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    Marvin Harris - Theories of Culture in Postmodern Times-AltaMira (1999)

    Uploaded by

    Hammad Raza

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    of 113
    osenener Theories of Culture Chases and Ceca Wigley in Postmodern Times Marvin Harris ATRIA ADivison of Sage Publications, Inc ‘Walnut Creek London * New Delhi Cope 199 Ati Frey. ron f See Pub ations Alvis, No pat isook ay De reed orien ay rm ory ay ee mes nt ete ong on ISBN 019.9208 (dS 0409. 20-6 ow atte Hinchey 5 trophy Tie Contents [About the Author 17 Preface and Acknowledgments 13 PARTI Chapter Chapter? CONCEPTUALIZING CULTURE 17 Whats (Are) Cature()? 19 Definitions 19 Emes 20 (Culture a Kes and Behavior 22 ‘Animal Cultures 25 What Guides Ideas? 25 No Consensus 28 Emicsand ties 31 ‘Whose Community of Observer? 33 SubjectiveObjetive 34 Tnside/Outsider 35 Cogsized/Operationsl 36 Mental/Behavoral 36 metic ve, MentallBehavioral_ 37 Dead Participants 38 How" Natives" Think bout Captain Cook for Example 38 Emics and Eis of Behavior 39 Are Bicand Emic Accounts Always Different? 40 ‘The Rejection of Ets 41 An Ethnographic Disaster 43 Sacred Cow Revisited 44 ‘The importance of tics 45 Ble Accounts Needed fr Prediction «7 Chapter Chapters PARTI Chapters Chapters ‘TheNature of Cultural Things 49 Methodologies lis and Methodological Indvidulsm 49 ‘Metaphysical Hocus Pocus SL Physical Reality 52 Foundations of Supraindividual Holm 54 Holism and Individualism Need Each Other 55 Science, Objectivity Morality 57 Putting the Observe inthe Picture 57 ‘The Unity of Science and Morality 58 The Importance of Geting t Right 60 Critzal Anthropology 6 Getting Ie Wrong. 62 BIOLOGY AND CULTURE. 65 De-Hiologizing Culture: The Bossins 67 Racilogy, Eugenics, Hereditacanism 67 Opposition to Bivlogized Theories of Culture 69 (Confronting the Emice of Race 73, ace and Disease 76 Biologiing Inequality 79 The American Class Structure According to Hecrstein and Murray 79 ‘The Rise ofthe Custodial State 81 IQisDestiny 8 Low IQ Causes Social Pathologie vs, Soci] Pathoogies Cause Low 1Q 83 Learning to Live with Inequality 85 Valued Paces "86 Increasing the Number of Valued Places 86 Chapter? Chapters Chapter9 Policy Recommendations 88 [egleted Causes and Processes 89 IQIsNotForever 93 IQand Race 93 Problems of Research Design 93, ‘The Fynn Beet 95 IQ Studies and Politics 96 [Neo-Darwinism 99 ‘Neo-Darwinism and Cultural Selection 99 Cltoral Selection Does Not Always Favor ReproductiveSuccess 100 ‘Measuring Reproductive Success 102 Alternative Theories 104 ‘AMiseading Analogy 106 Confronting Bthnomania 111 Ethnomania 111 Origins of Ehromania 112 Descentand Social Races 113 Bthnicty 14 The Struggle for Ethnic and Racal Empowerment 115 AGocentic Ethnomania 116 Inventing Afscan History 117 ‘The Solen-Cutute Myth 118 Egyptian Colors 119 Why AicaLags 120 ‘The Development of Underdevelopment 122 Meladin Theory 123 Albino Theory 123 Teeman Theory 127 PARTI ‘Chapter 10 Chapter 1 Chapter 12 EXPLANATORY PRINCIPLES 131 olism 133 Punctionalist olism 133, Laundry-Lst Holism 135, Processal Holm 137 Cultural Materiaiem 141 ‘Materialism 141 Economics 2 ‘The Primacy of Infrastructure M2 ‘Who Benefits? 143, Causality 44 Convergent and Parallel Evolution 144 Neutral and Dysfunctional Features 143 ‘The Role of Meaning and Ideas 147 Religion in Command? 148 Politics in Command? 148 Longand short Term 149 Human Agency 150 Prcbabilistic Determinism 151 Values and Praxis 152 Postmodernism 153 What ie Postmodernism? 153 Pome Modes of Discourse 196 Postprocesualsm 157 Improving the Reliability of Exhnogeaphy Human Agency 159 } PARTIV MACROEVOLUFION 161 f Chapter 13. Origins of Capi lism 163, Capitalism Defined 163, Max Weber's Theory 165, Marxist Explanations 166 The Question of Timing 169 Chapter 14 The Soviet Collapse 175 Strategies for Soving Marsism 176 ‘The Collapse and Caltural Materialism 179 Dealing Efficiency of Soviet Infastrucrure 180 Structural Incompatibilties 181 The Nationals Surge 184 Primacy of Infastracture or Primacy ofPolitis? 185 MareAgain 187 ADisdlaimer 188 References Cited 191 a3 About the Author MARVIN HARRIS wasa member ofthe faculty of Columbia University’ Department of Anthropology from 1958 to 1980, and chairman therefrom, 1963 to 1966, ince 1980, he hasbeen Graduate Research Professor atthe University of Forda Harris has dane Beldwork in Brazil, Mozambique, India, and Bast Hale. “Of his seventeen books the mos influential are The Rise of Anthro ological Theory: A History of Theorie of Culture (1968); Cultwe, Pople, [Nature (seven editions); Cows Pig, Wors, and Witches Riddle of Culture (2974); Cannibals and Kings (97); Calturl Mateiione The Seuggle for «Science of Culture (1979); and Our Kan (1989) Harri’ books have been tranaated into sceen langage. In 1991, The Rise of Anthropological Theory was designated «Socal Science Citation Classic aris is pat char of the General Anthropology Division of the American Anthropological Association and the organization's Distin= fished Lecturer for 1991 Preface and Acknowledgments This yar the thirtieth since the publication of The Rise of Anthropaog- tal Theory A History of Teaves of Calar, know by frend and foe ake as RAT. Thad hoped to mark the occasion by writing 2 new edition, but that task proved tobe too ambitious. The present volume isa more mod cst project, bert described as sketch ofthe themes and issusthat need to be addrested after three decades of intellectual warfare down among the anthropolog must confess thatthe turn theory has taken—away from science oriented processual approaches and toward an “anything gos” postmodenis-—has been fer mote influential than I thought would be posible as | looked ahead from the end ofthe 1960s So influent {led that Iwas tempted to cal this volume FAT-—the Fall of Anthropo- logical Theo ‘But the “poms” victory far fom total and certainly not perma- nent Ther are increasing signs thatthe influence of interpretations, ‘anopoeticy and other “ert i approaches to clture as peaked. hope thisvolume wll help to push the pendulum backward thescenceonented side (Let the grnches who stole culture giveit back.) This isnot to say that resurgence of sienceoriented theories will neces be the sonmurt Bonne of post postmodern times. There is tho the problem ofthe kind of scencing tha staking place, Here we ‘encounter something justasunexpected and disturbingas"anything goes” MARVIN HARRIS iterpretationism or ethnopoctics: a militant renaissance of various secial-Darwinst, raciological, racist, and other bilogied approaches, that openly cll for the end of socal scence as we know it From the vantage point of the lat sites, who could have foreseen ‘he return, inthe ae nineties, ofthe attempt to measure racial differences, ‘yy means of ntligence ests? Or tha people would tillbewsingQ scores, a an excuse for tolerating poverty and inequality, even though no one knows what IQ tests measureor how toidentiy biologically valid race or provide acount of how many raes there actually ate. Nor at raciology ‘nd racam sill popular only among the dominating majorities. With their ‘sims of physical and moral superiority «hyped-up search for oots and ancestors, and an insistence tat they alone have the authocty andthe ‘competence to understand thet eultures and to write their true history, ‘the dominated minorities ae often among the worst offenders [A che same time, ninetenth-cenury attempts to use Darwinian biology to explain cultural derences and iariieshavecome flere, These efforts at bologzing culture grate around the reat god's natural selection and productive success. Yet everyone knows (or should know) thatthe most ditnctive attebuteofealtue is precisely its plasticity and its ability o evolve independently of change inthe genome, ‘Additional theoretical issues equally important, also receive aten- tion in the chapters that follow. These include the definition of culture, the indispensible emicletc distinction, the struggle to preserve behavior 6a component ofthe cultural domain, the elusive Holy Grail of holism, and te processes responsible for macrocltural evolution ‘One may legimately wonder if the chapters here share unifying logic that merits ther being joined together ina single book. Of couse all of these issues are presided over by the epistemological and theoretical principles of cultural materialism, andi that sense they obviously belong together. But more specifically the chapters belong together because they deal with central series of intellectual blockages that mut be cleazed ay before we an begin to reconstruct a viable science of culture amid the ruins of postmodernism, Precedents 8 ‘Letimetae this opportunity to thank the many wonder colleagues nd former sndents of mine who have directly or inirely helped me to ‘wete this book. am alzo grateful for having ha the opportunity to ben tfifrom the vision and skills ofthe people of AltaMira Press Marvin Harrie CCeanberry sland, Maine Part I Conceptualizing Culture Chapter 1 What Is (Are) Culture(s)? Dernurmions The one dependable ingtedieat in anthropological definitions of culture isa negativegne: cultures not what you get when you study Sakespeste, listen to casical musi or take courses in art history. Beyond that nega- tive, confusion reigns. Fo: some anthropologists, ctr consists ofthe ‘overarching values, motives, and mora-ethical ule and meanings that sce pat of social system, For others, calture embraces not only values snd ideas, but the ete set of institutions that humans ive by. Somes ‘thropolgiss see culture as consisting exusiveyofleamed ways of tink jing and behaving, while others emphasize genetic influences on the repertory of cultural traits. Finally, some se culture as consisting exc sively of thoughts or ideas, while others maintain that culture consists of ‘thoughtsand ideas las associated activites. My own view that culture isthe socal earned ways of living found in human societies and that it ‘erabaces ll aspects of social if, including both thought and behavioe 'As tothe mix of genetic vers lerned inflvence that shapes par ticular cura traits, I repard that as an empirical question, It ser in controvertible, however thatthe geeat majority of cultural traits are ‘overwhelmingly shaped by soilly medited learning. More about this point later on Let us fist resolve the question of whether culture should be defined as consisting of ideas alone or of ideas and behavior together 20 MARIN HARES Ewes ‘Wiliam Dutham (1992) has forceflly defended the ieatonal definition ‘of clue, insisting that distinction muse drawn between culture and human Behavior. Durham is not alone; a majority of contemporary an- ‘thropologets holds that culture consss exclusively of shared and socially transmitted idestional or mental entities, suchas values ideas belies and in the ind of human beings” (199133), Dutham consolidates {hinge under the umbrella tem meme, a word invented by Richard Dawkins (1976), For Dusham, the memeisthe fundamental unit of information thats stored inthe rai, ransmited hrovgh social lean Ing and acted pon by the selective forces of cultural evolution 1 do not regaed the extirpation of behavior fom efnional bathe, implicates certain andament ferences betwee, two ways of aming the anthropological enterpie1n the ideatonal perspective the rlationship between memes and behavior encrypts 4 definite paradigmatic commitment, namely tht ideas deter- nine bebavios Meas in our minds guide behavior. It san asymmetric relationship. Memes serves a a “guide” for behavior, bu behavior does notserveas aguidefor memes. Culture ithe fibre of meaning in terms “of which human beings interpre their experience and guide their action” (Geert 1973:144-5). ‘Tetus suppose forthe moment that ideas guide behavior but behay- ior doesnot guide ideas. Why should this subordination of Behavior to ideas lead tothe exclusion of behavior from the concept of eulture? One familia explanation eles on the argument that behavior i too complex, ‘unstructured, and indefinite to serveas the foundation of cular stds. ‘As angued by Ward Goodenowgh (196439), "the great problem ofa si tence of man is how to get from the objective woe of materiality, with infinite vaiabilityto the subjective world of frm asi exits in what, for lack ofa better term, we must all the minds of our fellow man” ‘Anthropologist Oswald Werner (1973288) offered a similar reson for exiepating behavior from culture, Ideas are forever, but behavior is Whar (ae Curt)? a transient “Behavior is ephemera a mezeepiphenomenon ofthe ideas ‘hat underly history. Moreover, behavior i unpredictable fortis subject to "the state of the actor suchas his sobriety, redness, o drunkenness” nd additional factors some of which ace surely chance” ‘As we try to understand such views, it may be hepflt identify their philosophical pedigree. The ultimate source ofthe destionalit po- sition deeives fom Plt, fr whom the ative material world consist of ‘urea shadows ofthe ideas that ie behind them, Thi mabe idee the ‘only emites worthy of sid It has aways seemed obvious tome that, ‘ontea contemporary Platonst all felde of study contain components that ate infinitely variable. Our jb as sietists is to fin onder in what appears to be disordered, In any event as will be shown in a moment, the deationalss have got it wrong The alleged greater orerines of mental evens figment ofthe imagination (itself well-known source of cog nitive complexity ‘Durham tesa somewhat diferent epproachtothestriture against including behavioraswellas memesinthedefnisio ofcultue. The prob- lem he argues, sthat“the conceptual phenomena of culture ate only one ‘guiding force of several that may infuence ze nature and form of behwv= ioe" (1991:4). Other guiding frees, such as genes and features af the en ronment also influence the naureand orm af human behavior In defining «culture, therefore one must take care nota confuse heetfecsoflearning with he effects of genetic or enviconmental factors. The way to avoid wich confusion is keep behavior out of the definition of culture. Bat why ‘apt the same reasoning be applied to memes? Surely one's ideas ae alo _guidedby genetic and environmental inftence, Genetic predapostions— biopsyehologieal needsand drives in anoler terminology—inlvence the form and content of people's thoughts as well as ther behaviors, wth the aye dea shata woman's roleis to stay home, take care of the children, and leave the wage-eaaing toa husband seems absurd tothe majority of ‘American Women. Maay other ideational shitsin gender ols sexuality ‘i familie followed on the bshavioal changes that were induced by the sift oa service-and- information mode of prodction, ‘As Valerie Oppenheimer shows in her book Work and the Family, ‘behavior change frst and in so doing, gave rie to a whole new set of rules and vals: ‘There ismo evidence that these substantial shifs in womeis labor force paticipation wee precipitated by prior changes in sex ole attitudes, On the contrary, they lagged behind behavioral changes, indicating that changes in behavior have gradually brought about changes in sex role norms rather than the verse, Moreovey the evidence clearly indicates that the sart ofthe apid changes in ‘womens abor force behavior greatly preceded the bist of the feminist movement. (1982:30) Explanations of cultural behavior that start frm the premise that ideas tide behavior, bat not the revert, ste doomed to being dead ends. ‘Such explanations cannot specify any conditions tht ould account for ‘observed changes in carl rperories ther than some additonal prior ideas, But prior ideas do not constitute 2 set of constraint that make ‘subsequent ideas predictable. It isnot enough tosay that an idea is "good to think” or "bad eo chink” One must be prepared to specify why iti soodorbad ata paticuarsime and lace. It wasnt dificult for women, to think about finding employment avay from home; what was dif cult was the materilization of such thoughts in behavior. Tere is noth- inginhereniy more dtfcultinhinkinghat men should dominate women thaninthinking hat women should dominate men. The difficulty comes, when one sex rather than the other gains politcal advantage based on power diferences ‘What isthe force that compels the rogues to think that descent is tobe reckoned exchisively through maternal reatonships To Jews and ‘Moslems, por i forbidden, “Ths ida is part of thei eligion” we sy. ‘Butwhy do these religions have uch andes? Only when behavior sbrought into the pictare and rooted in material conditions cen we understand the forces that compel the thinking of certain thought ater than others. eee Cleat, behavior and iden must be seen as elesente in x fend relationship. In the short run ideas do guide behavior but in the long run, behavior guides and shapes ideas. will ave more to say about this, relationship in the chapters to come. But one additional claim put for- ‘ward by identionalists needs tobe cated up fs. No Consensus ‘Wiliam Durham (1992:3) maintains thatthe exclusively ideational éef- nition of culture represents a"new and hopeful consensus” in anthropol- ogy. I concede that over the lst ity years, commencing with Aled Kroeber’ surrender to Talcott Persons ideational contraction of socal systems (Krosberand Parsons 1988; Harris 1975, the majority ofanthro- pologists have come to accept an exclusively deational defintion of cul ture, Many ofthe more popular American introductory tecbooks have adopted “the-guie-to-behavir-bat-not-behavior” definition. Conrad Kort’ (1991:7) definition fo example, contains the phrase, "traditions snd customs tha govem behavior” Likewise, Wiliam Haviland (199329), states, “Caltare consists ofthe abstract vals, belies, and perceptions ‘ofthe world that He behind people's behavion and which ae ceflected in their behavior ‘One cansearely conchide howe tha the majority viewhar passed into consensus. An inspection of current textbooks quickly tara up di senters suchas Serena Nanda (1991:52) who writes that“The erm culture

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