Foreword

The rising unemployment despite high growth in non-farm sector in India is causing concern to every
one. The growth in Agriculture which provides livelihood to about 50 per cent of the work force in India
and 66 percent in Rajasthan is tardy. A very sizeable number has to be moved away from agriculture for
the remaining persons to earn well. Due to continuing high growth rate of population, annual addition to
the work force is over 10 million a year. In Rajasthan, about 8 lakh livelihoods are needed annually for
over the next decade to deal with the problem. Realizing the enormity and urgency of the task of
livelihood promotion, the State Government set up Rajasthan Mission on Livelihoods in 2004.

In order to understand various facets of livelihood issues across segments, sectors and spatial regions,
RMoL has undertaken 25 rapid assessment studies, held 25 consultations and initiated 4 pilot projects
involving stake holders, academics, researchers, Government functionaries and civil society
organizations. The booklets being published now including the present one contain our learning about
complexities of livelihoods in a summarized manner, derived from the field studies and consultations.
These illuminate various facets of livelihoods in the State and would be helpful in proper understanding
of the issue and in developing proper perspective in this regard. I do hope that all those who are
concerned with the problems of livelihoods, particularly the livelihoods of the poor, unemployed and the
under privileged would find these booklets very useful. Both the content and the views expressed therein
represent summation of views expressed by many persons and we would like to thanks all those who
made it possible for us to bring out these booklets including the State Government, UNDP and BASIX.
My colleagues at the RMoL worked tirelessly for holding consultations and undertaking field studies.
Appreciation is due to them as well.

M.L. Mehta

Deputy Chairman

RMoL

RMoL- BASIX
 Children, Work and Education
in the context of migration

A Study on

Education Status of Migrant Children

in

Southern Rajasthan

By

SANDHAN

RMoL- BASIX
1. Introduction
Rajasthan is the largest state in India but about two thirds of the area falls under the Thar desert
and remaining area, except the Hadoti (Kota, Bundi, Baran, Jhalawar etc), few plain and
agriculturally prosperous patches, is drought prone. In contemporary Rajasthan migration has
been one of the most vibrant options for millions of poor households as employment
opportunities are limited and earnings are uncertain in the agriculture sector while there is not
any substantive industrial setup in rural areas promising jobs at local levels.
The southern part of Rajasthan1, with the majority of tribal2 population is hilly, dry and drought-
prone and where along with massive adult migration, the incidence of adolescent and child
migration has recently emerged as a worrying socio-economic phenomenon. Migration, as a
gradually increasing phenomenon since early 90s, can be categorized as ‘inter-state’ and ‘intra-
state’ migration. Jaipur, Kota, Bhilwada, urban and industrial centers are the main places for
inter-state migration while urban, industrial and specific economic cities and zones of
neighboring states like Gujarat, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh are the main destinations of
intra-state migrants from southern Rajasthan. Further more, migrants are of three types i.e. single
adult male or female, with family and single or with family children of the age group between 7-
17 years. The majority of migrants work for non-farm wage works, mostly in construction and
industrial sectors while a small proportion of them migrate on seasonal basis for on-farm works
as well. Attempting hard to achieve the millennium goals this is necessary to focus on issues
like child labour and migration.
A study conducted by Katiyar3 indicates about 60000 to 100000 children of the age of 8-15 years
from tribal communities migrate every year to neighboring states for a period of 3 to 4 months to
work as farm labourers in B. T. Cotton and tobacco farming sectors. Sometimes they work with
their families involved in share-cropping practices as well. Other than this, they have been
migrating to work as labourers in textile firms, dhabas etc in cities like Ahmadabad, Surat,
Himmat Nagar, Mehsana of neighbouring Gujrat.
There have been various reasons and impacts of migration from southern part of the state. With
time it has got an organized form with the emergence of labour agents recruiting labourers for
employers at destinations at different levels. But the most striking and unpleasant phenomenon
has emerged as migration of children as labourers pulling them out from the process of
childhood development through educational system. The texture of their living conditions,
working hours and wages at destination lead them towards an unhealthy life and personality
development in totality. Also, their emotional needs and aspirations are seldom felt, talked or
understood by their parents and employers.

1
Chittorgarh, Dungarpur, Banswada, Udaipur, Sirohi and Jalor districts of the state.

2
Tribal communities in peninsular India lag behind the average Indian with respect to basic human development indicators such
as income, literacy, life expentancy and infant mortality (Baviskar 2005).

3
The information is based on Shri Sudhir Katiyar's following study – 'Wages of adolescent : Annual exodus of tribal adolescent
from Southern Rajasthan to B.T. Cotton seeds plots of North Gujarat'. Written by: Sudhir Katiyar (Convener: Migrant Labour
Protection Front, Udaipur).

RMoL- BASIX
2. Objectives of the study:
The present study about 'Children, Work and Education in the context of Migration' attempts
to understand causal linkages between migration of children and their rural habitats. Also, it
examines the nature of work migrant children have been doing and assesses its impact on their
mental, physical and social health. Assessing educational opportunities for migrant children in
their present circumstances and envisage alternatives for a positive future has been the focal
point of this study.
In order to achieve the objectives of the study the following questions are answered:

 Given the overall poverty scenario, what are the reasons for the migrant children to get
routed to the specific works they have been doing?
 Are there any specific situations in their families and villages they wish to escape from?
 Are they really benefited economically in this process? Which works bring them more
satisfaction in this regard?
 What are the views of the parents regarding migration of these children as labourers?
 Do migrant children miss education at a personal level and wish to quit migration related
works they are involved in? If yes, what kind of education they would like to achieve?

3. Methodology:
In order to meet the requirements and achieve the objectives of the study the following steps
were followed:
1. A review of secondary sources that involved analysis of existing studies and literature,
2. Discussions with organizations and institutes working on or around the issue, i.e.
migration and livelihood for tribal adults and children. These are mentioned below as:
 Ajeevika Bureau, Udaipur
 Pravasi Mazdoor Suraksha Manch, Udaipur
 Astha, Udaipur
 Jan Chetna Shikshan Sansthan, Sirohi
 Sewa Mandir, Udaipur
 Doosra Dashak, Abu Road and Bali Block, and
 Gramin Vikas Trust, Banswara and Dungarpur.

3. A number of field level studies and surveys were done at the source and destination
points of child migration with realistic observations of working conditions of children at
work sites. Nine source villages of four districts in southern Rajasthan, from where
children migrate and five destination cities, where children go for work were chosen for
the field level studies. Uadaipur (Dehari and Morchooncha villages), Sirohi (Chandela
and Girvar villages), Dungarpur (Johra, Navapadar and Chai-mahudi villages) and

RMoL- BASIX
 Rajsamand (Kovadia Phala and Sar ki Nadi) were selected as districts with source
villages mentioned in subsequent brackets while Surat, Eidar, Kherbrahma, Himmatnagar
and Ahmedabad cities of Gujrat as destination points covered in this concern involving
child migrants in farming (B. T. Cotton and Tobacco farming), industry (textile industry),
Dhabas and share cropping sectors.
The field studies at village level were undertaken primarily to understand the status of child
migrants (both boys and girls) and availability of educational facilities in or around their villages.
Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) were done with community, guardians and representatives
of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs). On the site visits of the existing institutional setups and
facilities of education were also made in this regard.

4. Duration of the study:

The study was conducted over a period of five months (August 2006 to December 2006) with the
help of team of three faculty members assisted by six researchers.

5. Profiles of the Tribal Villages:

Small hillsides dotted with Taparis (hutments) are the key structural features of these villages.
One has to scale jagged rocks to reach their residences. The roads to these villages are less than
makeshift, with narrow ditches. Though these villages are not in the proximity of each other but
have similarities in various regards, particularly regarding the socio-economic structure. The
majority of the population of these villages, which are hilly, is tribal (Aadivasi). Every village
covered under the study as sources of child migration has at least one school.
As on average, tribal households of these villages have small or marginal landholdings. The one
crop farming pattern makes farming poor and less productive pulling down the food subsistence
level at the bottom while droughts or crop failures make them more vulnerable. Their livelihood
dependency on forests also has reduced up to the bottom for various reasons. These, with
combined effects, lead them towards opting wage works, mostly in unskilled ways while few of
them have been engaged in livestock related livelihood options. Twenty six out of forty five
households interviewed during the field research migrate on regular basis.
The socio-cultural setup: Traditional living patterns and cultural traits play important roles in
tribal life. Spending relatively bigger amounts of money on weddings, birth-death ceremonies,
festivals, rituals and customs is observed as an important aspect of the socio-cultural life of these
tribal communities. Since poor and vulnerable, they are not able to manage money in advance for
such expenses. This leads them to take loans from moneylender at high interest of up to 5 percent
per month depending on circumstances. Malnutrition, sickness and consumption of alcohol
related health problems are also very common in their causing proportionally heavy medical
expenses. Having less earnings they are usually unable to repay loans on time and trap
themselves in a viscous cycle of indebtedness for longer durations.
Relatively bigger family size with children more than 5 in number is a distinct feature of these
households. Trapped in poverty, tribal households are not financially able to provide them
education in a sustainable manner. This situation makes children prone to migrate in search of
wage works and earning opportunities.

RMoL- BASIX
5.1. Economic Condition
Due to inadequate arable land, poor farming and bigger family size tribal households of these
villages present a picture of multi-dimensional poverty.
As per the findings of the present study the average yearly household income in these villages is
Rs.6000-10000 that is always insufficient to manage household needs. Wage works, whether
in/around the villages or in urban/industrial centers, remain the only option for their livelihood.
Tribal villagers migrate for wage works in nearby our out-state towns or cities for average wage
earnings between Rs.40-60 per day as majority of them are unskilled. This creates a kind of
subsistence migration for them as the major portion of their earnings is spent on daily needs,
medicines, repaying debts and transportation. The remittances at the end of migratory works are
in hundreds in most of the cases. Few of them, with unpleasant happenings at the destination or
joblessness for uncertain periods, return empty handed or new loans as well.

As a part of the study, the so far impact of National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme
(NREGS) was also revived in two research villages Dehri and Morchucha of Kotda Block. All
the households of these villages are categorized under BPL category. These households have no
sustainable and secured sources of income. Schemes like NREGS, with distinguish wage
employment features, offer them (to NREGS job card holders) a minimum 100 days wage
employment in/around village. Villagers say they would not migrate even if they get assured
wage works in proximity for 30-60 days in a year. During the time of survey, an average of only
23 days employment was made available to the job card holders under NREGS.

Lakshman worked under NREGS for 60 days and received wages at daily basis of Rs. 65/day. For him
that was a good thing to work and earn in the village living with family. If more work would be available
then he will stop going out in search of wage works as a migrant labourer. The problem of unemployment
is so acute that in some cases respondents migrated to other states in search of earning opportunities
returned empty handed after eight months having wage works for 1-2 days in a week.

5.2. Educational situations of the child migrants

To know the educational status and situation of migrant children 185 children (123 boys and 62
girls), few of them as students of nine different schools, have been migrating regularly were
interviewed. This practice revealed that:

 77 children had never been to school (51 boys and 26 girls),

 82 children had left education between 1st to 5th standard levels (50 boys and 32 girls),
 Only 22 children are enrolled in 6th to 8th standard (19 boys and 3 girls),
 Of those enrolled, only 50 percent attend their classes,
 Six, out of these nine schools, had no rooms for students while the single available room
was being used as store room for compulsory mid-day meal,
 In most of the cases, the educational skill levels of the children were not commensurate
with the class they were enrolled-in,
 The performance of teachers was not satisfactory as they arrive late and leave early,
 The teachers do not show willingness to convince children to attain classes regularly,

RMoL- BASIX
  The children's names are on the enrolment list for the whole year even though they may
not be attaining schools and out villages for most of the time. The school does not keep
any record of the child's absence due to migration.
 Children start migrating for wage works at the age when they should be learning and
playing.
The main reason behind the above mentioned unhealthy situation of the education is
unwillingness and lack of interest of teachers and parents in educating children. While guardians
blame school authorities and teachers vice versa, the consequence of this is borne by the children
who are unable to read or write even after passing 5th standard in schools’ records.
There is an urgent need for interventions that could address the educational scenario of these
villages.

5.2.1. Admission and attendance situation

In all the nine schools, one was closed due to the pulse-polio program at the time when research
was taking place while eight schools were opened and surveyed. It was observed that

 Only 1080 children were enrolled in the classes between the 1st to the 5th standard,
 Enrolment of girls was more than of boys, but their attendance is proportionally lower,
 Of these students only 553 were present (57 percent for boys and 46 percent for girls),
According to the teachers, low attendance was due to the fact that children were sent for work in
farming sector (in B.T. cotton field and share-cropping). About 30 percent of those enrolled in
schools migrate for work.

5.2.2. School Building

Of the nine village schools, six did not have an appropriate place for students to sit. Only three
schools had enough spaces hardly to be used as classrooms. Additional problems included low
quality infrastructure with leaking roofs stopping teaching during rains, insufficient classrooms,
insufficiency /unavailability of sanitation and drinking water facilities and unhygienic
conditions.

5.2.3. Teachers
In all, 24 teachers were appointed in these nine schools. The teacher – student ratio was as
follows:

No. Total Enrolment

Name of TEACHER
school
Female Male Total
1. Primary school Morchucha – 2 2 104
2. Navapadar 1 – 1 61
3. Kovadiya nimla 2 1 3 89
4. Kovadiya phala 2 – 2 95
5. Chandela 1 6 7 350
6. Sarkinadi – 1 1 62

RMoL- BASIX
 7. Chah mahudi – 2 2 84
8. Dehri – 1 1 121
9. Girvar 6 1 7 218
Total 12 14 26 1184

These schools are located in hilly areas; hence teachers and students find it difficult to commute.
Three villages had only one teacher in each school situated in the village premises. Dehri School
had only a single teacher for all 121 enrolled students.

5.2.4. The Relationship between schools and communities

The government has constituted a School Management Committee for ensuring the active
participation of village community in the education system though no committee meetings have
taken place so far in any of the schools surveyed during research.
According to teachers people are involved in their daily routine and do not come when they are
called for such meetings. “If the child never comes to school how you expect her/him to study?
Parents do not even know which class their children are enrolled-in”, explained a teacher. On the
contrary, villagers pointed out that they have never been invited for meetings.

5.3. Migration
There is no work available in the village either. It was observed in the course of research that no
wage work opportunities are available in off-farming seasons. Most often, when parents migrate
for work, children too accompany them. Children migrating with their parents do not return to
the village for two or three months. However, they do return to schools when they are back to the
village with parents. This creates a mindset of children that lacks interest in education. Children
of 14 years and above age migrate with their parents to work while the younger ones are taken
along because no one is available to look after them in the villages.

6. The status of children at work sites during migration

The status of children as migrants at various work sites in Gujarat in/around Eider, Khedbrahma,
Himmatnagar, Ahemdabad and Surat was observed during the research. While 57 migrant
children were interviewed working as B. T. Cotton field labourers, working with their share-
cropper parents, Dhaba and restaurant workers and labourers in the textile factories
There are two kinds of child migrants. The first one is of those children who work separately
from their parents or guardians mainly in B. T. Cotton fields, Dhabas-restaurants and textile
industries while the other one is of those working with parents in share-cropping practices.

The first kind of child migrants are employed directly by certain employers, traders and
contractors because of the benefits of cheap wages i.e. Rs.40-45 per day and other things related
with childhood. i.e. less monitoring etc. Also, these can be scolded easily into harsh situations
without having complaints while they work for 10-12 hours daily. The wage manipulations and
cheatings are also possible in this concern. In share-cropping where the entire family works as a
unit, the wages are paid six-monthly in the form of the pre decided share of the yield. The
landowners maintain all the accounts regarding food, fuel, shelter given to sharecroppers and

RMoL- BASIX
deducts from the sharecroppers’ share at the end of the final harvest. In share-cropping, the
children work all the time at fields or in owner’s house.

7. On-farm works
In Saberkantha and Kota of Gujarat one will find B. T. Cotton fields; Oonjha in Gujrat adjoining
Sirohi district of Rajasthan is known for its tobacco market. The tribal child migrants from
Rajasthan work both at the B. T. Cotton and tobacco fields. These are good workers to be
employed preferably by on-farm employers. Children do hard work all the day while they are
happy with a fraction of the minimum-wages. Employers are happy with their increased profits.
For a small amount of money and to support their families in the game of survival they lose their
childhood and education. The work they do requires no skills while there are no increments in
wages with gained work experiences. Once they are 16-17 years old they do not want to work for
such little money, so they graduate to being manual laborers.

8. At the B.T. cotton and tobacco fields

Working conditions in cotton fields can not be healthy for workers even if we escape for a while
from the truth of migration of children as child labourers. Since last two years Roshen, a 13 years
old boy, has been migrating with sister Surta, aged 11 years, from Talaab village Kotda Tehsil in
Rajasthan as a child labour in B. T. cotton fields of Gujrat. Surta says that with their wages they
will buy makki and fertiliser for own farming in the village. They work from 5 am to 6 pm every
day in cotton field with an hour break at 12 O’clock in afternoon for lunch. Occasionally, food
also is provided by the land owner. Although migrant labourers live together they do not eat
together necessarily. Everyone has to purchase food materials for own from the Seth, for which
accounts are kept separately. The accumulated amount of purchased goods is deducted from the
wages by Seth. Roshen's hands have become inflamed with boils itching painfully. He says that
these are due to the medicine that is sprayed on the cotton plants. He says “when the Seth finds
time he will take me to buy medicine”.

8.1. Nature of work

Many children like Roshen are seen working in the farming sector in large plain areas of Gujarat.
These fields are the incubation artery for B. T. Cotton seeds. In this work each flower of cotton
has to be worked upon. In the morning all the male flowers have to be broken off. The petals of
the flower are removed and the pollen-housing stamen collected in a plate for sun-drying. The
female flowers have to be prepared one day in advance for pollination by slitting them. These
plants have to be marked by tying a red plastic marker on them. This is called “tikdiyan
bandhna.” The next day the dry pollen from the male flower has to be placed and tied onto the
female flower that has been marked.
In Oonjha area of Gujarat, thousands of adults and children come to work in tobacco fields from
the nearby Sirohi district of Rajasthan. Tobacco harvest is brought to large godowns for sorting.
Children are engaged mostly in cutting, cleaning and drying of leaves and sieving out powdered
tobacco and packing.

RMoL- BASIX
8.2. The span of migration
The farming concerned migration takes place between August-October months that is the main
season of cotton farming while wage works regarding tobacco are available for the entire year.
September to November and March to May are two interval periods for workers. Generally,
migrant children (both boys and girls) work for two to six months in tobacco fields.
Informal recruitments of these labourers are done through labour agents having good connection
at the sources and destinations of labourers. They have information about children ready to go
with them during this period; and obtain permission from the parents of children.
The recruitment agents manage wage work for migrant children using their connections with
farmers in Gujrat, negotiate with them regarding wages and facilities at work sites and maintain a
relationship with labourers and employer farmers. Children migrate in large number with seniors.
On recruitment of children wage advances of Rs1000-2000 are given to their parents. Agents, in
order to ensure their convenience and regular supply of child power, distribute villages amongst
themselves. As a consequence villagers are bound to work for a particular trader or agent only.
Broadly, there are two streams of child migration:

1. Land Owner >>> Labour >>> Agent >>> Local Labour Agent >>> Guardian
of child migrant(s) >>> child migrant(s) ;

2. Land Owner >>> Labour Agent >>> Local Labour Agent >>> child
migrant(s)

This agent decides the wages for migrant child a labourer that is always about Rs. 40-
45/day/labourer on commission basis. Each child migrant fetches Rs.2-5 per day for the
recruiting agent. In order to maximize his wage commission agents pursue parents of those
children who are not willing to migrate to send them on work. The parents and guardians are
convinced easily to send their children as with others as migrant labourers as they do not have
regular sources of earnings. Often upfront wage advances up to Rs.200 are given them to
facilitate migration. Gaili Bai, a villager from Sarkabadi village says “we also send our kids
because if nothing else they will at least get two full meals a day for two months.”
The decision where children will work is determined by the offer made to the agent. If they are
given more money they can be sent into another state. Two years ago, 32 girls and boys were
taken from Johra village as labourers and sold to another labour agent of Uttar Pradesh for Rs.
20000 for work in an old industrial unit at Kanpur. These agents try to ensure that children and
their friends live together; in some cases young girls and boys have gone with them without
telling their parents. Often these agents pressurize children to do more and more works. If failed
then they punished in the name of slow work, laziness and disobedience.

8.3. Wages
The farmer employers provide wages to the recruiting agent while he, after deducting his
commission from it, gives the remaining amount to the local agent. The local agent takes his
commission from the amount and he gives wages to the parents/guardians of the working
children instead of giving wages directly to them. However, in all the cases deductions such as

RMoL- BASIX
return fare of the migrants, as well as RTO and police-commissions are managed by concerned
labour agents that are again deducted from the wages of the children. Sometimes the landowner
deducts agents’ commission and gives the money directly to the labourers’ . Further deductions for
food and shelter, medicines and other expenses are made before hand.

“One jeep is supposed to carry eight persons only at a time; we travel with 35-40 children in a
jeep. To break the law means we have to bribe the police; no one can escape this. We try our
utmost to escape them; sometimes we make a detour to a kuccha road but the police know all our
tricks. Sometimes we make the children sleep in the jungle till the time is right”.
– Mate Shri AmarSingh Kharadi, village Pal Kharbar, Sarada, Udaipur

Generally, wages are paid after three months or completion of work so all the farmer employers
decide wages and commissions in a meeting before recruiting child migrants. Usually, daily
wage rate is Rs.40-45/day. Even though migrants work three to four months the laborers hardly
manage remittances more than Rs.1000-1500 while returning back to home.

8.4. Food and Shelter

The children make their own eating arrangements. Food is cooked generally in unhygienic
conditions on heaped-up stones in tava, which is usually a bottom part of a broken matka. The
only vessels they may have are aluminum paraat and degchi. At times foodstuff or ingredients
and other utilities such as soap and oil are provided by the employer on credit. This amount is
later deducted when payments are made.
Arrangements for shelter are made by the owner of the godown. Tin-sheds or tapari are provided
and each tapari provides shelter to 6-7 child migrants. In some cases children sleep under the
open sky, under roofs of verandahs or on the rooftops of godowns. Often troubled by mosquitoes
they cannot sleep properly. Their “bed” is a torn sheet or rough lumpy quilt.
8.5. Health situation, sickness and treatment
Migrant child labourers are prone to sickness due to the nature of job which involves extensive
engagement in spraying of insecticides and other chemicals. While preparing tobacco, fine
tobacco powder is inhaled and settles on the skin. The children suffer from breathing problems,
skin diseases, boils, itching, persistent cough and nausea. Also, many mishaps and accidents
happen while working (snakebite or cutting oneself), and illness was also reported. There is no
primary health facility that they can access. The usual fever, head and body-ache, stomach pain
etc. is treated with pills bought from nearby medical stores. When they become too sick to work
then they are taken to the hospital. If unable to recover fast to get back to the work they are sent
back to their parents. The employer deducts Medical expenses incurred during illness are
deducted by employers from the wages of children.

8.6. Education
Children have to stay away from their schools during periods of their involvement of migration
based wage works. While they return to the villages and start going to school later, they are
unable to adjust with classes and courses. With migration periods of two to six months they start
disliking school atmosphere gradually. It is reflected in the following statements given by them:

RMoL- BASIX
  “Master beats us, what will we do at school, and if we go to school, how will we earn?’
 “If we don’t earn then what will we eat?”
 “I don’t like to go to school, I get bored there”
 “My parents have sent me here, so how can I go to school?”
 “There is no studying (or learning) at school” etc.

8.7. Special Problems

The girl migrants are often abused, exploited and sexually harassed by the employers and others
present and working at sites in various manners. They offer money to buy cosmetics or adornment
and entice girls to lure them into sexual activities.

“I have a girl and a boy. The local agent took the girl to Ahmedabad; from Ahmedabad he then
took her to Kanpur where he abused her sexually. She got pregnant. After abortion we married
her off”.
– Shankar lal Dindor, Village Johra,
Saagvada, Dungarpur

When children are away from their home, social and customary pressures are weak; hence
intimacy develops between girls and boys that lead to confrontation within the customs and
traditions of the adivasi community.
In order to avoid police checks and smuggle children illegally, agents try to make a dangerous
detour off the road, which may lead to mishaps.
Children are under peer pressure to behave like adults they work with; hence they adopt habits
like bidi, tobacco-chewing, gutka etc.
Sexual exploitation and unsafe sex lead to sexually transmitted diseases; they are at high risk of
contracting HIV and AIDS.

9. Children working in Dhabas and restaurants

An industrial town like Ahmedabad starts and ends its day with chai (tea). The child who runs to
every customer with chai, or washes the cup-plate is universally called Chhotu, as though he has
no name of his own. Pale lifeless skin, tired eyes, undernourished countenance; usually chewing
supari or gutka, these children appear to be much older than their age. Sometimes their hands
and feet are so often in water that fungus starts growing between their fingers and toes. Their
pockets contain a diary-pen; for updating customer-credit. The customers themselves write the
latest figure in this diary. If the account is wrong, the children have to tolerate the rage and
abuses of the Seth.
Dungarpur, Udaipur and Rajsamand districts of Rajasthan are the main sender districts of these
children to work with chai-lorries, ice-cream parlours and roadside restaurants. The children
belong to poor tribal families. Having not interest or faith in education of their children parents
are happy to have some income coming through their children.

RMoL- BASIX
Children are engaged in the above work due to poverty or because they have to pay back debts of
their families (i.e. they are bonded). They influence the younger children to come with them.
Sometimes the parents of these children are unaware of this. Usually these children are bored
with schooling.

9.1. Nature of Work

Depending on the place and nature of work, these children have different jobs to do. From
cleaning tea or ice-cream stall to serving customers, washing dishes to cleaning premise or
procure raw materials from mandis they have to work from early morning to midnight hours.

9.2. Migration
Generally, children working in dhabas or restaurants belong to same or some neighbouring
village of his employer. Girls do not work at dhaba or restaurants. Of the eight boys, seven were
between the age group of 7-14; only one boy was fifteen years old. Employers, known as Seths,
brings them to work and pays advance to parents or guardians. Family members encourage
children to migrate, work hard and earn more. Once migrated, children have to stay away from
home for 6-8 months in a row.

9.3. Wages
Generally, children working at hotels or dhabas receive free meals and place to live in. In reality
wages and modes of payments are decided with the guardians or relatives of the children and are
paid when the child returns home after six to eight months of work. Wages are decided on the
basis of skills and experience of each child that ranges from Rs.500 - Rs.1200 per month for 14-
16 hours of work a day. The survey reported four boys who work from before dawn till
midnight, and are paid only Rs.900 - Rs.1100 per month as wages.
Deductions such as advance paid earlier, breakages or losing a cup-plate, and medical expenses
are a routine thing reducing actual wages received by these children at the end of the work.
9.4. Routine of the work
Most of the children start working around 5 a.m. and work throughout the day until midnight in
standing or running positions generally in order to serve customers and wash dishes. They eat
while moving and sometimes forego lunch because they are so busy. Dinner is allowed only after
all the works of the day are over. The children have to work even while they are sick. At work
they are concerned with work for 24-hours delivering more than they are paid for.

9.5. Food and Shelter

These children have to work all the time with the employer so food and shelter conditions are
dependent upon him. While meals are only meager, these are taken on odd timings such as lunch
during late afternoon and dinner at around 11 o’clock in the night.
There are no proper arrangements for shelter for working children. They sleep often near or at
the workplace in open spaces in front of premises of work, under some factory shed thin durrie
or cloth sheet.

RMoL- BASIX
9.6. Health
In case of minor health problems, ordinary treatment is given. But if the child is seriously sick
then only taken to the hospital. Any medical expenses incurred are deducted from the wages.
Sometimes the child is so sick that she/he is sent home.

9.7. Treatment
The employer often scolds and abuses the children at work. Physical assault by the employer
such as slapping or beating is quite common. The children work in an environment where
cursing and use of foul language is common. Children tend to imbibe this behavior.

9.8. Education
Once these children are taken away from home to work in dhabas and restaurants, they never
join back education. Education is not required at work, nor is it possible. Nonetheless, a few
children who were sent to work due to family-debt, expressed their interest in gaining education,
but are unable to do so. From the educational point of view four boys interviewed studied class 1
to 5 and six boys had gained formal education till class eight.

Number of children in Dhaba-Restaurant Work

No. Name Place Age Education Work Wage Work

time
1. Parkhan Palanpur 10 1 Tea shop 1,000/-
2. Jayanti lal Aaspur, 10 5 Making+ 900/- 7 a.m. –
Dungarpur supplying tea 8 p.m.

3. Kishan Bhilwara 12 5 Ice-cream 1,000/- 4 a.m. –

parlour 12 p.m.
4. Gulshan Chittorgarh 12 7 Supplying tea 1,200/- 5 a.m. –
8 p.m.
5. Vikas Udaipur 12 6 Supplying tea 1,100/- 12 hours
6. Chand Singh Udaipur 13 2 Pavbhaji shop Undecided 4 a.m. –
12 p.m.
7. Bhuralal Dungarpur 15 8 Tea shop 1,000/- 5 a.m. –
9 p.m.
8. Bhairu Rajsamand 13 7 Works at After
Singh brothers shop school

10. Children in the textile market (Surat)

The Surat Textile Market in Gujarat is known nationally for its sari production. One can see
markets accommodated in several seven or eight-storied buildings. Scores of children work here.
All these markets are run as a federation. Apart from sari production related jobs there are many
other allied works offering earning opportunities to workers. Making of boxes for packaging
purposes of saris is one amongst these that has taken a shape of family work involving children
and minors.

RMoL- BASIX
Ten years old Jayshree from Kumbhalgarh in Rajsamand district, studies in standard Four. Her
father Naval Singh has been living in Surat from last few years. The entire family makes boxes
to earn a living. They take contracts to make boxes. Entire family is involved in job. As soon as
the market opens, Jayshree takes her 13 year old sister Raseela to make boxes with her. When
asked about the state of her studies, Naval Singh says: “if I bring in outside labor to make boxes,
then I will have less profit and more problems; my income will also be less”. He shows a
certificate to prove that both his daughters go to school. Jayshree, with great enthusiasm, says
that she can make 1000 boxes in one day. She gets Rs.15/- per 100 boxes.
Mangi Lal, son of Narayan Gameti, is ten years old. He has studied till standard Five. Mangi
Lal's family lives in village Kankarva in Rajsamand district. His father sent him to Surat with a
labour agent from a neighbouring village. Since then he is engaged in “tanka work” on saris. He
can make 50 bundles per day. He works from 9 am to 9 pm everyday for a monthly earning of
Rs.500. After work he walks four kilometers to Sitaram Society where he lives with seven other
boys of his own age. Food and shelter has been arranged for them by the contractor. He tells that
when he studied in the primary school of Kankarva, the master Hari Singh would beat him
regularly; this made him wary of school and he gradually stopped attending it altogether.
10.1. Nature of Work

The final product called sari undergoes several phases of production including folding, cutting,
making of tanka and boxes for packaging, packaging and name printing. Children work on
different job profiles. These are not interesting or entertaining jobs as boring and mechanical.

10.2. Migration
Children who come to Surat for this work are either very poor with no earning member in the
household, or they are bonded due to debt, or they are fatherless. Recruitment of children is done
through agents and other experienced touts. Agents convince parents to send their children on the
pretext of skill enhancement that will ensure them regular work. Sometimes agents give an
advance to the guardians of the children; some children see their friends return wearing good
clothes and telling stories of a better life and are influenced by the glamour of earning money.

10.3. Wages
Wages are not paid on a monthly basis. Instead, these are paid to the guardians of the child for
every five to 20 months periods. Small amounts are given over time to time in-between, but no
proper accounts are maintained in this regard. The concerned labour agents or the employers
deduct medical expenses, travel and in some cases unduly because of so-called loss in business.

The freshers are paid between Rs.200-Rs.500 per month and those having experiences for 2-3
years are paid Rs.600-Rs.1200 per month. In several cases children were brought on the pretext
of training and were not paid any wages while food and shelter only were provided to them on
the site. Generally the wages are decided on the basis of the past experience of the child. Wages also
according to the job profile.

No. Work Wages per month (in Rs.) Perks given

1. Folding 1000 - 1500 Food and shelter

RMoL- BASIX
 2. Cutting 1500 - 2000 Food and shelter
3. Tah karma (folding) 1000 - 1500 Food and shelter
4. Tanka lagana (tagging) 200 - 400 Food and shelter
5. Packing boxes (Rs.100 per 15 150-200 per day Food and shelter
boxes, 100 boxes per day)
6. Packaging and name printing Rs.2000 - Rs.2500 Food and shelter

10.4. Routine
One can find children working at odd places such as verandahs outside shops, in dim lighted
market-alleys and on the terraces of shops. Recently child labourers have come under
surveillance, so children have now been moved to go-downs or workshops to escape law roots.
Generally children work in poor hygienic conditions. Their life as labourers starts around 5 a. m
by cleaning the room and cooking food. They walk four-five kilometers from residence to work
place, where they work from 9 a.m. to 9 p. m. In some cases working hours are more than 12
hours a day.

10.5. Food and Shelter

Generally, seven to eight child migrants with an agent share miserably a small room for sleeping
and cooking purposes. Since the agent who bring children from villages to work in the city
require providing accommodation, they attempt to save money and incur as little an amount as
possible, on food and shelter. Food is cooked twice a day in the same room while all the
belongings are also stored at the same place.
Quantity and quality of food provided is generally extremely poor. Usually working children are
fed dal-roti for one meal and vegetable-roti as the second meal. This usually becomes sabzi-roti
for both meals. Sometimes boiled rice or khichdi (rice and pulses cooked together) is given to
them.
Children cook the meals, clean the rooms of residence, and wash used utensils and vessels. These
children have rotis for breakfast before leaving for work and carry Tiffins for lunch. They
prepare evening meal after they come home at night.

10.6. Health and treatment

Healthcare practices were almost absent at worksites regarding child migrants. Ordinary
symptoms of sickness of child labourers are generally ignored. In case someone is persistent in
complaining, then some painkiller drugs as per the experience are given to him. Appropriate
medical checkups are unheard so far. Children are often forced to work even though they are
sick. If someone becomes so sick that he cannot work at all, he is sent back to the village.
By working while seated at one place for many hours health of such workers is negatively
affected. Illness like fatigue, stiff fingers and/or hands, pain in shoulders, spine and feet are very
common. Children suffer emotionally as well working away from their families for a long time
causing adverse effects on their mental and physical development.

RMoL- BASIX
Children find work monotonous and boring. Exertion and fatigue leads to sleep while at work. In
order to avoid such circumstances children take refuge in bad habits such as chewing tobacco,
smoking bidis etc. Additionally, intimate relationships develop at an early age, simultaneously
sexual activities start early and so does sexual abuse due to the children vulnerability.

10.7. Treatment
The labour contractors are responsible for the children he brings for work in terms of their
shelter, job arrangement and other management of daily needs. He also ensures that they work at
maximum efficiency. He does this with his own ingenuity and instinct; sometimes by treating
them with affection, or by scolding them and/or by hitting them. The contractors believe that
children have infinite capacity to adjust. “They do not complain and they tolerate any
treatment.”

10.8. Education
Ramratan, a 13 years old child migrant says, “I don’t like to study, my brain does not work and
the master at schools hits me”.
Khema from Kunchauli, Kumbhalgarh, Rajsamand was studying in class five when he ran away
from his village last year and came to Surat with his books. He says his parents did not even
know that he had come here.
Almost in the same manner many children are leaving their villages in Rajasthan and working in
the textile sector of Surat. It is evident that they do not find anything in school that prevents them
from leaving home. The schools also do not care about their absence. For guardians and parents
it makes more sense to have some financial support through their children rather than spending
money on educating them ‘illigically’.
There are no educational facilities for children at the work places at destinations. These children
have gradually become alienated from the whole idea of education. During the research it was
observed that two boys have never been to school; 11 children had gained education of up to 5 th
standard and dropped out afterward while only five children had managed to study up to 8 th
standard.

Children in the textile market

No. Name Place Age Class Work Income/m Working
in Rs. hours
1. Zakir Gorakhpur 7 2 Tanka 500
Hussain lagana
2. Kesha Udaipur 9 1 month Tanka 600 9am-9pm
lagana
3. Hansa Rajsamand 9 5 Tanka 600 9am-9pm
lagana
4. Jayshri (F) Kumbhalgarh 10 4 Making family
boxes contract
5. Mangilal Rajsamand 10 5 Tanka 500 9am-9pm
lagana

RMoL- BASIX
 6. Varda Rajsamand 10 5 Tanka doesn't 9am-9pm
lagana know
7. Manisha Surat 11 illiterate Making 3000 12 noon-
boxes 8pm
8. Allauddin Surat 12 5 Tanka 2000 9am-9pm
lagana
9. Raseela (F) Kumbhalgarh 12 3 Making Family
boxes contract
10. Ramratan Bikaner 13 6 looking
forwork
11. Manisha (F) 13 2 Making 4500 11am-9pm
boxes
12. Ramlal Rajsamand 14 7 Tanka 500 9am-9pm
lagana
13. Khema Rajsamand 15 5 Sari cutting 2000 9am-9pm
14. Narendra Jalore 15 8 At shop 2500 10am-9pm
15. Himmat Udaipur 15 9 Name 2000 9am-9pm
Singh printing
16. Sohan Rajsamand 15 5 Sari folding 1200 9am-9pm
17. Saddam Surat 15 Illiterate Making 4500 1:30pm-
boxes 9pm
18. Salim Surat 15 7 Making 4500
boxes
19. Gopal Rajsamand 15 5 Cutting/ 1000 9am-9pm
folding
20. Auseen gorakhpur 15 3 Sari folding 1500 9am-9pm

11. Children in sharecropping

Shankar, along with brothers Rana nad Chandu and sister Bakiya and niece Sirki, is involved in
sharecropping practices in Gujarat. All of these children are of the age group of 14-16 years.
Sirki and Bakiya have never been to school while Rana and Chandu have had education up to 5 th
standard.
Sirki has one-sixth share in the management of Raoji Bhai Pandaur’s land. This means that the
fertilizer, seed, pesticide and irrigation are the farmer's responsibility while any labor employed
for farming is the (share-cropping) laborer’s responsibility. Bakiya has come for the first time to
help her brother. She said that last year Bhai (Shankar) brought 3-4 sacks of wheat back home in
form of accumulated wages for a farming season.

11.1. Nature of work

In share-cropping the farmers bears the entire responsibility for the harvest including sowing of
seeds, irrigating crops, using fertilizer and pesticide, harvesting, threshing and so on. This
includes management of labour needs as well. In all, the sharecropper has to ensure safety of the
crop as well. All these make this job as round the clock job. Because of this continuous pressure

RMoL- BASIX
the children are neglected and they do not eat or get regular meals. Children, generally, assist in
farming.
11.2. Migration

There are many tribal families from villages from southern Rajasthan migrating to Gujarat to
work as sharecroppers. The landowners usually give their farm plots for sharecropping against
one-sixth or one-seventh of the farm produces to sharecroppers. Sharecroppers and their families
live within the fields in a makeshift hut. These poor tribals have no other source of income and
are frequently subjected to exploitation.

For such earning practices the entire family migrates including children who become a part of
the workforce involved in sharecropping practices. These children assist their parents in farming
as well as household chores. This keeps children of migrating families away from education.

11.3. Wages
Sharecropping is amongst one of the professions providing lowest returns in terms of earnings.
The entire family works throughout the season in farms but after seven-eight months continuous
work one-seventh of the total produce is given to them after deducting food and other daily need
related expenses. This brings an average per day/person wages less than the minimum wages.
Works done by the family members of sharecroppers in household chores are never paid.
Moreover the share they get is totally dependent upon the amount of harvest. Even where the
harvest is good, the farmer earns Rs.20-30 per day. In case of poor crops or crop failures the
sharecroppers are in huge loss financially.

11.4. Routine
Apart from irrigating the fields early in the morning, most often before the sunrise, tilling farms,
sowing seeds and ensuring proper harvest, the sharecroppers have to watch crops in night so that
animals do not get into the fields. In addition to this sharecroppers and their family members
have to be contributing in household affairs of landlords for no rewards. These include looking
after animals, cleaning of the animal-stables and home, collecting and preparing the gobar
(manure) and any other work that may be necessary on a daily basis.

11.5. Food and Shelter

Usually sharecroppers live in huts near farming lands. They are often bitten by insects, snakes
and scorpions too. Homemade remedies only are used for snakebites and other attacks.
Landowners provide raw materials and ingredients food and other household utilities on credit.
For work at landowners’ houses, leftover buttermilk, pulses, potatoes and onions and sometimes
old clothes are given as wages or as small rewards for their services.

11.6. Treatment
Poor migrant farmers are prone to physical and financial exploitation at different levels. They
tolerate these as a part of their life as migrant sharecroppers. Sexually exploitation and
harassment by few powerful landowners were also reported by the female workers. Medical
facilities are not available in general situations. Manual usage of pesticides in farmimg often

RMoL- BASIX
poisons poor farmers which are particularly dangerous for children, pregnant women and the
sick. But so far, no preventive measures were visible anywhere in this regard.

11.7. Education
The children of sharecropper families are usually bereft of education. They are at the lowest level
of the educational pyramid. Most of them are still illiterate while those with some education are
not able to incorporate their learning in daily life. Migration has taken them away from their
native places far in Gujarat where no educational life exist for making of their future. In addition
to this the medium of instruction in Gujrat is either Gujarati in government schools or English in
public schools. This also creates problem to those who anyhow wish to send their children in
school. This situation also leaves only a little space for the children of migrant sharecroppers at
destinations.
12. Summary of main findings
1. All four kinds of work engagements of child migrants are stressful and exploitative,
affecting children negatively in terms of physical and mental health. Their future
prospects are damaged regarding personality development through education, games and
other learning in formal educational setups. They work for exceptionally long hours at
almost negligible wages. The chances of even part-time schooling are nil. They are
exposed to various addictions at a very young age.
2. The condition of girls is more stressful because of their physical vulnerability.
Researchers came across many cases of unwed pregnancies of minor migrant girls. In
such cases girls were immediately married in a hurry to ensure their social acceptability.

3. Parents do realize that their children at destinations face problems while working but
because of poverty they let their children migrate and earn. These parents would not wish
to send their children for work if they get enough employment for themselves.

4. Poverty and day-to-day hazards for keeping the body and soul together drives these
tribals to avail any source of immediate financial relief. Often preoccupied with fighting
poverty, an advance payment for the recruitment of their children for work comes as a
great relief and they make a head away irrespective of the consequences their children
may have to face.

5. If adults get their due share of 100 days employment under NREGS they would avoid
migrating out for wage works and would not send their children as well.

6. Parents would be happy to send children to schools if quality education is ensured and
their financial situation allows for that.

In every surveyed village schools are fraught with many lacunas including frequent
absence of teaching staff, lack of appropriate infrastructure, inadequate facilities making
villagers and students less interested in the existing educational setup.

RMoL- BASIX
 Many of the children working in dhabas and textile work were runaways from schools in
the middle of education. Few had gone to school for a couple of years but with no
remarkable educational gains and achievements.
13. Recommendations
Despite laws to stop child migration as well as child labour the ground realities seem to flout this
mandate completely. There is an urgent need to work from the very roots of the problem in a
systematic and sustainable manner with futuristic planning. Making employment opportunities
available for adults through schemes like NREGS may be a good move to begin with. An
effective and attractive educational system may function in a better way if managed and
monitored properly.

The specific recommendations arising out of the study are as follows –

1. Majority of migrants, including child migrants, are adolescents above 14 years of age.
Few of them are literate, while others are semi-literate. Special teaching campaigns and
camps at destinations of migrants in Gujrat to strengthen educational level of child
migrants and elicit their potential aptitudes. Subsequently, a bridge has to be created
between the learning opportunities i.e. training courses offered by Rajasthan Mission on
Livelihood (RMoL).

2. Rigorous monitoring of village schools must be initiated with serious concerns. Tribal
children and the first generation learners require more effort and investment at primary
level. New bridge courses and activity centers which may provide opportunity for skill
development in extra curricular activities like music, dance, sports as well as
engagements in natural resource development etc can help these children to learn with
joy and to develop themselves properly.

3. Strict and frequent inspections of working sites and conditions, food and shelter
arrangements and medical facilities provided by employers must be undertaken. This can
be done with the help of locally active agencies and groups in the welfare sector. A
healthy mechanism for adult employment instead of children must be placed properly in
these areas.

4. Maintaining database and employment registers for employers hiring child labourers
should be made mandatory. This would help to eliminate child labour and subsequently
child migration and may contribute towards negotiation of equitable wages as per the
norms set by the government.

RMoL- BASIX
Composition of RMoL:
Sl. No. Name & Designation

1. Hon’ble Chief Minister Chairman

2. Shri M.L.Mehta, IAS (Retd.) , Ex-Chief Secretary, Dy. Chairman

Rajasthan

3. Dr N S Hegde, Chairman, BAIF, Pune Member

4. Dr Tushaar Shah, International Water Management Member

Institute

5. Shri V K Ladia, CMD, Shree Rajasthan Syntex Ltd. Member

Dungarpur

6. Shri Rajiv Jain, Managing Director, M/s Sambhav Member

Gems, Jaipur

7. Shri Dilip Baid, Chairman, Federation of Rajasthan Member

Handicrafts Exporters Association

8. Shri Brij Mohan, ED (Retd.), SIDBI, Lucknow Member

9. Shri Vikram Golecha, Ex. Chairman, CII, Member

Rajasthan Chapter

10. Shri Arun Goyal, Director, Academy of Business Member

Studies, New Delhi

11. Shri Ravi Srivastva, Professor, Center for Regional Member

Development Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi

12. Shri Vijay Mahajan, Chairman, BASIX Principal Advisor

13. Shri D P Bagchi, Former Secretary, SSI, GoI Principal Advisor

14. Shri Apurva Kumar, ED, Hotel Clarks Amer, Member

Jaipur

RMoL- BASIX