ruled by both Moslems and Christians, and in both periods the three communities were part of the population of the city. During the time of Islamic domination, between 714 and 1147, the urban form of the city absorbed the fundamental characteristics of the Hispanic-Moslem cities often characterised by their irregular, narrow and disor- derly alleyways. In fact, the apparent urban labyrinth com- ‘mon in the Moslem cities can be analysed and dissected in a structure supported by two factors that complement each other: on the one hand the courtyard house, as an elementary housing unit (TRINDADE, no prelo; 2009), and on the other hand, the specific characteristics of Islamic society (HAKIM, 1986; BETRAN ABADIA, 2005). ‘Morphologically, the courtyard house was generally characterised by an organisation structured around a central or lateral patio, by the inexistence of the fagade or the relega- tion of this toa secondary role and by a communication with the exterior made through a diserete entrance, often located at the end of a private means of access. The irrelevance of the facades made it possible to juxtapose urban plots attached to ceach other in all directions, with access only from outside, ‘often becoming a semi-private or even private space. In addition to the format of the housing units, i is important to consider that the interference of the Islamic authorities in the urban space was not directed at issues related to the geometrical aesthetics of the road layout, but rather to questions of a prac- ‘ical and functional nature, such as privacy, damage caused by water of the construction of contiguous buildings and also the circulation of people and animals along the thoroughfares. ‘These concerns reflect the limits which the authorities faced as regards the processes of the changes in the urban form, indicating that the focus was on the welfare of the families that lived in the above-mentioned patio houses and not on the aesthetics of the public space. The Islamic family organisation, structured around the extended family, also contrib- uted to the relevance given to the well-being of these families which certainly had a significant influence in urban management (GUICHARD ¢ VAN STAEVEL, 1995: 47-49). All these factors resulted in complex cities, whose road systems were structured on three levels: the primary, constituted by the main distributing axes of the city’s circulation, where the connections were made between the gates of the city wall and its nucleus; the secondary, where there were connections between the primary roads and the various sectors of the city;AS FACES DA PLURALIDADE urbana (GUICHARD e VAN STAEVEL, 1995: 47-48). Do conjun- to destes fatores resultaram cidades de tracado complexo, cujo sistema vidrio se estruturava em trés niveis:o primario, constituldo pelos principais eixos distribuidores da circulagao da cidade, onde se efetuavam as ligacdes entre as portas da cerca urbana e o ndcleo da cidade; o secundario onde se observavam ligacdes entre as vies primérias e os varios sectores da cidade; o nivel terciario caracterizava- -se polos acessos semiprivados ou privados aos edificios (silva, 2018). ‘A comunidade judaica na Lisboa muculmana Relativamente & populagao judaica na Lisboa muculmana, as escassas informacdes que possuimos permitem-nos apenas supor a sua existéncia, muito possivelmente, no mesmo local onde depois iremos encontrar a judiaria vetha (também designada judiaria grande), jé no século Xi (SILVA, no prelo; SILVA, 1987, TAVARES, 2010, TRINDADE, 2008). 0 estatuto de dhimmi concedido as comunidades hebraicas permitia que estas estivessem inseridas na hierarquia social istamica, mediante o pagamento da jizya, ‘um imposto especifico devido pelos nao muculmanos, em troca de protecao (COHEN, 2008: 68-72), Em geral, os judeus das cidades hispano-muculmanas estavam socialmente integrados, participando ativamente na vida econémica urbana, e estando muitas vezes ligados a atividades comer- ciais, as quais seriam observadas de forma positiva pelos grupos sociais dominantes, pois a vida mercantil era parte integrante do Islao. Perante uma sociedade que nao excluia a participacdo social e econémica das comunidades judal- cas, estas acabaram por absorver aspetos da cultura islamica, sendo possivel afirmar que as comunidades judaicas the tertiary level was characterised by semi-private or private access to buildings (SILVA, 2018) ‘The Jewish community in Moslem Lisbon Regarding the Jewish population in Moslem Lisbon, the scarce information that we have allows us to postulate that the community very probably lived in the same area where we find the judiaria velha (the old Jewish quarter ~ also known as the big Jewish quarter, or Judiaria Grande), already by the 13th century (SILVA, no prelo; SILVA, 1987, TAV- ARES, 2010, TRINDADE, 2009). The status of dhimmi ‘granted to the Jewish communities allowed them to be part of the Islamic social hierarchy, through the payment of the Jizya, a specific tax imposed on non-Moslems in exchange for protection (COHEN, 2008: 68-72). In general, the Jews living in the Hispanic-Moslem communities were integrated in society, participating actively in the urban economic life and often being connected to commercial activities, which ‘would be regarded positively by the dominant social groups, because trade was an important part of Islam. Because the social structure did not exclude the social and economic par- ticipation of the Jewish communities, these ended up absorb- ing aspects of Islamic culture and we can state that the Jewish ‘communities living in al-Andalus were deeply Arabised (SA~ BATE, 2012: 232). The Arabisation of the Jews in Moslem Lisbon can be witnessed through the onomasties of the com ‘munity’s members, who would stay until the 13th century, ‘when the documentation registers a Salomao Alboriqui and 4 Faarom Judeu (Jew), names which reveal this acculturation process (SILVA e LOURINHO, 2010). ‘An Arabised Jewish community, for which trade was probably the main activity, would tend to fix its place of 25‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM do al-Andalus se encontravam profundamente arabizadas (SABATE, 2012: 232). Aarabizagao dos judeus da Lisboa mugulmana pode ser atestada na onomastica dos membros da comunidade que persistiré até ao século Xill, momento fem que a documentacao regista um Salomao Alboriqui um Faarom Judeu, nomes que revelam este fendmeno de aculturagao (SILVA © LOURINHO, 2010). Uma comunidade judaica arabizada, que teria muito provavelmente o comércio como atividade principal, eonde- ria a implantar-se junto da mais importante via de acesso cidade, possivelmente junto do principal mercado que se realizava ao longo dessa via. Nao sera entéo surpreendente verificar que era, exatamente a Sul do local onde podera ter existido um sug de arrabalde, que se situava a judiaria velha de Lisboa, em época crista (SILVA, 2017), A forma urbana da Judiaria Velha seria, em época de dominio islémico, muito semethante a do resto da cidade, tum espago dominado por aglomerados de casas-pattio, a unidade habitacional maiaritéria, e marcado pelo sistema de valores do Isléo. A regulacao da forma urbana era maioritariamente direcionada para uma “construgao sem conflitos” (PINTO, 2017), visando a que vida urbana prosse- guisse sem perturbacdes sociais maiores, sem a ambicao de manter uma estética ortogonal, Na verdade, nao existia um urbanismo caracteristico das comunidades judaicas e nao hé quaisquer motivos que nos levem a considerar que as habitacdes dos judeus fossem diferentes das habitacaes dos muculmanos, estruturadas em torno de um patio, e que © urbanismo que derivava do conjunto de justaposicdes dessas casas fosse diferente de qualquer outra parte da cidade. As descrigbes do cruzado que em 1147 participou no cerco de Lisboa so consentaneas com 0 urbanismo complexo caracteristico das cidades muculmanas, estra- rnho ¢ inacessivel para um cruzado do Norte europeut. Os judeus da Lisboa muculmana viviam, muito provavelmente, num modo de vida milenar, de profundas raizes mediterra- nneas, que 0 Isléo velo reavivar, imprimindo os seus tragos particulares. Mogérabes na Lisboa muculmana Os cristéos também estavam presentes na Lisboa mugulmana, pois os seus vestigios, apesar de escassos, ce obeicuise de qu est edend. edie forma ogomerarso 58 todos os aos abertuas aces, se ahaa po” algun sito, eechacay osininigos etme do aaalde no ligar em que ee ve cinge co eee do ante ‘a muri (-)Fiaiment, ora ol ost sender de uns carers pe ‘Shuparumpare da caine Conquista Lsbos as Mourve20% 780 10 26 residence alongside the main road giving access to the city, possibly next to the main market which was located alongside this thoroughfare. It comes as no surprise to find out that it was precisely to the South of the place where there could have been a sug in the suburbs of the city, that the old Jewish quarter of Lisbon was located in the Christian period (SILVA, 2017) ‘The urban form of Judiaria Velha would have been very similar to that of the rest of the city during the time when the city was under Islamic domination, namely a space dominat- ced by groups of patio houses, the most common housing unit, and marked by the Islamic system of values. The regulation of the urban form was mainly directed towards “construction without conflicts” (PINTO, 2017), the focus being on life in the city carrying on without major social upheaval, without imposing an orthogonal aesthetic model. Infact, there was no urbanism characteristic of the Jewish communities, and there is no reason why Jews’ dwellings should have been different from Moslem dwellings, structured around a courtyard, and there was no reason why the urbanism that came from the set of juxtapositions of these houses should have been differ~ ent from any other part of the city. The descriptions of the Crusader who participated in the siege of Lisbon in 1147 are consistent with the complex urbanism typical of Moslem cities, strange and inaccessible co a Crusader from north- ern Europe’. The Jews of Moslem Lisbon were most likely living the same way that they had done for a thousand years, with deep Mediterranean roots, which Islam came to revive, imprinting its particular traits. Mozarabs in Moslem Lisbon ‘The Christians were also present in Moslem Lisbon, because their remains, although scarce, are unquestionable. In 1109, ‘Sigurd, the first European monarch to personally launch himself in the Crusades, carried out an attack on Lisbon which consisted of an ephemeral plundering raid. The anonymous author of the Norwegian saga that tells the adventures of this Norwegian king describes Lisbon as being a half pagan and half Christian city, a fact that indicates the existence of a strong Mozarabie community in the city, during the time ‘of Moslem domination (PIRES, 2012: 216-219). Also the above-mentioned crusader, who participated in the siege of 3 "The bung inthe burt lage unde the walls Be ghbeurboodcat ite {Wf sec tar a mre than eight fet mie exoye tow ofthe merchants "his, o the te band seach everywhere or senile pening ey were lng cling tothe slope tel em ne wal) iy, ngs ‘he evon rare poole hardy pss ous ste ego the sr met ‘regy prtfbe lf A Conga de Lsbou ss Mots, 201: 79.100),AS FACES DA PLURALIDADE 40 inquestionaveis. Em 1109, Sigurd, primeiro monarca Europeu a langar-se pessoalmente nas cruzadas, realizou um ataque a Lisboa que tera consistido numa pithagem ‘efémera. 0 autor anénimo da saga norueguesa que relata as aventuras deste rei noruegués descreve Lisboa como sendo uma cidade meio pag e meio crista, facto que indicia a existéncia de uma forte comunidade mocarabe na cidade, durante a época de dominio muculmano (PIRES, 2012: 216-219). Também o ja citado cruzado que participou no cerco de Lisboa afirma que a cidade tinha um bispo que foi assassinado pelos cruzados apés 0 final do cerco (A Conquista de Lisboa aos Mouros, 2001; 129). Além destas informacSes documentais importa considerar que o Gharb al-Andalus, 0 Ocidente do dominio muculmano na Penin- sula Ibérica, fol uma zona onde a comunidade mogarabe manteve uma presenga sélida e influente que s6 se diluiu ‘apés a consolidagao do reino portugués (REAL, 1998; FER- NANDES, 2007). Perante a solidez das evidéncias que indicam a existéncia, em Lisboa, de uma comunidade mogarabe re- levante no inicio e meados do século XII, colocam-se duas questées, do ponto de vista da histéria da forma urbana da cidade. Em primeiro lugar, onde habitavam? Em segundo, ‘que marca deixou esta comunidade na morfologia urbana? Em geral, nas cidades do al-Andalus, as comunidades mogarabes nao estavam circunscritas a uma zona especifica, pois nao existia uma segregacao espacial sobre as minorias religiosas. Na verdade, cristaos e judeus podiam viver em qualquer parte das cidades. Ainda assim, nas cidades mugulmanas a populagdo agrupava-se es- pontaneamente de acordo com a sua profissao, etnia ou religido. Seria entao natural que os mogérabes habitassem nao muito longe das suas igrejas e os judeus junto das suas sinagogas (TORRES BALBAS, 1971: 195-207). No caso Reconstituigie do Lisboa mesioval, supbem sorem do origam mogarabe rdicnting the thee cnrchesthat sresuppoted wa havea Mozarabic xg Lisbon, states that the city had a bishop who was assassinated by the Crusaders after the end of the siege (A Conquista de Lisboa aos Mouros, 2001: 139). Apart from this documental information it should be remembered that Gharb al-Andalus, the West of the Moslem dominions in the berian Peninsula, was an area where the Mozarabic community maintained a solid and influential presence which was only diluted after the consolidation of the Portuguese kingdom (REAL, 1998; FERNANDES, 2007). Given the strength of the evidence indicating the existence of an important Mozarabic community in Lisbon in the early and mid-12th century, two questions arse from the point of view of the urban form ofthe city. First, where did they live? Secondly, what mari did this community leave in urban morphology? Generally, in the cities in al-Andalus, the Mozara- bie communities were not circumscribed to a specific area, as there was no spatial segregation over religious minorities. In fact, Christians and Jews could live anywhere in the cities. Nevertheless, in Moslem cities the population grouped together spontaneously according to professions, ethnicity or religion. It would then be natural for the Mozarabs to dwell not far from their churches and the Jews near their syna- rogues (TORRES BALBAS, 1971: 195-207). Inthe case of Lisbon, there are few data that can help usin locating the Mozarabic community. ‘The only information we ean consid- ct are the hagio-typonyms of some churches that, ina single case, clearly invoke a Mozarabic influence - such as Santa Maria do Alcamit and in two other cases they point only to possibilities - S’0 Mamede and Santa Justa (MATOS, 2001). The most logical space for the establishment of the Mozarabie community in Lisbon is outlined among these three churches, which may have existed in the period of Islamic rule. Positioned in the westem suburbs, the most Aicagove‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM de Lisboa, so escassos os dados que nos podem socorrer na localizagao da comunidade mocérabe. As Gnicas infor- ‘mages que podemos considerar so os hagiotop6nimos de algumas igrejas que, num dinico caso, invocam claramente uma influéncia mogérabe - Santa Maria do Alcamim -, © em outros dois casos apontam apenas possibilidades - S. Mamede e Santa Justa (MATOS, 2001). Entre estas trés igrejas, as quais talvez jé existissem no perfado de dominio islamico, delineia-se o espago mais l6gico para a implanta- p40 da comunidade mogérabe de Lisboa. Posicionados no arrabalde ocidental, 0 mais desenvolvido, fora da protecao da Cerca Velha, a semethanga da judiaria, os mogarabes de Lisboa viveriam entre as suas igrejas. Tudo que foi afirmado sobre a arabizagao da comunidade judaica pode ser aplicado a comunidade mogérabe, termo cujaetimologia aponta claramente para esse sentido, pois «mogarabe» deriva do particlpio arabe, «must'arab», que significa “submetido aos arabes, arabizado’, Deste modo, consideramos que, tal como os espacos da comuni dade judaica, também os pertencentes comunidade mo- ‘arabe nao teriam um urbanismo distinto do resto da urbe. Portanto, mais uma vez, devemos supor que o espago desta comunidade seria caracterizado por casas-patio e pelo urbanismo complexo anteriormente descrito. Amouraria de Lisboa ‘Ap6s 1147, 0 dominio politico de Lisboa caiu na posse de . Afonso Henriques que, com a ajuda de uma armada de eruzados que se dirigia & Terra Santa, tomou a cidade aos Lltimos titulares do poder almoravida (BRANCO, 2001). As alteragdes no urbanismo da cidade causadas pelo cerco ou pelo saque que se seguiu terdo sido minimas, pois Afonso Henriques nao teria interesse em conquistar uma cidade em escombros. Pelo contrério, para o monarca seria muito mais cativante tomar uma das principais cidades do Gharb al-Andalus em pieno funcionamento a nivel social e comer- cial. Contudo, a longo prazo, as alteracées urbanas causadas pela mudanga de poder politico na forma urbana da cidade seriam fracturantes (SILVA, 2017) A saida da populagao mugulmana da zona intramuros consistiu num auténtico éxodo em massa que Impres- sionou o cruzado: “Espoliados, pois os inimigos na cidade, foram vistos a sair, sem despegar, pelas tr&s portas, desde 0 infcio da manna de sébado até & quarta-feira subsequen- te, em tao grande multidao de gente que era como se nela tivesse confluido a Espanha inteira’ (A Conquista de Lisboa ‘20s Mouros, 2001: 141)-Apesar de a populacao referida pelo cruzado nao ser apenas constituida por habitantes da medina, mas também por populagao do termo e por fugitivos de Santarém, a verdade 6 que os mugulmanos que viviam 28 developed one, the Mozarabs of Lisbon would have lived among their churches outside the protection of the Old City Wall, like the Jewish quarter. Allthathas been said about the Arabisation of the Jew- ish community can be applied to the Mozarabic community, aterm whose etymology clearly points to this meaning, since “Mozarabie” derives from the Arabic participle, *must'arab”, which means “submitted to the Arabs, Arabised”. In this ‘way, we consider that, in the same way as the Jewish com- ‘munity, the spaces belonging to the Mozarabic community would not have an urban development process distinct from the rest of the city. Therefore, once again, we must assume that the space of this community would be characterised by patio houses and by the complex urban plan described above. The Moorish quarter of Lisbon After 1147, the political dominance of Lisbon fell into the possession of King Afonso Henriques, who, with the help of a crusader flect that was sailing to the Holy Land, took the city from the last holders of Almoravid power (BRANCO, 2001). The changes in urban planning caused by the siege or looting that followed would have been minimal, as Afonso Henriques ‘would have no interest in conquering a city reduced to rub- ble. On the contrary, for the monarch it would be much more interesting to take one of the main cities of Gharb al-Andalus fully functioning on a social and commercial level, Howev- er, in the long term, the urban developments caused by the change of political power in the urban form of the city would be divisive (SILVA, 2017) ‘The departure of the Moslem population from the intramural zone consisted of a veritable mass exodus that im- pressed the Crusader: “Dispossessed, the enemies in the city, were seen to leave, without delay, through the three gates, from early Saturday morning to Wednesday in a great mul- ‘itude of people who were so many’ it was as if all of Spain hhad come together” (A Gonquista de Lisboa aas Mouras, 2001: 141). Although the population referred to by the Crusader is not only composed of inhabitants of the medina but also, the population from the outskirts and fugitives from Santarém, the truth is that the Moslems who lived in the intramural zone abandoned this part ofthe city to the new Christian rul- ers, who populated it with a new population coming from the North of Porcugal and from other parts of the area occupied by the Christians Icis likely that a large part of the population chose to leave the city, but itis also certain that several Moslem fam ilies chose to remain in Lisbon. ‘Those who had economic possibilities to leave the war scenario, which would remain unstable for long and dangerous years, would have departed towards other cities of al-Andalus or perhaps Maghreb. ThoseAS FACES DA PLURALIDADE na zona intramuros abandonaram essa parte da cidade aos novos senhores cristéos, que a povoaram com novas gentes Vindas do Norte do territorio portugués e de outras partes do espace cristao, E provavel que boa parte da populacao tenha optado por abandonar a cidade, mas 6 também certo que varias familias muculmanas preferiram continuar em Lisboa. Os que tinham possibilidades econémicas de abandonar 0 cenario de guerra, que se manteria instavel por longos e pe- Figosos anos, terdo partido em direcao a cutras cidades do al-Andalus ou talvez do Magreb. Os que ficaram em Lisboa diluiram-se pelos arrabaldes da cidade, pois a regressao urbana, confirmada em varias escavacbes arqueolégicas, demonstra um panorama de abandono na cidade fora de muros. As tardias referéncias documentais sobre a existén- ia da mouraria (1263 1280) levam-nos a considerar que o bairro mugulmano teré sido instituido apenas nos meados do século Xill e nao logo apés a reconquista (SILVA, 2017: 265-276; 482-486). ‘Afrea.urbana que compreende a mouraria de Lisboa oferece a oportunidade de ser possivel estudar o urbanismo medieval a partir do parcelario atual, pelo facto de nao sserem conhecidas alteragdes de fundo no seu urbanismo. Deste modo, foi possivel proceder a uma proposta de faseamento da evolusao urbana da mouraria, conjugando a anélise documental com 0 estudo desse parcelério.A nossa proposta considerou trés fases de crescimento, onde se identificam diferentes tipos de urbanismo. ‘Antes de mais, importa considerar que, no local da mouraria, poderd ter existido um nicleo urbano embrio- nario, anterior a conquista da cidade, que depois se toré ‘expandido consideravelmente, devido primeiramente a0 Evolugio urbana da Mouraria ‘Urbasatic evolution of Mouraria (Moorish quae) ‘who stayed in Lisbon were diluted in the suburbs of the city, as the process of urban regression, confirmed in several archaeological excavations, shows a panorama of abandonment in the city outside the walls. The late documentary references on the existence of the Moorish quarter (1263 and 1280) lead us to consider that the Moslem quarter was established only in the mid-13th century and not soon after the reconquest (SILVA, 2017: 265-276; 482-486). ‘The urban area that comprises the Moorish quarter of Lisbon provides us with the opportunity to study medieval urbanism from the way it was divided up into plots, because there are no known changes in the urbanistic background. ‘Thus, it was possible to proceed with a proposal for phasing the urban evolution of the Moorish quarter, combining doc- ‘umentary analysis with the study of this system of drawing up plots. Our proposal took three phases of growth into consideration, where different types of urbanism are identified. First of all, it is important to consider that, in the place where Mouraria stands (the Moorish quarter), the: may have existed an embryonic urban nucleus, prior to the conquest of the city, which then expanded considerably, due first to the exodus of the population living in the medina and later to the arrival of the Moslems who lived in the other suburbs of the city. In the location where we described the first phase, we found a set of quadrangular plots, which we ‘consider to be a vestige of patio houses. This drawing up of plots would be the most natural form for an Islamic urban planning carried out at a time when the Christian authorities, in this case the monarch, did not intend to exercise any control over the planning of cities and towns. It should be noted that the main mosque would lie right in the centre of the area covered by this first phase, a central position which “ Fase2 Fase 1 29‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM éxodo da populagao que vivia na medina e, posteriormen- ‘te, chegada dos muculmanos que habitavam nos outros arrabaldes da cidade. No espaco onde delineamos a primeira fase, verficamos um conjunto de lotes de forma quadrangular, que consideramos poderem constituir um vestigio de casas-patio, Este desenho dos lates seria a forma mais natural para um urbanismo islamico realizado num momento fom que as autoridades cristas, neste caso, o monarca, nao pretendiam exercer qualauer contralo sobre o urbanismo desta populagao. Note-se que a mesquita maior se situa- ria, na nossa reconstituigdo, exatamente no centro da rea abrangida por este primeiro faseamento, uma centralidade propria das mesquitas maiores das cidades muculmanas (MAZZOLI-GUINTARD, 1996). A forma urbana patente no lespaco que delimitamos como pertencente a segunda fase define-se por um urbanismo linear, onde os lotes sao re- ‘tangulares, alongados, com o lado da fachada e do tardoz mais estreito que os laterais. Este urbanism linear era uma configuragao frequente no urbanismo medieval portugués realizado entre 0s séculos Xe XWV, sob avontade e controlo do rei (TRINDADE, 2008). Parece-nos plausivel que a urba- nizagao ocorrida nesta segunda fase coincidisse com um maior controlo por parte da coroa sobre os seus sdbditos mugulmanos, Talvez esta segunda fase possa ser atribut- da ao reinado de Afonso ll, momento em que o urbanismo Linear era norma e em que surge a primeira referéncia documental & mouraria (1263). 0 espaco que delimitamos na terceira fase apresenta os dois tipos de urbanismo referido, com lates tanto quadrangulares como retangulares alongados, 0 que se poderd explicar com um possivel crescimento urbane sem controlo da coroa @, simultaneamente, com a implantagao por parte da coroa, nesse mesmo espaco, de um grupo de lotes que ficaram sob a sua algada direta, nomeadamente um conjunto constituido por banhos, ten- das ¢ casas, registado nas fontest. Note-se que, com a entrada em cena das autoridades cristas, neste caso o rei, surge uma nova morfologia urbana, de tipo linear, caracteristico do urbanismo desen- vvolvido entre os séculos XII e XIV tanto na Peninsula Ibérica camo no Sul de Franga, Leste da Alemanha, Sul de Italia e Sicilia (GASPAR, 1968). Este urbanismo linear estruturava- ~se om lotes quadrangulares alongados onde se erguiam casas, originariamente, com um ou dots pisos com um quintal na parte traseira e com uma fachada para a via pablica Aintrodugao deste novo paradigma nas unidades habitacionais, muito diferente da casa-patio onde as fachadas eram irrolevantes, aconteceu em outros locals da cidade, como navertente Sul da Rua Nova, renavada durante o reinado de D.Dinis e também na judiaria pequena (SILVA, 2017) 4 Utodos Bons rope. ko Caise d 6 30 is typical of the largest mosques in Moslem cities (MAZZO- LI-GUINTARD, 1996). The urban planning in the location that we defined as belonging to the second phase is defined by a linear planning process, where the plots are rectangular, elongated, with the side of the fagade and the back narrower than the sides. This linear urbanism was @ frequent configu- ration in medieval Portuguese planning carried out between the 13th and 14th centuries under the will and control of the king (TRINDADE, 2009). It seems plausible that the urban~ {sation process that occurred in this second phase coincided with a greater control by the crown over its Moslem subjects, ethaps this second phase can be attributed to the reign of King Afonso III, at a time when linear urban planning was a norm and in which the first documentary reference to Mouraria (the Moorish quarter) appears (1263). ‘The area ‘we defined in the third stage presents the two types of urban planning, with both quadrangular and elongated rectangular plots, which may be explained by a possible urban growth outside the control of the crown and, simultaneously, by the implantation by the crown, in that same location, of a group of plots that were under its direct control, namely a set con- sisting of baths, huts and houses, registered in the sourcest. It should be noted that with the entrance of the Chris- tian authorities, in this case the king, there arises a new urban morphology, ofa linear type, characteristic of the urban planning developed between the 12th and the 14th centuries in the Iberian Peninsula and in the South of France, Eastern Germany, Southern Italy and Sicily (GASPAR, 1969). ‘This linear urban planning was structured in elongated quadran~ gular plots where houses were originally built with one or two floors with a yard at the back and a fagade looking onto the public road. The introduction of this new paradigm in the housing units, very different from the house-patio where the facades were irrelevant, occurred in other places of the city, such as the Southern side of Rua Nova, renewed during the reign of D. Dinis and also in the small Jewish quarter (SILVA, 2017), ‘The Jewish quarters of Christian Lisbon Contrary to the Moslem population, the Jewish community would not have been under pressute to leave their homes, except for properties located in privileged locations, such as the intramural zone, which, for defensive reasons, would be ‘more attractive to new settlers and the Crusaders who partic~ pated in the siege and who preferred to settle inside the city. Its also important to consider that from the beginning of the 13th century, the pressure for a physical separation between, 4 Lier Ban Pri: 8A om abideAS FACES DA PLURALIDADE As ju isboa crista ‘Ao contrario da populagéo mugulmana, a comunidade judaica nao tera sofrido uma pressao determinante para ‘abandonar as suas casas, a nao ser sobre as propriedades que se situavam em locais privilegiados, como na zona intramuros, as quais, por fatores defensivos, seriam mais apeteciveis aos novos colonizadores ¢ aos cruzados que participaram no cerco e que preferiam estabelecer-se na cidade. Importa também considerar que apenas a partir do inicio do séculoXIII se comegaa sentir,no reino portugués, a pressdo para uma separagio fisica entre cristaos e judeus, sobretudo apés 0 concilio de Latro, em 1218. No entanto, apesar desta tensao inter-religiosa, a documentagao régia, portuguesa apenas indicia a existéncia de segregacdo espacial no século XIV, mais precisamente, em 1361, quando D. Pedro institui a ordenacao juridica que constitui as mou- rarias e judiarias do reino, o que que significa que, até essa data, os judeus poderiam viver disseminados por qualquer parte das cidades portuguesas (TAVARES, 1970: 62-63). Judiaria nova e judiaria de Alfa ‘A judiaria nova/pequena foi erguida durante 0 reinado de D. Dinis, num amplo processo de reestruturagao da ribeira Reconstitulede da Mourariade Lisboa, ©1925 Manvel Falno Siva, 2018 Reconstitaton of Mourtia (Moorish quarter) ins py a ee oe , Christians and Jews began to be felt in the Portuguese kingdom, especially after the Lateran Council in 1215. However, despite this inter-religious tension, Portuguese royal documentation only indicates the existence of spatial segregation in the 14th century, more precisely, in 1361, when D. Pedro ‘established the legal order which constituted the Moorish and Jewish quarters of the kingdom, which means that, until that date, the Jews could have been living anywhere in any of the Portuguese cities. (TAVARES, 1970: 62-63). ‘The new Jewish quarter and the Jewish ‘quarter of Alfama Judiaria Nova or Judiaria Pequena (the new/small Jewish quarter) was built during the reign of D. Dinis, in a broad process of restructuring of the city’s riverside, where the construction of the South face of Rua Nova was highlighted, along with a new defensive wall and the remodelling of the tercenas régias, the king's warehouse. The confrontation between the medieval documentation and the data obtained by the archaeological excavations that took place in the block ‘occupied by Banco de Portugal made it possible to recon- stitute, approximately, the urban form of this small nucleus of the Jewish community, This Jewish quarter, which was bordered to the north by a small street, was flanked by the Calesro Labo, Mc-AR@0292 Madr ablation sik, found in Rua de Joo do Outer, Mouraria (Moorish quarter) (1990) ielSohconaties, Limestone a‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM da cidade, onde se destacaram as construgées da face Sul da Rua Nova, de uma nova cerca defensiva e ainda a remo- delacdo das tercenas régias. A confrontagao entre a documentacao medieval e os dados obtidos pelas escavacdes arqueolégicas ocorridas no quarteirdo do Banco de Portu- gal, permitiu reconstituir aproximadamente a forma urbana deste pequeno niicleo da comunidade Judaica. Esta judia~ ria, que se limitava ao lado Norte de uma pequena artéria, foi concebida em conjunto com o muro das tercenas régias. A ligagao entre as tercenas e esta judiaria parece-nos ine- quivoca pois, além da sua génese urbanistica, a documen- tagdo medieval esclarece que, pelo menos uma parte dos judeus que ali habitavam, laboravam nas tercenas (SILVA ROCHA, 2016), 0 urbanismo linear em que esta judiaria foi concebida aponta para um planeamento prévio, onde @ implantagao dos seus edificios se inseriu no vasto de plano de restruturagdo da Ribeira. As casas ali erguidas teriam uma fachada a sul, virada para a artéria que dava acesso as tercenas régias, afastando-se claramente do modelo da casa-patio 0 caso da judiaria de Alfama parece ser mais complexo, pois a sua génese e evolucdo urbana apontam para alguma autonomia por parte da comunidade, ja que a for- ‘ma urbana desta judiaria parece ter escapado, pelo menos parcialmente, ao controlo das autoridades, observando- se a construgao de uma sinagoga nao autorizada, entre 1873-1374 (TAVARES, 1970). Apesar de nao ser possivel compreender a génese desta judiaria, é possivel supor que, ao contrario da judiaria pequena, a judiaria de Alfama nao terd sido erguida como parte de um programa urbanistico, pelo contrario, é mais plausivel que a sua génese tenha sido da responsabilidade da prépria comunidade judaica. Con- ‘tudo, a auséncia de dados documentais nao permite con- sideragdes mais precisas. Infelizmente, ndo se conhece a morfologia dos edificios que constitufam esta judiaria, pois ‘a reconstituigao do cadastro desta zona da cidade perma- rnece por realizar. Além disso, foi ja alvo de reestruturacdes urbanas, o que dificulta o contributo da leitura do parcelario atual para uma reconstituigdio dos lotes medievais. Judiaria Grande/Vetha E muito provavel que a Judiaria Grande/Velha fosse her- deira de um bairro judeu existente no periodo de dominio mugulmano. Esta permanéncia das comunidades judaicas ocorreu em outras cidades do al-Andalus: em Toledo, conquistada pelos cristaos em 1085 (PASSINI, 2011: 7), Sara- 0a, conquistada em 1118 (BETRAN ABADIA, 2005: 52) © Cordova, em 1236 (VAQUERIZO GIL, 2008: 231). Estes trés casos indiciam um procedimento semelhante para com as comunidades judaicas, a nivel peninsular, mantido entre 0 32 wall of the king’s warehouse. The connection between the warehouse and this Jewish quarter seems to us very clear be- ccause, in addition to its origins in terms of planning, medieval documentation makes it clear that at least a part of the Jews who lived there, worked in the warehouse (SILVA e RO- CHA, 2016). ‘The linear urban planning in which this Jewish quarter was conceived points towards a previous planning process, where the construction of its buildings was part of a vast plan to restructure Ribeira (the riverside). The houses built there would have had a south-facing facade, facing the street that gave access to the king's warehouse, clearly mov- ing away from the model of the patio house. ‘The case of the Jewish quarter of Alfama seems to be ‘more complex, since its origin and urban development point towards a certain autonomy on the part of the community, since this Jewish quarter's urban form seems to have escaped the control of the authorities, atleast partially, as we can see in the construction of an unauthorised synagogue between 1373-1374 (TAVARES, 1970). Although it is not possible to understand how this Jewish quarter began, it is possible to suppose that, unlike the small Jewish quarter, the Jewish quarter of Alfama would not have been built as part of an urban program; on the contrary, itis more plausible that the Jewish community itself had it buile. However, the absence of documentary data does not allow for more precise consider~ ations, Unfortunately, the morphology of the buildings that composed this Jewish quarter is not known, since the registry of this area of the city has not been recovered. In addition, it had already been subjected to a process of urban restructur~ ing, which makes it difficult to contribute to the reading of the current area of land for a reconstitution of the medieval plots. Iudiaria Grande/Judiaria Velha It is highly probable that Judiaria Grande/Judiaria Velha (the Big/Old Jewish quarter) was the heir ofa Jewish quarter which already existed in the period of Moslem domination. This continuity of Jewish communities occured in other cities in al-Andalus: in Toledo, conquered by the Christians in 1085 (PASSINI, 2011: 7), Saragoca, conquered in 1118 (BETRAN ABADIA, 2005: 52) and Cordoba, in 1236 (VAQUERIZO GIL, 2003: 231). These three cases indicate a similar procedure for the Jewish communities inthe Iberian Peninsula which was carried out between the 11th and 13th centuries, As mentioned above, the predominant housing Unit in the Jewish quarter of Moslem Lisbon was the court= yard house, a situation that did not change during the period of Christian politcal domination, since no initiative is known to have been taken by the Crown, the authority which con- trolled the community, to change things. In fact, only oneAS FACES DA PLURALIDADE Be Wt iL i ‘Aguarela sobre pape Museu de Lsbes, MCPIN.0722 Rus da Judiaria Run da Juiaria (Gewish quarer sce) (wish quarter treet) in Alama Wateresoron paper‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM século XI e 0 século Xill. Tal como foi referido anteriormente, a unidade habitacional predominante no bairro judaico da Lisboa mugulmana foi a casa-patio, situagao que nao se tera alterado durante o dominio politico cristao, pois nao se ‘conhece qualquer iniciativa por parte da Coroa, a autorida- de que controlava a comunidade, no sentido de alterar essa situagao. Na verdade, apenas se conhece uma intervencao urbana de relevo na forma urbana da Judiaria Velha, até & expulsio dos judeus. Trata-se do momento em que D. Fer- nando doa a sua adega para ampliagao da referida judiaria, uma operagdo pontual que nao alterou substancialmente a forma urbana deste bairro (TAVARES, 1970: 213). Deste modo, sublinhando 0 alto grau de arabizacao desta comunidade, previamente apontado, e considerando @ casa-patio come a unidade habitacional maioritaria, & ‘admissivel afirmar que 0 urbanismo da judiaria seria marcado pelas caracteristicas urbanisticas das cidades muculmanas. Se assim era, este bairro judaico teria um sistema vigrio complexo, pleno de adarves, que dariam acesso aos lotes de casas-patio. Neste momento é impossivel conhe- cer com preciso 0 urbanismo medieval desta judiaria, pois do se conhecem estruturas suficientes que nos permitam uma reconstituicao. Contudo, a cartografia pré-pombalina permite observar a forma de alguns blocos urbanos através do desenho do sistema vidrio, Os adarves estao de facto presentes e, além disso, a complexidade do sistema viario parece apontar para um urbanismo de matriz islémica. Em- bora nao seja possivel confirmar a presenga de casas-patio, podemos afirmar que varios fatores apontam para a sua existéncia Ao contrario do resto da cidade, na judiaria grande permaneceu a mesma comunidade judaica que tera manti- doos seus costumes ea sua maneira de viver na cidade, durante toda a 6poca medieval, atravessando os dois perfodos de dominio politico, mugulmano e cristao, até ao final do sé- culo XV. Esta proposta implica a cristalizagao do urbanismo islamico, que se alicergou sobre o urbanismo pré-existente de matriz romana e se manteve até ao momento da expulsao dos judeus, algo que nao ocorreu no resto da cidade, Em ‘toda a Lisboa, e também na vasta maioria do espaco urbano do reino portugués, as casas-patio foram gradualmente substituldas por casas de fachada com quintal traseiro 6 © urbanismo islmico foi desaparecendo da paisagem urbana medieval, restando apenas alguns vestigios da sua influéncia em alguns pontos especificos, como em Alfama, onde, apesar de nao existirem casas-patio ainda é posstvel observar adarves e lotes quadrangulares em algumas par- ‘tes do antigo arrabalde oriental da cidade, 0 mesmo acon- teceria no arrabalde ocidental e, possivelmente, ainda mais no espago da desaparecida Judiaria Grande, se a fraturante reestruturagdo pombalina nao tivesse causado 0 desapare- cimento dessa matha urbana. 34 important urban intervention is known in the urban form of the Old Jewish quarter, until the expulsion of the Jews. This is the moment when D. Fernando donated his cellar to ex- pand the Jewish quarter, a one-off act that did not substan- Uially alter the urban form of this neighbourhood (TAVARES, 1970: 213). “Thus, emphasising the high degree of the Arabisation of this community, as previously pointed out, and consider- ing the house-patio as the most common housing unit, itis possible to assert that Jewish urbanism would be marked by the urban characteristics of the Moslem cities. Ifso, this Jew- ish neighbourhood would have a complex road system, full of parapet walks, which would give access to the plots of pa~ tio houses. Today it is impossible to know precisely how this Jewish quarter was planned, because we do not have data on a sufficient number of buildings to allow us to make a reconstitution. However, pre-Pombaline cartography allows us to observe the shape of some urban blocks through the design of the road system. ‘The parapet walks are indeed present and, in addition, the complexity of the road system seems to point towards an urbanism based on an Islamic matrix. Although it is not possible to confirm the presence of patio houses, we can state that several factors point to the fact that they existed. Unlike the rest ofthe city, there remained in the Jewish quarter the same Jewish community that maintained its eus- toms and way of living in the city throughout the medieval period, crossing the two periods of political dominance, Mos- lem and Christian, until the late 15th century. ‘This implies the crystallisation of Islamic urbanism, which was based on the pre-existing urban planning based on the Roman matrix and which remained until the moment when the Jews were expelled, something that did not occur in the rest of the city. ‘Throughout Lisbon, and also in the vast majority ofthe cities in Portugal, the courtyard houses were gradually replaced by facade houses with a back yard and Islamic urban planning disappeared from the medieval urban landscape, leaving only 4 few vestiges of its influence in some specific points, such as in Alfama, where, although there are no patio houses, it is still possible to find parapet walks and quadrangular plots in some parts of the old eastern suburb of the city. The same ‘would have happened in the western suburbs and possibly even more in the space of the disappeared Judiaria Grande, if the divisive Pombaline restructuring had not caused the dis- appearance of this urban network, Synthesising, in the space of the old Jewish quarter, we ‘would find traces of urbanism with Moslem characteristics until the fifteenth century. In Mouraria (the Moorish quer- ter), there would have been diferent types of urban planning, both the linear urbanism wihich was the fruit of crown initia- tives and the urban planning based on a Moslem matrix. The new Jewish quarter was defined by a linear urbanism. In this‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM Oe 2 Gori Ht Benepe iy nos a C8 Se aon Pee id {1997-1422}, dazemoro1,Santarbm - 0.0501, {pedide de onceth,oargooproiicbo ‘dor mulheres cstde se destocorem bx judarias, Sob pena de serem arefodaspublcamente Esta poled ja astave em voga para aa mulheres aw os mouras(Mouraria) Uno dos Prog, doe 108 £125 Srguive Munteipal de ibs jsiocavan a0 aaa Sintetizando, no espaco da judiaria velha encontra- rlamos, possivelmente até ao século XV, vestigios de urba- rnismo de matriz mugulmana. Na mouraria, existiriam diferentes tipos de urbanismo, tanto 0 urbanismo linear fruto da iniciativa régia como o urbanismo de matriz muculmana, Ajudiaria nova era definida por um urbanismo linear. Deste ‘modo, podemos afirmar que o urbanismo prevalecente nos espacos habitados pelas minorias religiosas nao se limitava ‘seguir uma matriz de acordo com a religiao das referidas minorias; pelo contrario, a forma urbana patente nos espa- ‘p08 das comunidades era diferente consoante as condicdes particulares que estavam presentes na génese e na evolu- p40 urbana desses espacos. ‘As minorias da Lisboa tard regulamentacdes e vivencias Ahistoria da convivéncia religiosa na Lisboa medieval tem sido, em grande medida, uma anélise de momentos. Mo- mentos longos, como a duragao de um reinado, durante os quais se tem procurado esclarecer a factologia de relacionamento propiciada pelas acdes das forcas dirigentes em presenca (corva, igreja, concelhos). Mas também momen- ‘tos mais curtos, destinados a serem compreendidos a luz 36 eerste abe qilosmes acsin ot mega Ci ef ca ae oo " tots Sent fein penta ene 66 cont Oy amps sal Asia ieee inate nBaryas sett mca S “le ane cate Ota Rg nat Bee UTR ae [1307-1425], December 1, Sanartn = King Ja atthe request ofthe cure ‘expond:theprohiion of Christan women romasing eth Sook quart, andor. ‘nal ef pub eaeing way, we can say that the urbanism prevailing in the spaces inhabited by religious minorities was not limited to following a matrix according to the religion of the said minorities; on the contrary, the urban form apparent in the spaces where these communities lived differed according to the particular conditions present in the origin and the urban evolution of these spaces. ‘The history of religious coexistence in medieval Lis- bon has to a large extent been an analysis of moments. Long moments, such as the duration of a reign, during which we have sought to clarify the information on relationships among communities ereated by the actions ofthe ruling forces at the time (crown, church, councils), But also shorter moments, in~ tended to be understood in the light of daily interactions and conflicts between the Christian majority and denominational ‘minorities resulting from personal or collective actions which ‘were punishable, or not ‘Such moments give life to a story that is not univo- cal, since religious coexistence in the Middle Ages was not always perceived in the same way. In fact, there is still aAS FACES das interagBes quotidianas e dos confltos entre a maioria crista © as minorias confessionais decorrentes de ages pessonis ou coletivas, sancionaveis ou nao Tais momentos dio vida a uma histéria que nao unfvoca, uma vez que a convivéncia religiosa na Idadle Mé- dia nao tem sido perspetivada de uma mesma forma. Dé facto, observa-se, ainda hoje, a tendéncia para acentuar radicalismos. De um lado, tem-se perspetivado as socieda- des medievais como bastides de uma tolerancia em que os membros das trés religies vivem uma umulticulturalidaden sem macula. Ao invés, a historia recente do terrorism e da formapao do Estado islémico tem ajudado a perpetuapao da ideia de uma oposigao radical entre uma comunidade crit maioritéria que nao se deixa «contaminar» pelas minorias judaica e istamica, sob pano de fundo de um relacionamen- to pontuado pelo conflito (BARROS, 2015a: 127-128). A convivéncia quotidiane entre credos na Lisboa medieval foi certamente mais rica de matizes do que tais cextremismas historiogréficos deixam fazer crer. & possivel pensar que esta resultava de um relacionamento pautado por um conjunto de rogras definidoras das modalidades de interagdes entre uma comunidade maiortéra crista e dvas minorias confessionais, respeitadas e desrespeitadas de acordo coma situacao, as acdes ¢ 0s interesses individuais « coletivos, Da investigacao hist6rica levada a cabo sobre as urbes medievais portuguesas ~ ¢ sobre Lisboa em con- ereto ~ parece claro que convivancia interconfessional fi tendencialmente pacifica, sendo por isso raramente subs- tituida pela viléncia e as agressdes face ao outro, nomeadamente face aos judeus, uma vez que o «mouro» nao sus- citava enti entre os cristos o antagonismo que afetava a comunidade semita. Nao foram raros, por isso, os ataques: aos bairrosjudaicos, como aqueles que tiveram por objetivo a judiaria velha de Lisboa em 1383 © 1449, ages que tiveram,na sua génese, conjunturas mais politico-econbmicas que propriamente religiosas (BARROS, 1998: 14). A valorizacao de tais momentos de conflito reside, em grande medida, na documentacao passivel de ser mo- bilizada para o seu estudo, De facto, as fontes documentais existentes para o estudo desta convivéncia sao maior tariamente constituidas por cartas régias, municipais © por queixas apresentadas em cortes. Para além da pouca riqueza tipol6gica, estes documentos registam sobretudo elementos de canfltualidade e revelam pouco das conce- 486s identitarias préprias dos elementos dessas minorias, porquanto 0 discurso neles espethados reflete as visdes, concegdes ¢ vontades da maioria crsta. Falta, assim, 0 outro ado da histéria, aquele que seria contado pelos arquivos: das instituigées e das familias ligadas & comuna ~ sobre os uais poucos exemplos sobrevivem -, muito provavelmente desafetados e tornados initeis depois da expulsao das minorias do reino de Portugal em 1496 (BARROS, 2016b: 20). DA PLURALIDADE tendency to emphasise radicalism. On the one hand, medie~ vval societies have been seen as bastions of tolerance in which the members of the three religions live a “multiculturalism” without problems, Instead, the recent history of terrorism and the formation of Islamic State has helped to perpetuate the idea of a radical opposition between a majority Christian ‘community that does not allow itself to become “contaminat- ced” by the Jewish and Islamic minorities, under the backdrop of a relationship punctuated by conflict (BARROS, 2015a: 127-128), ‘The daily coexistence among creeds in medieval Lisbon was certainly richer in nuances than such historio- ‘graphical extremisms suggest. It is possible to think that chis resulted from a relationship based on a set of rules defining the modalities of interactions between a Christian majority ‘community and two denominational minorities, respected and disrespected according to individual and collective situations, actions and interests. From the historical research carried out on the Portuguese medieval cities - and on Lisbon in particular - it seems clear that interfaith coexistence tended to be peaceful, and is therefore rarely replaced by violence and aggression towards the ather, especially towards the Jews, since the “Moors” did not raise the antagonism that affected the Jewish community among the Christians. The attacks on Jewish neighbourhoods, such as those aimed at the old Jew- ish settlement of Lisbon in 1383 and 1449, were therefore not uncommon, actions that had, in their origins, more polit ical-economic reasons than those of a religious nature (BAR- ROS, 1998: 14). ‘The significance of such moments of conffict resides, to a large extent, in the documentation that can be gathered for its study. In fact, the documentary sources existing for the study of this coexistence are mainly constituted by royal, municipal letters and by complaints presented in courts. In addition to the lack of typological richness, these documents, are mainly elements of conflict and reveal litle of the identity conceptions concerning the members of these minorities themselves, since the discourse reflected in them mirrors the visions, conceptions and wishes of the Christian majority. The ‘other side of the story is missing, the one that would be told by the archives of the institutions and families connected to the community - few examples of which survive - most likely to be rendered useless after the expulsion of minorities from the kingdom of Portugal in 1496 (BARROS, 2015: 20). In this perspective, the history of religious coexistence in medieval Lisbon will always be a possible story, as a re- sult of the majority view and almost always truncated by the discourse of minority groups. In this perspective, it is impor tant to consider the place that each confessional community ‘occupied in late medieval society in Lisbon. 37‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM Nesta perspetiva, a historia da convivéncia religiosa na Lisboa medieval sera sempre uma historia possivel, resultado da visdo da maioria e truncada quase sempre do discurso dos elementos dos grupos minoritétios, Nes- sa perspetiva, é importante ter a nogao do lugar que cada comunidade confessional ocupava na sociedade lisboeta ‘tardo-medieval. A sociedade medieval portuguesa era regulada pelos poderes cristios. 0 rei era o dono da cidade e, mediante esse poder tinhaacapacidade de intervirna estrutura, recrutamen- to funcionamento dos agentes de poder da urbe. Até certo onto, cabia-the definir as regras de convivéncia na cidade, ‘com as quais tinham de compaginar os restantes poderes Urbanos. Na falta de investigagao fundamental sobre o as~ sunto, 0 poder episcopal parecia preocupar-se, sobretudo, com a manutencéo da ortodoxia e com a visibilidade das manifestagées religiosas minoritarias, como deixam pers- petivar algumas disposigBes sinodais (BARROS, 2016: 47) ‘Assim, a gestao da convivéncia urbana cabiaem grande medida ao poder camaratio, Responséivel por algumas funcdes basicas da cidade (abastecimento, comércio, seguranca ou limpeza), advinha ao concetho igualmente uma responsabilidade «legislativan, através das conhecidas postures. Este poder camarario, drigido por uma elite que nao raras vvezes se opunha as minorias da cidade, acabava por ter um impacto jurisdicional sobre as comunidades judaica e istamica, uma vez que the cabia dirimir, em diversos casos, 08 processos entre cristdos e as comunidades minoritérias. {As duas minorias encontram-se bem tipificadas pela historiogratia, A comunidade judaica de Lisboa encontra~ vva-se, como vimos, ligada a espacos «centrais» de grande implantacao das atividades econémicas (udiarias ficam dentro da muratha fernandina). Ainda que os membros da comunidade estivessem, em geral, embrenhados em varios mesteres manuais necessério a urbe, destacavam-se aqueles que se encontravam inseridos no mundo da mercancia da financa, muitos deles beneficiando de uma ligagao preferencial com o rei, nomeadamente do servico da sua camara enquanto médicos (fsicos do rel) (VENTURA, 199: SILVA, 2015; SILVA, 2016; FARELO, no prelo b), De facto, 0 d rnamismo religioso, intelectual e sobretudo econ6mico dessa comunidade era conhecido no estrangeiro, pelo menos durante o século XV (JAVIER, 2015:318), A comunidade istémica, relegada para espacos me- ros privilegiados e fora da cidade (a mouraria ficava fora da rmuratha fernandina), era reconhecida pela atividade mes- teiral da maior parte dos seus membros, nomeadamente na atividade oleira, exercendo uma menor capacidade de 38 ‘The place of each one Portuguese medieval society was regulated by Christian powers. The king owned the city and, through this power, had the ability to intervene in the structure, recruitment and operation of the city’s agents of power. ‘To a certain extent, it was his responsibility to define the rules of coexistence in the city, which the remaining urban powers had to follow. In the absence of fundamental research on the subject, episcopal power seemed to be concerned above all with the maintenance of orthodoxy and with the visibility of minority religious manifestations, as we can see from some synod al policies (BARROS, 2016: 47). Thus, the management of urban coexistence largely depended on the power of the city council. Responsible for some of the basic functions of the city (supply, trade, security or cleaning), the council also has a “legislative” responsibility, as we can see in the positions it took. This power, led by an elite which often opposed the minorities of the city, had @ jurisdictional impact on the Jew ish and Islamic communities, since it had to settle disputes in several cases between Christians and minority groups. ‘The two minorities are well typified by the historical registers. The Jewish community of Lisbon was, as we have seen, linked to “central” spaces of great economic activity (the Jewish quarters remained within the Fernandina city wall), Although the members of the community were, in general, involved in several manual trades necessary to the city, those that were active in the world of trade and finance stood out, many of them benefiting from a preferential connection with the king, namely in the service of his chamber as doctors (physicians of the king) (VENTURA, 1992; SILVA, 2015; SILVA, 2016; FARELO, no prelo b). In fact, the religious, intellectual and above all economic dynamics of this community was known abroad, at least during the 15th century (JAVIER, 2015: 318), ‘The Islamic community, relegated to less privileged spaces and outside the city (the Moorish quarter was outside the Fernandina city wall), was recognised as one whose rain area of activity was craftsmanship, namely in the mak~ ing of pottery, exercising a smaller intervention capacity regarding the instituted powers. In the fifteenth century, in this community, upholstery stood out, an area of work which obtained exemptions from the fiscal burdens that were imposed on the members of the community (BARROS, 2010; BARROS, 2008: 5-7 ¢ 14). Like the Jewish community of Lisbon, the Islamic community of the city also stood out from its peers in other cities and towns of the kingdom, The crown used its authorities when it came to defining taxation, just as it was the crown's lawmakers who systematised and drew up legislative texts. Without forgetting, of course, the members of the community who wrote the documents that D. Afonso V addressed to the Mamluk Sultan of Egypt, orAS FACES DA PLURALIDADE intervengao junto dos poderes instituidos. No século XV, dostacam-se, no seu seio, os tapeceiros, as quais conse- guem isengdes dos nus fiscais que pesavam sobre os membros da comunidade (BARROS, 2010; BARROS, 2008: 5-7 € 14), semethanca da comunidade judaica olisiponen- ‘se, também a comunidade islamica da cidade se destacava das suas congéneres existentes noutras cidades e vilas do reino, A coroa prelevou-se das suas autoridades na hora de definir tributagdes, da mesma forma que foram os seus legistas que inspiraram a sistematizagao e a producao de textos legislativos. Sem esquecer, bom entendido, 0s membros da comunidade que redigiram os documentos que D. ‘Afonso V dirigiu ao sulto mameluco do Egipto ou aqueles intérpretes ¢ tradutores, usados pela coroa, no ambito da ‘expansio portuguesa em Matrocos (BARROS, 2008: 12; BARROS, 2008-2010: 121-128; BARROS, 2012: 107; BARROS, 2015b:26, 30) [As comunas judaicas e islémicas caracterizavam-se, simultaneamente, pelos tracos institucionais inspirados por entidades cristas, assim como pelos tracos que marcavam 4 sua individualidade e especificidade, Assim, a comuna Judaica, por exemplo, reproduzia a organizacao interna inspirada nas insttui¢des camarétias (com os seus juizes ¢ procuradar, por exemplo), sendo a de Lisboa a mais com- plexa. De igual modo, a comuna judaica lisboeta possula, no periado tardo-medieval, a sua contraria e 0 seu hospital (TAVARES, 2000: 43; BARROS, 2008) ‘Ao nivel da justiga, as préprias autoridades judaica e islamica julgavam os conflitos entre os membros das suas ‘comunidades, No caso dos judeus, cabia ao rabi da comuna proceder a sua instrucao, com a possibilidade de apelacao 40 rabi-mor, Membro integrante da corte régia,cabia a este ailtimo confirmar as eleigdes dos rabis comunais, assim como servir de intermediério entre as comunidades rabini- cas do reino e a coroa (TAVARES, 2000: 84), Relativamente 0s processos entre cristiéos e as minorias, estes eram dirimidos, no tempo do rei D. Afonso Ill, consoante o foro do acusado. Caso um cristao fosse o réu, 0 processo seria tramitado no tribunal municipal. De facto, poucas davidas subsistem sobre a vontade dos concethos em chamar a si © julgamento de tais feitos, algo que thes foi consagrado no reinado dionisine. A questo colocou-se com acuidae de numa cidade tao cosmopolita como Lisboa, pelo que 6s judeus conseguiram, em 1295, a criacao de dois jutzes camararios, com a incumbéncia especifica de lidar com as questies entre a maiaria crista e as minorias (FARELO, 2008:47-51).A partir do século XIV, coroa procurou chamar a si esta questo, fosse instituinda o direito de apelagao those interpreters and translators, used by the Crown, as part of the Portuguese expansion in Morocco (BARROS, 2008 12; BARROS, 2008-2010: 121-123; BARROS, 2012: 107; BARROS, 2015b: 26, 30). Identifying characteristics ‘The Jewish and Islamic communities were characterised, si- ‘multancously, by the institutional features imposed by Chris- tian entities and also by their own individual and specific characteristics. The Jewish community, for example, repro- duced the internal organisation of the city council (with its ‘own judges and prosecutor, for instance), the one in Lisbon being the most complex. Likewise, the Jewish community in Lisbon had its own brotherhood and hospital in the late medieval period (TAVARES, 2000: 43; BARROS, 2009). Regarding justice, the Jewish and Islamic minorities themselves judged conflicts among the members of their ‘communities. In the case of the Jews, the Rabbi of the com- ‘munity was the one judging the cases, with the possibility of appeal to the Chief Rabbi. A member of the royal court, the Chief Rabbi served as an intermediary between the Jewish ‘communities of the kingdom and the crown, (TAVARES 2000: 94). In cases between Christians and the minorities, these were settled, in the time of King Afonso III, accord~ ing to the jurisdiction of the accused. If the defendant was a Christian, the case would be processed in the municipal court. In fact, there are few doubts about the will of the councils to call the judgment of such deeds upon themselves, something that was enshrined in the reign of King Dinis. The question ‘was dealt with effectively in a city as cosmopolitan as Lisbon, so the Jews managed to create two judges in the council in 1295, with the specific task of dealing with issues between the Christian majority and the minorities (FARELO, 2009: 47-51). From the 14th century onwards, the crown sought to assert its authority over this question, either by instituting the right of appeal to higher courts, or through the creation of a specific judiciary, for the judgment of the Jews and the Moors, which was enacted by King Joao I. Although he might hhave had an effective intervention in some cases between the minorities and the crown, these were sentenced by a judge in the case of the Islamic community. Derived from a custom established by the Moors of Lisbon, from the beginning of the 14th century there was a judge of royal rights in the city. Appointed by the king and recruited within the community, the processes that the Community maintained on the rights and the patrimony of the crown in Lisbon came to be judged by a magistrate’s court at the end of the 15th century (BAR= ROS, 2015b: 130; BARROS, 2014: 212-214). ‘Although the picture is not complete, due to the scarcity of sources of information, it is known that both 38‘THE FACES OF INTERCULTURALISM para tribunais superiares, fosse através da criagdo de uma ‘magistratura especifica, ojulgado dos judeus e dos mouros, ‘efetuada por D. Jodo |. Ainda que este ailtimo pudesse ter tido uma intervencao efetiva em alguns processos entre ‘as minorias € a coroa, estes eram sentenciados por uma magistratura prépria no caso da comunidade istamica. Em consequéncia de um costume estabelecido pelos mouros de Lisboa, deteta-se desde o inicio do século XIV a exis- ‘tancia de um juiz dos direitos régios na comuna da cidade. Nomeado pelo rei e recrutado dentro da comunidade, ca~ bia-the no final do século seguinte a resolugao em primeira instancia dos processos que a Comuna mantinha sobre os direitos ¢ o patriménio da coroa em Lisboa (BARROS, 2015b: 180; BARROS, 2014: 212-214). Ainda que o quadro nao seja completo, pela escas- sez de fontes de informagao, sabe-se que ambas as comunidades procuraram manter tragos da sua identidade. Um aspeto identitario mais distintivo era o interdito alimentar que pesava sobre o consumo de carne de porco e a abriga~ toriedade de uma preparagao diferenciada dos alimentos. De acordo com Maria Filomena Barros, «a invocagao do nome de Deus antes do abate dos animais, assim como 0 dessangramento da carne, constituem uma pratica comum ‘a muculmanos e judeus ~ 0s cutrais e talhos préprios das duas minorias preservam, no reino portugués, esta particu- laridade identitaria» (BARROS, 2016:51), Especificidades que se estendiam igualmente & cultura, Desde logo, na dacumentagao oficial produzida, geralmente escrita em hebreu e arabe. Ainda que essa pré- tica fosse proibida por D. Jodo I sob pena de morte, a sua comutagao posterior para visar, em exclusivo,o tabelido que falsificava documentos e causava dolo, mostra que uma tal pratica nao teria sido completamente erradicada. Alias, verifica-se 0 seu uso, no século XV, em algumas assinaturas de documentos quatrocentistas, De igual modo, verifica-se a existéncia de placas tumulares exibindo inscrigdes com nomes escritos segundo uma estrutura onomastica arabi- co-islamica e datas de acordo com o calendario da Hégira (BARROS, 201 1a; BARROS, 2015b: 29-30). Os trabalhos re- centes de Luls Urbano Afonso e de Tiago Moita, prolongando anteriores abordagens, permitem hoje compreender methor ‘a pujanga e dominio das técnicas de escritae de elaboracao de cédices da comunidade judaica de Lisboa no iltimo ter~ {G0 do século XV (AFONSO, 2014 e, por todos, MOITA, 2017). Comunidades protegidas e subordinadas Ainda que integrados espacialmente na urbe, os judeus @ os mouros destacavam-se por usufruirem de estatuto diferenciador da maloria crista. Incorporados em comunidades reconhecidas juridicamente pelos poderes urbanos 40 communities sought to maintain traces of their identity. A more distinctive identity aspect was the food ban that was imposed on the consumption of pork and the obligation to prepare the food in a different way. According to Maria Filomena Barros, “the invocation of the name of God before the slaughter of animals, as well as the bleeding of the flesh, are @ practice common to Moslems and Jews - the barns and butchers of the two minorities preserve this identity charac teristic in the Portuguese kingdom’ (BARROS, 2016: 51), Some specificities were also extended to the cul- tural area. First of all, this was apparent in the official documentation produced, usually written in Hebrew and Arabic. Although this practice was prohibited by King Joao I under penalty of death, his subsequent commutation to exclusively address the notary who falsified documents and caused de- ceit shows that such a practice would not have been com- pletely eradicated. In fact, we can find examples of these doc~ uments in the 15th century. Likewise, there are tombstones displaying inscriptions with names written according to an Arabic-Islamic onomastic structure and dates according to the calendar of the Hegira (BARROS, 20112; BARROS, 201Sb: 29-30). The recent works by Luis Urbano Afonso and Tiago Moita, extending previous approaches, allow us today to better understand the strength and mastery of the writing and coding techniques of the Jewish community of Lisbon in the last third of the 15th century (AFONSO, 2014 and, by all, MOITA, 2017). Protected and subordinated communities Although they were integrated in the space of the city, the Jews and the Moors stood out by the fact that they enjoyed a status which differentiated them from the Christian majority. Incorporated into communities legally recognised by the urban powers (the communities) or living in groups without any connection with them, these minorities had a special relationship with the Portuguese monarchs. ‘The designation “My Jews” and “My Moors”, present in several royal char- ters, refers to the protection that the crown exercised over the assets and individuals belonging to both communities. We can thus see that some kings gave them specific privileges and benefits, such as the exemption of the houses of the Jews of Lisbon from making a public declaration before sale, de- creed by King Dinis, or exemptions from service in the King’s ‘warehouse, or the right of retirement for the Jews in Lisbon, granted by King Fernando (1367-1383) (TAVARES, 2000: 57, 59; SILVA, 2013). Such protection was coupled with the a tion of the practice of Islamic worship, the right to build mosques and synagogues, freedom of assembly and use of Jewish law (through the Pentateuch and rabbinical studies)AS FACES DA PLURALIDADE {as comunas) ou vivendo em grupos sem ligagao com estas, estas minorias mantinham uma relacao especial com os monarcas portugueses. A designacao de «meus judeus» € de umeus mourosn, presente em diversas cartas régias, re~ mete para.a protecao que a coroa exercia sobre os bens € os individuos pertencentes a ambas as comunas, Justifica-se, assim, que alguns reis thes tenham concedido privilégios € benesses especificas, como aisencao das casas dos judeus de Lisboa andarem em pregao, decretada por D. Dinis, ou as isencdes do servico nas tercenas régias, ou ainda do direi- to de aposentadoria aos judeus lisboetas, concedido por D. Fernando (1367-1383) (TAVARES, 2000:57,59; SILVA, 2013). Uma tal protecao era dobrada com a autorizacdo da pratica do culto istamico, do direito da construcao de templos, da liberdade de reuniao e do uso da lei judaica (através do Pentateuco ¢ dos estudos rabinicos)¢ istamica, consoante os casos, na regulacao de conflitos dentro e fora das respetivas comunas, Contudo, a «propriedaden régia sobre as duas comunidades tornava-as um importante recurso, pelo que os membros e os bens dessas comunidades encontravam-se sob senhorio e a total disposigao do monarca, a passo que um maior fardo fiscal era imposto 20s membros destas comunidades, em comparacao com ‘05 seus homélogos cristaos (TAVARES, 1999: 52; VENTURA, 2005: 65; BARROS, 201 1b: 102) Apesar de uma situapao que, em alguns pontos, se poderia considerar como privilegiada, nao eram poucos 0s elementos de subordinagao dessas comunidades face & maioria crista, De facto, a «centralidade crist na sociedade medieval obriga a uma definicdo da alteridade © da delimitagao subalternizada das comunidades confessionais minoritarias face a comunidade crista predominante» (BARROS, 2016: 38-39). Desde (ogo, foi estabelecido - em grande medida ajudado pela disseminagao das disposi¢bes conciliares de~ cretadas em 1215, aquando do concilio de Latrao IV - que nenhum judeu e mouro poderia ter qualquer tipo de poder sobre um cristdo, sendo-thes, por isso, vedado 0 acesso ao exercicio de cargos piiblicos & posse de escravos cristaos (BARROS, 2016: 38-39). Constituido este ciltimo um argu- mento de facil recurso por parte dos cristéos aquando de um qualquer conflito com um ou mais membros das comunas, sabe-se que nem sempre foi cumprido: o rei Sancho Il dispos de oficiais judeus, da mesma forma que alguns elementos da comunidade judaica da cidade detiveram diversas rendas eclesidsticas no periodo tardo-medieval (TAVARES, 2000:.65; BARROS, 2016: 60). Em abono da verdade, a legislacdo crista e a con- Vivencia urbana iam no sentido de limitar o contacto interpessoal, através de proibicdes com o propésito de propagar a reclusao, ou através de elementos promotores de distingao do membro minoritario, como o vestuario ea ‘and Islamic law, depending on the cases, in the regulation of conflicts within and outside their communities. However, the royal “ownership” of the two communities made them an important resource, and so the members and property of these communities were under the control of the monarch, while a greater fiscal burden was imposed on the members of these communities compared to theit Christian counterparts (TAVARES, 1999: 52; VENTURA, 2005: 65; BARROS, 2011b: 102) In spite ofa situation which, in some points, could be considered privileged, there were more than a few elements ‘of subordination of these communities vis-a-vis the Christian ‘majority. In fact, “Christian centrality in medieval society re- 4quites a definition of alterity and subalternised delimitation ‘of minority confessional communities vis-a-vis the prevailing Christian community” (BARROS, 2016: 38-39) Prom early on, it was established - to a large extent aided by the dissemination of the conciliar provisions de~ creed in 1215, at the Lateran Council IV - that no Jew and Moor could hold any kind of power over a Christian, and they were therefore forbidden access to the exercise of public office and to the possession of Christian slaves (BARROS, 2016: 38-39). ‘The latter was an easy-to-use argument on the part of Christians in any conflict with one or more mem- 'bers of the communities. It is known that it was not always fulfilled: King Sancho II disposed of Jewish officials, just as some members of the Jewish community of the eity detained various ecclesiastical rents inthe late medieval period (TAV- ARES, 2000: 65; BARROS, 2016: 60). ‘The fact is that Christian legislation and urban coexistence went in the direction of limiting interpersonal contact, through prohibitions for the purpose of propagating seclusion, or through elements promoting distinction of minority membership, such as clothing and food. It sought to avoid interpersonal coexistence by imposing the physical and spatial separation ofthe Islamic and Jewish communities of the kingdom. The cortes of 1361 extended a segregation that already existed in Lisbon to the whole kingdom: each com ‘munity of Jews and Moors, existing in each city and village of the kingdom with more than ten members, would have to be enclosed in a specific space (BARROS, 2015b: 130; BARROS, 2016: 45). In the case of Lisbon, where such spac- cs already existed, with doors closed at night, King Pedro I sought to consolidate restrictive measures. ‘These measures dealt with both the conditions of access of Christians to the Jewish and Moorish quarters of the city, and the permanence ‘of members of minorities in the Christian space. Thus, the ‘monarch forbade the entrance of Christian wornen in the “Moorish quarter and defined the route that they would have to follow to get around it. Inthe case of the Jewish quarter, access became very limited. Women could only enter when accompanied by two Christian men if they were married or a

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