Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color Kimberle Crenshaw* INTRODUCTION Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives.' Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of mi lions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This, politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (fam- ily matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely rec- ‘ognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class.? This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was for- © 1993 by Kimberle Crenshaw. Profesor of Law, Univesity of California, Los Angeles B.A, Cornell University, 198; 1D. Harvard Law School, 1986; LIM. University of Wisconsin, 1985, Tam indebted ta great many people who have pushed this project long. For thelr kind asist- ance in facilitating my fel research for this article, I wish to thank Maria Blanco, Margaret Cam- brick, Joan Cree, Estelle Cheung, Nilda Rimonte and Fred Smith, {benefited from the comments ‘of Taunya Banks, Mack Barenberg, Darcy Calkins, Adrienne Davis, Gina Dent, Brent Edwards, Paul Gewict, Lani Guinier, Neil Gotanda, Joel Handler, Duncan Kennedy, Henry Monaghan, Eliz- abeth Schneider and Kendall Thomas. A very special thanks goes fo Gar) Peller and Richard. borough. Jayne Lee, Paula Puryear, Yancy Garrido, Eugenia Giford and Leti Volpp provided valuable reseurch asistance. [gratefully acknowledge the support of the Academic Senate of UCLA, Center for Afto-Amerian Studies at UCLA, the Reed! Foundation and Columbia Law Schoo!’ Earle versions ofthis article wre presented tothe Critical Race Theory Workshop and the Yale Legal Theory Workshop. ‘This ate i dedicated to the memory of Dense Carty Bena and Mary Joe Frog. 1. Feminist academies and activist have payed a central role in forwarding an ideological and insiuional challenge tothe practices that condone and perpette violence against women. See fsenerally SusAN BROWNMILLER, AGAINST OUR WiLL: MEX, WOMEN AND RAPE (1975) Lonenve M.G. CLank & Dena J. Laws, Rare: THE PRICE OF COHRCIVE SEXUALITY (197 R. EMERSON Dosastt & RUSSELL DonAsit, VIOLENCE AGAINST WIVES: A CASE AGAINST THE Patmtakn (1979), Nancy GAGER de CATHLEEN SCHURR, SEXUAL ASSAULT: CONFRONTING Rare IN AMERICA (1976), DiaNa ELH, RUSSELL, THE PoLitics oF Rare: THE VicriM's PER srecrive (1974); ELizameru ANNE STANKO, INTIMATE INTRUSIONS: WOMEN'S EXPERIENCE OF MALE VioLENce (1983); Levon E. WALKER, TERRIFYING LOVE: WiY BATTERED WOMEN KILL ab How Socisry Restos (1989); LeNone E, WALKER, THE BATTERED Woman Sv DROME (1984), LENORE E. WALKER, THE BATTERED WOMAN (1979). 2. See eg, SUSAN SCHECHTER, WOMEN AND MALE VIOLENCE: THE VISIONS AND STRUG: ‘ots oF THe Barrens WoMEN'S MoviseNr (1982) (arguing that battering i a me _ taining women’s subordinate position); S. BROWNMILLER, supra note I (arguing that 1241Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color Kimberle Crenshaw* InTRopucTIoN Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of mil- lions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (fam- ily matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely ree- ognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was for- (© 1993 by Kimbere Crenshaw. Profesor of Law, U B.A, Cornell Univesity, 1981; }D. Harvard Law School, 1985, Tam indebted toa great many poople who have pushed thi project along. For thee kind ance infctating my eld researc fr this article, I wish fo thank Maria Blanco, Margaret Can brie, Joan Creer Estelle Cheung. Nida Rinwonte and Feed Smith. 1 benefited rom the comments of Taunya Banks, Mark Barenberg, Dury Calkins, Adrienne Davis, Gina Dent, Brent Edwards, Paul Gewictz, Lani Guinier, Neil Gotsnda, Joel Handler, Duncan Kennedy, Henry Monaghan, Elz: abeth Schneider and Kendell Thomas. A very special thanks goes to Gary Peller and Richard Yar borough. Jayne Lee, Paula Puryear, Yancy Garrido, Eugenia Giford and Lati Volpp provided valuable resench asustonce. T grateflly acknowledge the support of the Academie Senate of UCLA, Center for Afro-American Studies at UCLA, the Resd Foundation and Columbia Law ‘School! Esler versions of thi article were presented othe Creal Race Theory Workshop andthe Yale Legal Theory Workshop. “This aril ie edited to the memory of Dense Carty Bennia and Mary Joe Frug. 1. Feminist seademics and aetvsts have played »cetral role in forwarding an idenogicl and ‘national challenge tothe practices tht condone and perpelvate vclenee against women. Soe iencraly Susan. BRowWnMlLLen, AGAINST OUR WILL: MEN, WOMEN AND RaPe. (1975), Tones M.G. Crank & Deana J. Lewis, RaPt: THE PRICE OF COERCIVE SEXUALITY (I9TD), [REMERON Donastt & RUSSELL DOBASH, VIOLENCE AGAINST WIVES: A CASE AGAINST THE PATRIARCHY (1979), NaNCY GAGER & CATIILEEN SCHUNR, SEXUAL, ASSAULT: CONFRONTING Raps it Amunica (19765), DIANA EL. RUSSELL, THE PoLitics oF RAPE: THE VicriM's PER- sricrive (1974); ELIZABETH ANNE STANKO, INTIMATE INTRUSIONS: WOMEN'S EXPERIENCE OF MALE VioweNce (1985); LeNonE E, WALKER, TERRIFYING Love: Wi BatreneD WoMeN KILL ab How Society Resvons (1989), LENORE F. WALKER, THE BATTERED WOMAN SY DROME (1984), LENORE B, WALKER, THE BATTERED WowaN (1979), 1 Se, eg, SUSAN SCHECHTER, WOMEN AND MALE VIOLENCE: THE VISIONS AND STRUG- ‘a.us or Tite Barents Wosen’s MovEMENT (1982) (argoing that batlring i means of mas taining Women’s subordinate postion, 8. BROWNMILLER, supra noe I (arguing that rape i 12411242 STANFORD LAW REVIEW [Vol. 43:1241 ‘erly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of African Americans, other people of color, and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with domi nant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity catego- ries are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination—that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such cat gories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of fem and racial liberation movements, for example is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of social empowerment and reconstruction. ‘The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend differ- ence, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite—that it frequently con- flates or ignores intragroup differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference in identity politics is problematic, funda- mentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class, Moreover, ignoring difference within groups contributes to tension among groups, an: other problem of identity politics that bears on efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist eforts to politicize experiences of women and an- tiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on ‘mutually exclusive terrains, Although racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as woman or person of color as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective in this article is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color.’ Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to con- ‘atirchal practice that subordinates women fo mea); Elabeth Schneder, The Violence of Privacy, 23 Conn. L, Rev. 973, 974 (1991) ascussing how “concepts of privacy permit, encourage and reinforce violence agaist women”; Susan Este, Rape, 98 YALE LJ. 1087 (1986) (analyzing rape Jaw as one illustration of seis in eximinal law); se alto CATHARINE A. MACKTNNON, SEXUAL Hanassuen oF Wonkine WoMeN: A Cast oF SEx Discniinarion 143-219 (1979) (erbuing that sexual harassment should be redefined as sexual dtcrmination actionable under Title Vi rather than viewed as misplaced senulity inthe workplace) 3. This article arises out of and is inspired by two emerging scholarly discourses. The fist is tical race theory. Fora eros setion of what i ow substantial body of iterate, ee PATRICIA 4, Wine1ases, THE ALciEMY oF Race AND RrGiT¥s (1991); Robin D. Barnes, Race Conseiousese ‘The Thematic Content of Racial Disinctveness in Col Race Scholanhip, 10) HaKv. L. REN. 1864 (1990) John 0. Calmore, Criea! Race Theory, Arche Shepp, and Fire Music Securing on Authentic Intellectual Life tn @ Multicultural Word, 63 8, Cav. L- Rev. 2129 (1993); Antony E. Cook, Beyond Creal Legal Sudies: The Reconsirctve Theology of Dr: Martin Luther King. 103 ‘anv. L. Rey. 985 (1990); Kimber Willams Crenshaw, Race, Reform and Retronchment Tran= formation and Legiimaton in Amidseriminaion Law, 101 Han¥”L, Rev. 1331 (0988), Richard