Professional Documents
Culture Documents
October 2013
Nigatu Regassa
Eden Mengistu, and
Ansha Yusufe
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Drylands Coordination Group
The Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) is an NGO-driven forum for exchange of practical
experiencesand knowledge on food security and natural resource management in the drylands of Africa.
DCG facilitates this exchange of experiences between NGOs and research and policy-making institutions.
The DCG activities, which are carried out by DCG members in Ethiopia, Mali and Sudan, aim to
contribute to improved food security of vulnerable households and sustainable natural resource
management in the drylands of Africa.
The founding DCG members consist of ADRA Norway, CARE Norway, Norwegian Church Aid,
Norwegian People's Aid, Stromme Foundation and The Development Fund. The secretariat of DCG is
located at the Environmental House (Miljøhuset) in Oslo and acts as a facilitating and implementing body
for the DCG. The DCG’s activities are funded by NORAD (the Norwegian Agency for Development
Cooperation).
Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the DCG secretariat.
The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed in this publication are entirely those of the author
and cannot be attributed directly to the Drylands Coordination Group.
ISSN: 1503-0601
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS viii
ACRONYMS ix
ABSTRACT x
1. INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................ 1
1.2 REGIONAL PROFILE ..................................................................................................... 1
1.3. JUSTIFICATION AND RELEVANCE ........................................................................... 2
1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY ...................................................................................... 3
1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW.................................................................................................. 4
1.5.1 The concept of informal social institutions and livelihoods 4
1.5.2 Types of local social organizations/institutions 4
1.5.3 The Role of Indigenous Social Institutions 5
1.6 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ...................................................................................... 7
1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY .................................................................................... 8
2. SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY 10
2.1 DATA SOURCES .......................................................................................................... 10
2.2 SAMPLING DESIGN .................................................................................................... 10
2.3 DATA COLLECTION ................................................................................................... 11
2.4 DATA PROCESSING AND ANALYSIS ....................................................................... 11
3. ROLE OF INFORMAL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS IN RURAL LIVELIHOODS 12
3.1 BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY AREA ................................ 12
3.2 BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS.............................. 16
3.3 TRADITIONAL/INDIGENOUS ADMINISTRATIONS: MORAS, YEJOKA AND
GADA ................................................................................................................. 18
3.3.1 The Moras of Konso 18
3.3.2 Yejoka of Guraghe 20
3.3.3 Traditional Gedana of the Sidama 21
3.3.4. Contribution of indigenous administrations to food security and natural resource
management 21
3.4 CHARACTERIZATION AND ROLE OF INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS ...................... 22
3.4.1 Idir 22
3.4.2 Pooled labor 25
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3.4.3 Share Groups 28
3.4.4 Iqub 29
3.4.5 Other traditional coping strategies 31
3.5 OVERVIEW ON THE STRENGTHS, WEAKNESSES, OPPORTUNITIES AND
THREATS (SWOT) OF INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS................................................ 32
4. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34
4.1 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ................................................................................ 34
4.2 RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................ 34
REFERENCES 36
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It gives us immense pleasure to acknowledge the unreserved support and guidance we have
received from many people and institutions during the course of writing this research report.
First and foremost, we would like to express our deepest and heartfelt gratitude to the DCG for
financial support, especially to Ato Abiye Alemu, the coordinator of DCG Ethiopia, for
meticulous observations, unreserved input and guidance throughout the research period. The team
has no words to express his patience, understanding, friendliness and forefront position, which
had an extraordinary contribution to the success of the study.
The team would like to thank the Hawassa University, especially Dr. Tesfaye Abebe, Director of
Research and Development of Hawassa University, for facilitating the timely release of the
research fund, logistics and series of follow up during the research period.
Our sincere thanks are also due to all the colleagues at the institute of Environment, Gender and
Development especially Ms.Yeshewafanos Kibe for actively taking part in data collection, data
entry and manuscript preparation.
The team
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
ACRONYMS
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ABSTRACT
The study of informal social institutions has become one of the key issues among social scientists
during the last two decades. A household level food shortage is one of the most significant effects
of population growth and population dynamics affecting multidimensional social and economic
life of household members. Close examination and analysis of these social institutions is very
important not only from the household economic point of view but also because of its significant
role in other livelihood aspects. This study is an empirical study aimed at examining the
situations of selected informal social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods among three
selected rural communities of Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR) of
Ethiopia.
The study began by reviewing all the available related literature, which later helped the
development of objectives and the conceptual framework of the study. In order to collect the
required input data, a checklist was developed. The data were collected from 453 household
heads that were selected through a random sampling technique. Qualitative data was also
collected from 98 key informants and by three Focus Group Discussions in each village, giving a
total of 48 FGDs. Upon the successful completion of the fieldwork, the quantitative data was
analyzed.
On the basis of the information collected through the qualitative and quantitative approach, it
was concluded that the informal social institutions are playing a significant role in enhancing
food security and smoothening other livelihood aspects having a long history and interwoven
with the livelihood of the community. Moreover, households are members of various social
institutions at a time, mainly due to social and economic reasons. Some of these social
institutions have more power to influence the behavior, decision-making, values and practices of
community members. The study has also identified that the institutions are facing various
challenges, which adversely affect the effectiveness and efficiency of their performance. Due to
the dynamic nature of the environment, the role of informal social institutions is also changing.
Finally, on the basis of the findings, several policy recommendations are given, which include:
Enhancing and promoting some of the informal social institutions in the course of the project
development (project identification, implementation, monitoring and evaluation); empowering
the informal institutions to enable and rebuild capacities (technical and financial support and
providing a legal entity) of the local communities to assume greater responsibilities in the
management of natural resources and decisions regarding essential community resources;
Improving accountability is one important strategy to sustain the indigenous social institutions
thorough formal institutions; and creating a working forum for local government mechanisms and
concerned institutions so that they can work together (Yejoka, Gedana, Aba Timba, Idir etc.).
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1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
With time, there has been some rethinking in development theory and practice. One of the
outcomes of this rethinking is the recognition of the importance of the social context in economic
development. This means that development is not only an economic issue but also of social,
cultural, political and environmental importance. There is an increasing need to incorporate local
values, norms, perspectives, knowledge, technology, and institutions (Mikkelsen, 1995; Chambers,
1983). There has been enrichment and broadening of theories of development, shifting from a
narrow focus on the importance of money, machinery and technology to a consideration of the role
of social cohesion and institutional factors.
Anthropologists, social scientists, economists and development practitioners from different
disciplines are currently studying social capital and indigenous institutions. An important aspect of
social capital that has received significant attention in research is how members of a community
cooperate and work towards a common good as reflected in the formation of associations. These
associations can cover a wide range of activities: services delivery, ensuring food access to
household members, infrastructure development etc.
The role of institutions in economic development is an important area of research and interventions.
This is illustrated in the work of North (1990), who argues that institutions are the “rules of the
game” in a society. Institutions are social capital. Patnam (1995) and Krishna and Shrader (1999)
define social capital as features of social organization, such as networks, norms and social trust, that
facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefits. This definition puts the emphasis on
networks, norms and trust as the most common elements of social capital. Swamy et al. (1999)
defines social capital as the ability of communities to cooperate for mutual benefits, while
Woolcock and Narayan (1999) define social capital as the norms and networks that enable people to
act collectively. Putnam (1993) describes social capital as development enhancing institutions and
the norms and values that sustain them. The basic idea behind the concept of social capital is that
human societies possess vital resources in the form of persons, social relations, cooperation, norms,
values, trust, networks, and institutions. These resources can be utilized for the development of the
socio-economic welfare of society. The World Bank (2002) considers social capital as “the glue
that holds society together”.
The Southern Nations Nationalities and Regional State (SNNPRS) is one of the nine regions that
form the federal state of the country. The region is located in the southern and south western part
of Ethiopia. It borders Kenya in the south, the Republic of Sudan in the southwest, Gambella
region in the northwest and Oromiya Region in the northeast. The regional capital is Hawassa
which is about 275 km from Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia. The region is divided into
13 zones and 133 woredas, which includes eight special woredas. More than 56 ethnic groups
live in the region.
According to the 1994 census, the population of the region was 15.3 million (20 percent of the
country’s population) and 92 percent of this population live in rural area, while the remaining 8
percent live in urban areas 50.1 percent of the population is female. The annual average
population growth of the region is 2.9 percent. Of the total population, 49.1 percent is productive
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(15 to 64 years old) and of the productive population about 2.3 million (15.4 percent) are farmers
and pastoralists (22 percent). The dependency ratio in the region is about 96.5 percent. Average
family size in the region is 5.4 persons per household (CSA and Macro, 2005). The average
population density in the region is 117 people per square kilometer, where the highest density is
in Gedeo zone (536 persons/km2) and the lowest is in Omo zone (18 persons/km2).
Poverty is one of the most important concerns of the region where about 56.8 percent of the total
population is living under the poverty line. It is estimated that about 46.2 percent of the farmers
in the region own 0.1-0.5 hectares of land per household whereas the proportion who have a land
size of more than two hectares per household are only 4.7 percent. About 53.9 percent of the
children are stunted, 12 percent are severely wasted and 52.5 percent are under weight (CSA,
2000). On top of these, the region exhibits one of the lowest health service coverage in the
country (SNNPRS, 2001). A lack of good antenatal care, poor postpartum care, malnutrition,
anemia, high fertility and the like contributed to the high regional maternal mortality rate.
Moreover, sexually transmitted diseases are among the major health concerns of the region.
The economy of the region is predominantly agriculture based, which is the major source of
employment, revenue, export earnings and livelihoods. However, mismanagement and improper
utilization of the natural resource base are not only threatening the productive capacity of the land
and its resources, but also the socio-economic setting of the region, especially the rural
communities (BoSP, 2006) The most common impacts of the environmental degradation (such as
soil erosion, wet land degradation, deforestation and water resource depletion) are observed
through the fact that the region is registered as one of the most food insecure in Ethiopia, with
high dependence on food aid (BoSP, 2006).
Among the seventeen zones in the region, the Sidama, South Omo and Guraghe zones have
peculiar characteristics in terms of housing multifaceted social institutional elements and
arrangements., whereas the first two are representing very low and very high population densities
of the SNNPR respectively.(details on the profiles of the three study areas is given in section
3.1).
In the process of the pursuit of better livelihoods, the vital roles of informal institutions are
manifested in mediating and channeling access to livelihood resources, providing strong social
security or safety nets, and facilitating local self-governance. Local institutions can thus serve as
gateways to livelihood security. It is well documented that food insecurity at household level is
highly correlated with the status of natural resources and climatic disturbances. In addressing such
issues, this research team has in the year 2007 conducted an in-depth analysis of the determinants of
household food insecurity and coping mechanisms used in three selected zones of SNNPR (namely,
Sidama, Guraghe and Wolaita zones). This study has come up with a number of key findings and
policy recommendations with regard to ameliorating the high level of household food insecurity in
the study areas. One of the most important research gaps identified in this study was the role of
informal institutional factors (such as neighborhood institutions, Idir/Dire/Seera, elders councils,
Iqub, work groups, friendship networks, shared cropping institutions etc.) in food security and
natural resource management. The study therefore recommended that further investigations on
these issues should be done in order that the program implementers can best utilize the potentials
during the course of interventions.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
Thus, the rationale of conducting the current study is twofold:
First, the role of informal social institutions, however imperfect, is not enough understood by
researchers and policy makers. Evidence from other countries suggests that when societal
mechanisms work well, household specific shocks may not require outside intervention, as
community shocks such as crop failure over a vast area due to natural hazards could affect everyone
in the community to some degree requiring intervention. Also, implementation of rural
development activities at local level, mobilizing local participation, and handling emergencies at
the local level with conscious links to reconstruction, prevention and preparedness requires the
pivotal role of local social institutions. This study therefore contributes to the understanding of the
role of local institutions and organizations in the design and implementation of strategies (such as
disaster risk management), as well as the role of local authorities in building community social
capital for coping with risks and developing sustainable natural resource management.
Second, there is evidence that in the name of ‘development’, the local institutions, which were once
very strong, are now breaking and disintegrating into many parts of rural areas in the region. Hence,
addressing the issues in such a region with a melting pot of many ethnic groups, may give insights
to researchers and policy makers on how the problem could be curbed.
Finally, the major stakeholders, after the result is shared, are expected to consider the findings in
their planning and implementation endeavors. The Hawassa University, for instance, will use the
results of the study in classroom teaching and share the findings to students and staff for a common
understanding of the problem. The office of Agriculture and Rural Development at local and
regional level may take up the most important recommendations related to food security and natural
resource management and then incorporate these findings in their planning and implementation
activities. The local and regional offices of culture and social affairs may take up some of the most
important recommendations related to dynamism and organization of the indigenous social
institutions so as to rehabilitate, modernize, and strengthen them. Because the results of the study
will be communicated to the ultimate beneficiaries (through scheduled advocacy programs), the
public and local leaders may make use of the opportunity to re-organize, rehabilitate and strengthen
informal social institutions.
The main objective of the study is to examine the existing problems and document the contribution
of informal social-institutional arrangements to rural livelihoods (especially household food
security) in selected areas of SNNPR. Some of the Specific objectives include:
i) To assess the type of informal social institutions and arrangements existing in the selected areas.
ii) To explore and map out the overall set-up and working mechanisms of the informal social
institutions in the study area.
iii) To identify the role of these institutions in ensuring household food security in the study areas.
iv) To examine the major contribution of the institutions in other selected livelihood aspects such
as conflict resolution.
v) To create awareness and understanding of problems among policy-makers and relevant
stakeholders, and thereby creating alliances and linkages with regard to the issues.
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1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
Panchayat, a village leader, mobilizes government funds and village donations of labor and
money for community projects such as road improvement, school construction and installation of
latrines for the poor (FAO, 1999).
In Africa there are many different types of social organization, including those where
membership is determined according to: principles of descent (including clans and lineages);
seniority or age (elders or youth groups); territorial residence (villages and informal
neighborhood social networks); religion (church groups); gender (women's groups and informal
social networks); sector or market-based (marketing cooperatives); and some combination of
principals (households, initiation groups, farming compounds, and ad-hoc labor groups
(IDRC,2010).
Local administration:
Informal social institutions differ from each other in the extent of recognition that they enjoy
from the state. Some of them, like the traditional authorities found in many African countries are
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recognized by formal state institutions and have authority in some domains such as land
allocation, traditional courts and customary justice (Anathpar, 2004).
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
According to IIRR and Save the Children (2007), if communities are organized, they deal better
with hazard and disaster risk. It was also stated that a strongly organized community has strong
local institutions with mutually agreed upon rules and practices. If members of the community
organize, there is a possibility to pool resources, experience and knowledge and become cohesive
to have coping strategies which enables them to withstand difficult times.
In this study, the attempt is made to propose a simple conceptual framework. As described
earlier, people with different talents and experiences, norms and values constitute the social
capital that may serve as a basis for socio-economic welfare and survival. These social resources
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are canalized through different associations, friendships and family. Macro- and meso-level
interactions should further be developed into policy-making processes and program development.
The major intent here is how these institutions benefit societal welfare and bring about welfare at
household and community level.
According to Grootaert and Bastelaer (2002), there are two forms of social capital, the first,
known as “structured social capital” refers to relatively objective and extremely observable social
structures, such as networks, associations and institutions, and the rules and procedures they
embody. The second form of social capital refers to cognitive social capital” and consists of more
subjective and intangible elements such as generally accepted attitudes and norms of behaviors,
shared values, reciprocity and trust. They also identified three units of observation (scope):
Micro-level (observations at individual and household level); meso-level (the focus is on groups)
and macro-level (the focus is on national level institutional and political environments that serve
as a backdrop for economic and social activities).
Macro
Structure Cognitive
Micro
In analyzing social capital, one may take one or more of these levels as a unit of analysis. In this
study, the attempt is made to analyze the working mechanisms of social capital focusing on the
micro-level local institutions and networks.
One of the drawbacks of studying social capital as criticized by World Bank (World Bank, 2002)
is related to its conceptualization and measurement. In this study, the attempt is made to define
and measure only selected informal social institutions (the micro-level local institutions and their
networks) in relation to livelihoods, especially food security.
The present study suffers from some methodological limitations. There were also other human and
non-human problems the researchers encountered while conducting the fieldwork, some of which
were overcome as described below:
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
1. The major limitation is the fact that the study is based on data drawn from one cross-
sectional survey, where variables are collected at one particular point of time in the life
history of an individual. In addition to this, the measurements of various socio-cultural
variables used in the study may also suffer from some errors, as it is true for all surveys.
2. Usually, qualitative studies suffer from researchers’ and/or respondents’ related errors,
which may affect the results. This study too, is prone to some errors and biases, which may
affect its quality, thus the reliability and accuracy of estimates derived from it.
3. Information, particularly from the secondary sources, was not easily available at the selected
offices in the study areas especially on the actual membership list of the various social
institutions.
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The study is conducted in three selected zones of SNNPR (namely; Sidama, Guraghe and South
Omo), which were selected based on their current demographic profiles and the existence of
informal social institutions. It generated the required data from both primary and secondary
sources. As to the primary source, information was collected from household heads in selected
areas. In order to generate adequate data and examine the socio-cultural practices/attitudes, the
bulk of the information was generated through quantitative data in the form of Key Informant
Interviews (KII) and Focus Group Discussions (FGD). The study used some secondary sources to
augment the findings from the primary data; such as a review of reports at woreda level, a review
of related literature and the like.
As mentioned in the introductory section, one of the main purposes of the study is to examine
how rural households’ survival strategies are maintained through the sustained role of local
institutional arrangements. It is thus important that the sample subjects to be selected need to
cover a wide range of cultural zones which may be determined through appropriate statistical
tools (sampling techniques).
Taking a proper sample size increases the degree of precision required for generalization and
minimizes waste of time and resource. Accordingly, the sample size determination formula is
adopted for this study.
Z 2 p (1 − p )
n= d2
1 Z 2 p (1 − p )
1+ − 1
N d2
Were ni is the required sample size from a specific categories/zone; p is the probability or risk of
becoming vulnerable to food insecurity (selection criteria); Z is the upper α 2 points of standard
normal distribution with α =0.05 significance level, which is Z =1.96, d is the degree of
precisions (Cochran, 1977). The total sample estimated using the aforementioned formula yield
453 household heads.
The study employed two-stage probability sampling (combining the systematic and simple
random sampling techniques). The process of sampling starts with the listing out of all woredas
in the three study zones. At the first stage four kebeles from each woreda were selected, giving a
total of sixteen kebeles, using a systematic sampling technique. At the second stage the ultimate
sampling unit, the households, were selected through simple random sampling technique. The
selection of FGD participants strictly followed a purposive sampling technique (non-probability
sampling technique). In this case, three FGDs for each selected kebele were arranged giving a
total of 12 FGDs in the Konso and Guraghe zone, while in the Sidama zone 24 FGD were
conducted. All efforts were made to ensure heterogeneity of each FGD; to constitute youth,
adults, religious and elderly groups, kebele administrators and known leaders of the community.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
In addition, six to eight key informants were taken from each selected village/kebele, giving a
total of 98 informants.
In order to produce a complete set of data for analysis and meet the stated objectives, two data
collection instruments were prepared and administered: An interview checklist for households
(quantitative), and checklists for focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The
aforementioned interview schedules/checklists were cautiously developed incorporating the most
important socio-demographic and economic profiles and characteristics of the categories of
respondents and households. The fieldwork took in total 30 days (including three days training
for data collectors). During the fieldwork; all effort was made to maintain data quality trough
intensive field editing. In addition to the actual data collection, two days training on the role of
informal institutions was given to 20 participants (farmers and kebele administrators) from each
selected kebele.
Upon completion of the fieldwork, the quantitative data were coded, entered into SPSS software,
cleaned and verified. The entire analyses were done following two levels of analysis: At the first
level, all the quantitative data was processed and analyzed separately. In this case, both univariate
and bivariate statistical tools were employed depending upon the issues to be examined. In the
second level, the qualitative data were scrutinized and integrated into the results of the
quantitative data analysis.
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The economy of the woreda is highly dependent on crop production, which accounts to about
90% of the GDP of the Woreda. Major crops grown in the Woreda include sorghum, maize,
haricot bean, teff and barley. Crop production is entirely rain fed except in a small number of
communities living around the Weyta and Segen rivers, which practice irrigation. Nearly 80% of
the annual crops come from the belg or spring harvest.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
Table 3: Major crops grown in the woreda.
Major crops Amount of production in 2008/2009
(In quintal)
Maize 23737
Sorghum 23885
Beans -
Teff 52112
Sun flower 430
Source: Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development office, 2009.
Regarding services, the woreda has nine clinics and one health center and only one high school.
About 50% of the males and 12% of the females have access to education.
The population in the woreda suffers from both acute and chronic poverty and food insecurity
caused by a combination of factors. Major causes of chronic food insecurity include: High
population density (in mid-land) acute land shortage, poor soil fertility and lack of alternative
income sources apart from crop and livestock production. Drought, crop pest, livestock disease
and market shocks are the main causes of transitory food insecurity in the woreda. Even in a
normal rainfall year, about one third of the woreda population is unable to feed itself for six
months. Drought is certainly the major factor responsible for the emergency situation that the
woreda is confronted with, but the soaring food prices are also partly responsible, since the
majority of households are vulnerable to an increase in staple food prices given their heavy
dependence on markets. Even better off households who would normally have purchased food
from local- markets after their own crops failed can no longer afford the price, because staple
food prices increased by more than 500% particularly since June 2009..
The impact of the drought was assessed by a multi agency team and 75.000 people were
identified for relief assistance as of July 2008. Based on the assessment relief food (including
cereal, vegetable oil, pulses and supplementary food) enough for 75.000 people has been received
and distributed to beneficiaries as of August. The duration of the assistance extended to 73.490
chronically food insecure people enrolled in a productive safety net program. Moreover, the
modality of assistance was shifted from cash to food due to high food prices Targeted
supplementary food distribution was carried out to 1991 moderately malnourished children under
five and lactating and pregnant mothers. The figure was expected to rise to 5502.
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The Sebat Bet Guraghe, Cheha Woreda
Sebat Bet Guraghe is located in the South West of Addis Abeba about 160 Kilometer away from
Addis Abeba on the way to Jimma. The boundaries of the Sebat Bet are Kambata in the South,
the Omo River in the West; Butajra in the east; Betcho and Awash River in the north. The size of
the Sebat Bet is about 105 kilometers southwest to north east and 85 kilometers stretching east to
west. The Sebat Bet includes. Ezha, Geto, Meq’werqwer, Muhre and Aklil, Endegane, Yegre-
Angh’et Cheha and Yinemor and Anner. The language of the Guraghe, is Guraghegna, a semitic
language derived from people of semitic origins. Despite this fact, there are some differences in
dialects among the different clans of the Guraghes.
The woreda is situated at an altitude of 1200 to 2600 meters above sea level. About 21.5 percent
of the land area is covered by forest with 40 percent mountainous land and 60 percent farm land.
There are three agro-ecological zones highlands (Dega consists of 20% of the area which is 2,300
- 3,200 meters above sea level), midlands (Woina Degaconsists of 75% of the area which is 1,500
- 2,300 meters above sea level, and lowland (Kolla consists of 5 % of the area and 500 - 1,500
meters above sea-level.. According to a recent estimate, the woreda has a total population of
188.921 (92.253 males and 96.668 females) with an average household size of five to seven
members. The distribution of the population by religion reveals that that 44% are Muslims, 43%
orthodox Christians, 7% Catholics and 6% Protestants.
The houses amidst the tall leaves of enset (Enset Ventricosum) are standing monuments depicting
the old Guraghe tradition and culture with a refined architecture and craftsmanship. Although
enset is a staple food for all Guraghes, it should be noted that the highlands do not grow it. The
main cultivation, instead, includes pulses and other cereals, potatoes and cabbages and various
types of corn (Gebreyesus Hailmariam, 1991). The low land dwellers on the other hand grow
enset, coffee, maize and some sweet potatoes, the latter only for home consumption.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
According to the recent estimate, the Dale woreda‘s total population is about 242,658 with an
average density of more than 300 persons per km2, making it one of the densely populated
woreda in the zone. The average household size is 6. The woreda is located at the elevation of
between 1626m and 1750m with long term mean annual rainfall of between 1157mm
and1357mm, a long-terms mean annual temperature of 15 to 19 degrees Celsius. The moist dega
accounts for about 1% and the moist weynadega for 99% of the year. Major crops grown in the
area include coffee, which covers 13.215ha, 9.021ha of enset, 496ha of fruit and vegetables,
3007ha of maize, 126.429 of cattle livestock, 32.671 of sheep and goats and 107.253 of poultry.
(Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development office, 2009).
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The Boricha Woreda
The Boricha Woreda is located North of Hawassa town, South Dale Woreda, East Shebedino
Woreda, West North Omo (Humbo woreda). The woreda has a total population of 241.341
(122.505 males and 118.836 females). The study area, the Boricha Woreda of the Sidama Zone,
is one of the most food insecure areas of the region. The woreda is known for its dependence on
food aid where there are more than 44.000 relief beneficiaries and 38.166 safety net beneficiaries,
giving a total of 82.166 beneficiaries (Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development, 2009). In a
study conducted in the area (2006-2007), it was observed that most of the pockets of the area are
under continued influence of a high growth rate and density of population. Among other things,
increasing population pressure has resulted in land scarcity, which is one of the major challenges
for the people. This has led to the fragmentation of farmlands, reduction of fallow periods, shifts
in cropping patterns; reduced time spent on farming, acceleration of land use conflicts and
competition, and land degradation. The hilly lands of the area are highly affected by water
erosion. As much of the natural cover of the area has been destroyed, lack of fuel wood has led to
widespread use of manure for burning, while shortage of fodder has forced households to divert
crop residues for feeding livestock and burning. Hence, such farm resources which traditionally
have been used to replenish the soil are often diverted to meet other pressing needs (Assefach and
Nigatu, 2006). All these consequences of population pressure have jeopardized the sustainability
of the traditional mixed farming systems and have adverse implications for household food
security.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
Marital status
Married 394 87.0
Single 23 5.1
Widowed/widower 26 5.7
Divorced 5 1.1
Separated 5 1.1
Age of the respondent
15-24 45 9.9
25-50 304 67.1
51-64 58 12.8
Above 64 24 5.3
Total 431 95.1
System 22 4.9
Respondents were asked if they could read and write sentences for identifying their literacy
status. Based on the oral reports of the respondents, it was found out that 55.2 percent of the
respondents are literate, while the remaining 44.8 percent are categorized as illiterate. The
percentage distribution of the husbands by educational status reveals that 23.2 percent of the
respondents have an elementary level of education (one to six years). The proportion of males at
junior, secondary and college levels account for about 10.6, 11.9 and 4.6 percent of the male
respondents respectively.
Another background variable shown on table 9 is religion. The majority of the respondents
(45.74%) are reported to be Protestants followed by Orthodox Christian (21.6%), Muslim
(14.3%),), Catholic (12.1%) and the rest of the categories make up the smaller proportion of the
respondents. The higher percentage distribution of the Protestant religion commensurates with
the regional picture, where about 40 percent of the population of the region are Protestants (CSA
and Macro, 2005).
The age distribution of the household heads given in table 9 indicates that the majority of them
are represented by the age group 25 to 50 years (67.1%), whereas the respondents of the age
group 51 to 64 years account for about 12.8 percent. Looking at the percentage distribution of the
respondents, it is evident that the majority of them fall in the middle adulthood category.
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Drylands Coordination Group
0-3 263 58.1
4-6 147 32.5
7-10 42 9.3
> 10 1 0.2
Ownership of land
Landless 28 6.2
0.001-0.5 hectares 243 53.6
0.51-1.0 hectares 117 25.8
1.001-2.00 hectares 53 11.7
greater than 2.0 hectares 12 2.6
Size of rented land
Landless 385 85.0
0.001-0.5 hectares 49 10.8
0.51-1.0 hectares 10 2.2
1.001-2.00 hectares 6 1.3
greater than 2.0 hectares 3 0.7
The respondents were also asked to indicate if their husband/wife had other partners or not. The
simple and direct forward question was used to estimate the volume of polygamous marriages in
the study population. Accordingly, about 17.9 percent of the female respondents were found to
live in a polygamous union where their husband/wife had one or more additional partner at the
survey date. The computed proportion is six percent higher than the national figure reported in
the DHS (CSA and Macro, 2005). The higher rate of polygamous marriages may partly be due to
the fact that a larger group of respondents were taken from the older generation who had been
traditionally trapped into the system prior to the introduction of Christianity in the areas.
Another household characteristic revealed in table 10 is the operational land size distribution. It is
evident from the table that the bulk of the respondents (53.6%) were reported to own less than 0.5
hectares of land, 25.8 percent of them own 0.5 to 1.0 hectares; 11.7 percent of the households
own 1.0 to 2.0 hectares, and only an insignificant proportion of the households was reported to
own a land size greater than 2.0 hectares (2.6%). As expected, the proportion of landless
households accounts for about 6.2 percent which is slightly above the figures reported in many
studies. It was reported that about 13.5 percent of the households accessed rented land for
different purposes.
The distribution of household size given in table 10 reveals that the majority of the households
(40.6%) are reported to have a size of seven to 10 members followed by 4-6 (40.4 %) and only 11
percent and 7.9 percent of the households are one to three and 10 and more sized households
respectively. It is also observed that the computed mean household size for the three study sites is
about 5.6, which is well above the mean at national level (4.8).
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
According to Wolde (1994), the Konso villages have peculiar characteristics. First, the
compounds create an overwhelming impression of mystery on the stranger as they are made of
massive walls which are about seven to eight feet thick. The walls are made of big carved basalt
rocks held together without any mortar or cement. They are thick and wide in comparison to their
height which is about half a meter high. Moreover, the blocks are well fitted and can not be easily
dislodged so that they can survive for an extremely long period of time. Secondly, the entrance is
protected and the doors of the compounds are built with security in mind since the inhabitants
could easily see and watch out for their foes approaching from the plains. Thirdly, the village
sites are easily defended and people can only reach them along narrow and winding paths. The
compound walls curve gradually, perhaps because this shape makes them more stable and strong.
The various paths within a village interconnect, often leading to a Mora or public place.
The Konso communities have been traditionally accepting the local administration called
Generational Leaders. There are three generations of leaders who are well recognized and assume
leadership/governance every nine years. The three generations of leaders are locally known as:
Hirpa, Melkusa and Gelgusa. The local leaders’ council, led by Aba Timba, which literally means
the owner of the drum, takes the lead until the period of nine years elapses. Every nine years, the
symbol of the generation, a drum, is transferred from one generation leader to another under a
certain defined ceremony. During the transfer of power from one generation to another, the
juniper pole – Ulahita – is erected as part of the rites of passage of generations and the naming of
a younger generations-set. It is accompanied by the sacrifice of a bull or two goats (one male and
one female) by the receiving generation leader (Aba Timba). Among the many functions of the
Aba Timba, the following were mentioned by FGD participants: He takes care of the symbol of
the generation (i.e the drum) by constantly putting butter and cow dung on it during the nine
years of the hosting period to protect it from damage and decay; He is not allowed to go out of
the vicinity until he transfers power to the next generation; He ensures that the symbol is not
touched by ordinary community members, especially women.
Every nine years, Aba Timba calls for all generation members to celebrate the transfer of power
at the defined location called Mora Agugna. Here, a conifer tree is cut from a farm land and kept
in the Mora for nine years, indicating the change of generations. During the ceremony, Aba
Timba gives a speech and honors the generation members; he makes sure that the slaughtered ox
and goat is completely eaten by the generation members within the Mora and he advises the
generation members to make sure that no one should cross the Mora for a period of three days.
This is done to show respect for the generation; establish a youth committee/group called Helta
whose function is to protect the community from any internal and external attacks; to draft laws
of the society, concerning marriage and punishment; to make proclamations; to act as judges and
determine punishments and make decisions within the community; to establish an elder council
within each sub-kebele (Gote) called Shorogita; and to nominate and elect the Morsa who is the
spokesmen of the elder council. The Morsa also acts as an auditor and supervisor.
The Konso Mora needs to be considered in terms of size and location. The larger Mora, including
the Mora of the regional priests, are always out in the open counter (Hallawdila; Kitole and Mora
Bamballe etc.), and are far away from the towns. Town Moras are of different size. Some, such as
Cemote, Sagale and Gembello, are large enough to accommodate a dancing floor and a men’s
house - Pafta. The smaller ones are simply without a dancing floor or men’s house. The Mora of
the regional priests and the Mora out in the country are larger in size than the Mora in town. We
find a kobata tree at one end of the large town Mora, the Mora of the regional priests and the
Mora out in the country. Most Moras have an Ulahita or sacrificial juniper pole, erected at one
end of the dancing floor or by the side of a tree. These poles can be as high as ten meters. In
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Drylands Coordination Group
important town Moras with a dancing floor, one sometimes sees up to six, oval shaped stones
called Arumda which weigh as much as 30 kilograms each.
The men’s house in the Mora has no wall. The roof stands on several poles on which thick long
juniper beams are placed, with a big pillar holding up the roof. The beams support the roof and
also carry many thick logs on top. The floor is constructed with flat basalt stones. The dancing
floor of some of the important Moras has two gates, entrance and exit, sometimes closed by two
long poles.
The FGD participants have identified three types of Mora
• Reconciliation Mora: This Mora is a place where conflicting parties report their case to
the elders’ council and calls meetings. These Moras are used for the arbitration of disputes
that arise from refusal to pay debts, fighting, manslaughter, adultery and other social ills.
The elders hear cases, examine the cases and make decisions. This is a special forum for
resolving conflicts within the community. The two parties put 150 birr each to the
Shimagle (Aba Timba). The loser pays and the winner gets back the money. Women are
not allowed to enter the Mora.
• Playing/ceremonial Mora: This is a place where children and adults play games or discuss
issues of common concern; it is a sleeping place for guests, youth members stay the night
to protect the community and husbands who fought with their wives stay the night to calm
down. Ideally, all men above twelve are supposed to stay overnight in the Mora, guarding
the town in case of raids, fires or other incidents. There are also taboos and restrictions in
this Mora: No sexual intercourse is allowed, women can never enter into the Mora and
animals (especially oxen) can never push any part of the Mora. In case this happens, the
ox is immediately slaughtered. The owner of the ox is to be compensated by the
community members.
• Oath Mora: In case one of the conflicting parties never admits his/her deed, the Shimagle
may force him/her to make an oath at this Mora. It is generally believed that people do not
utter lies in the Mora as it is believed that to do so will have grave consequences on the
person concerned. The Konso use a stone called Daga Khaka for the act of swearing. It is
also said that the Government Court uses these stones on the Mora for witnesses to swear
on. In all the FGDs, it was noted that all community members have a strong believe that
the curse happens soon if the oath is wrongly made.
The term institution is conceptualized by different authors in different ways. Most definitions,
however, translate the term by referring to structures, mechanisms and processes as well as rules
and norms that govern human behavior and social order. In this report, the definition by Douglas
North (1990) is used as the main point of reference, because it emphasizes the differences
between the informal and formal natures that institutions could have. Informal institutions are
systems of rules and decision-making procedures which have evolved from endogenous socio-
cultural codes and give rise to social practices, assign roles to participants and guide interactions.
Households in developing countries face a variety of shocks that can adversely affect their well-
being. It is also well understood that households use a variety of mechanisms for addressing these
shocks. In rural areas, for example, households may decide to grow a mix of crops that embody
various levels of susceptibility to climatic shocks and returns. Crops may be grown in different
locations, may be temporally diverse or may be intercropped. Similarly, the household might
diversify into off-farm activities or casual wage labor. The existence of interlinked transactions,
such as sharecropping, where access to land, labor, and possibly capital and marketing are tied
together, is another example of how the presence of shocks causes households to adopt strategies
that protect consumption even at the cost of lowered incomes.
Some of the most commonly practiced indigenous social institutions in the study area include
Idir, Iqub, pooled labor, share cropping etc. These have been in place for several years, are used
as insurance and play significant roles in food security and for livelihoods.
3.4.1 Idir
In the study areas, the alternative to banks and insurance companies as sources of insurance and
saving is Idir. The Idir is a grassroots insurance program administered by a community or group
to meet emergency situations. It is an informal association of people who share a common
interest such as family membership, friendship, residence in the same district, religion, affiliation
by employment, and membership in the same ethnic group for the purpose of securing mutual aid
and financial assistance under certain conditions. The original purpose of the Idir was to provide
the financial wherewithal for the burial of the dead, but it has evolved into an association that
offers a multitude of services for its members. These services include financial, material, social
and psychological support. The modern Idir helps the poor to deal with such risks as funeral
expenses, financial assistance to families of the deceased and, in some cases, coverage of other
risks such as medical expenses. They are also an important forum of discussion on burning issues
of the community, including HIV/AIDS, gender issues and other development issues. Currently,
they are used as means to mobilize the community for a range of activities and programs.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
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Drylands Coordination Group
2. Religious Idirs: There are different types of memoriam Idirs, demanding between two and
five birr per month. If death occurs, a member gets 600 birr (girar deber kebele) other
yegebriel Idir.
3. Kebele Idirs: They consist of all the kebele members (males and females), require a
contribution of three to five birr per month and provide 1500 to 2000 birr during the
occurrence of death.
4. Close relatives Idirs: This is another facet of a clan Idir, which consists of females. This
Idir is active not only during death, but also extends its service to assisting its members
during births and weddings, and provide financial assistance.
In general, the FGD participants pointed out that there are three major types of Idirs in place:
1. Food based Idirs called Sera: The people organized under these groupings are Got (sub-
village) members. These group members prepare food and provide it to the victims’
households for a period of one month. This is mainly done in view of protecting the
household from economic instability. Neighbors also take dinner to the victims’ houses.
2. Money based Idirs: This is a collection of people who live within the same Got, but are of
the same clan.
3. Labour or service based Idirs: This is a group of people who assist each other during
death through labor, water fetching, fire wood collection etc.
During the discussions held with FGD participants in all the kebeles surveyed, it was noticed that
Idirs of any kind have multifaceted roles in wide range of livelihoods:
• Provide money to the members in case of the death of registered members.
• Make food available to the victim household when death occurs in view of protecting the
family from the economic crisis after the death.
• Idirs are used as a form of social security in cases of emergency such as sickness,
education expenses for children or purchase of cows/oxen. Such transfers of money from
the Idirs’ accounts to its members is made free of interest with long periods of loan return.
Idirs provide special assistance to women if they get widowed, in the case of sickness,
during pregnancy and birth.
• Idirs play an important role in community infrastructure development such as school
construction, bridge building, the ploughing of school farms and the provision of teaching
material supplies. In Yeferziye kebele, female FGD groups disclosed that the Idir has
built eight houses for those who lost their house by fire.
• Idirs receive appeals and punish households who resist to sent their children to school.
Similarly, the study areas in Sidama reported that there are religious, village, women’s and kebele
Idirs. Idirs are involved in conflict resolution and people never go to court without the consent of
the Idir. In the year 2001 about 12 cases were resolved by the Idirs there. The biggest Idir has 300
members and the members contribute between two and 10 birr per month. Other contributions
include: labor contribution for seven days, food delivery and farming. In Awada kebele, the
biggest Idir is 23 birr per month and it is involved in reconciliation and peace-making. When
there is a special cause (e.g. school construction) the Idir contributes money.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
3.4.2 Pooled labor
Table 13 below reveals the percentage distribution of households for membership of working
groups. It is seen that more than 80 percent of the households are member of one or more of the
working groups or pooled labor networks. The nature of working groups are either food based,
money based or a combination of both.
Table 14: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported type of Debo (pooled labour
share) involved.
Characteristics Percent
Membership in money-based Debo
Yes 11.5
No 88.5
Membership in food based Debo
Yes 5.5
No 94.5
Membership in money & food based Debo
Yes 2.9
No 97.1
Contribution to working groups free labor
Yes 39.7
No 60.3
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Drylands Coordination Group
There are multifaceted social groupings in the Guraghe culture. In all the kebeles surveyed, the
following indigenous social institutions were enumerated.
• Yegegne are social groupings among peer groups who contribute money or kind to give it
to a groom. They are one time groupings appearing only when a marriage ceremony is
arranged. These informal social groupings are said to be more supportive of the poorer
households as they usually fall short of money and materials during the marriage of their
sons or daughters.
• Jez is a social grouping formed by women to produce Jiba (a local carpet made of grass).
The Jez is usually a group of ten women selected on the basis of interest, neighborhood
and ability. It is a permanent grouping becoming very active during the rainy season. The
women sell the Jiba to generate income for the families. One Jiba is locally sold at about
20 birr. It takes two months to complete to produce one Jiba, as the are only working part-
time.
• Enset Debo is a social grouping formed by women to process the painstaking job of
Enset. This group is formed on the basis of interests that usually are close to each other.
Enset harvesting is done throughout the year and demands a lot of labor. If the household
is to pay for labor imparted by others, it amounts to four birr per person per day. Through
an Enset Debo, which is free labour, a household saves about 40 birr per episode.
• Coffee Debo is a social grouping of usually four to five households that congregate
together and drink coffee. In this ceremony, various issues are discussed: HIV/AIDS,
radio programs, meteorology, community issues and others. The Coffee Debo is mostly
held in the homestead of the elders of the group members. The Coffee Debo is among
other things very useful to bring conflict parties to the table. This Debo gives assistance to
lactating mothers through the provision of household items, to preparing food, cleaning
and handling all household chores. The Debo members see each other as family members.
The research team has learnt that the extension workers make use of this assembly for
extension teaching.
• Damada is a social grouping formed by women, of which the number of members does
not exceed ten. This group meets every week and collects butter (1/4kg) through their
chairperson. The collected butter is given to one of the member and she uses it for
holidays or special occasions. This is believed to be a good opportunity for women to
save money.
• Antrosh – the mothers’ honor day – is celebrated every year by children. In this ceremony,
children give out gifts to their mothers (kocho1, cheese, cabbage, areki2 and clothing).
According to the female FGD participants in Wodro kebele, this practice is diminishing
through time. It was said that the practice had been embedded in the Guraghe culture for
generations as a way of recognition and respect for the mothers. The female FGD groups
further stressed that the dying out of this practice was mainly due to individualism style of
life among the youth.
• Yejeweche is a social grouping where married youths provide gifts in the form of a calf,
Debo, blankets, sheets and clothes to the father and local dresses, scarves and shoes to the
1
A local food made from the Enset tree.
2
Local alcohol common in Etiopia.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
mother only once after marriage. This practice is common during the epiphany holiday.
According to female FGD groups in Wodro kebele, this practice is dying due to increased
costs of living.
• Herding Debo is formed by about 15 to 30 households whose aim is to manage the
herding of their cattle. A member takes this responsibility every round and is responsible
to take care to the cattle (provide water, food, etc.). There is a central place (main road to
the village) called Jefferro from where the cattle are gathered and delivered to the owners.
In case a Debo member is found to be lactating, she will be excused from herding duty.
The most elders are also excused from the herding activities. These Debos are
instrumental in providing support to their members during housing construction and
borrowing oxen.
• Wokia is a cattle sharing group. It is formed by two households who share cattle (sheep,
oxen, goat, chicken, cows etc.). The agreement is made orally either in front of a witness
or not.
From the discussions with key informants and focus group discussion participants in Konso, it is
understood that the Konso also have different pooled labor net works. However, unlike the
networks in Guraghe, these are limited in both size and functions. The pooled labor groups,
which the local people call it development groups are three in Konso:
• Parka consists of men and women and has 10 to 20 members. This group is basically
formed to work on agricultural activities through a pooled labor system. This is an
important grouping during agricultural peak times.
• Alumala is made up of men and women and formed during peak times once or twice a
year. The members pool their labor to generate some income. While the rate of payment
varies from work to work, an average of between 1.50 and 10 birr is paid per person per
day. This group has its own specific name such as Kekesha which means fast, Awasha
(tough) or Ketala (not fearful/bold). These groups have their own secretary and cashier.
• Uganda is made up of close relatives. It is a form of Debo for pooled labour formed for
different purposes like farming, construction of houses, terrace making, etc. The
household who pooled the labor has the responsibility to prepare Cheka (local alcoholic
drink) and Nifati (roasted beans).
Respondents in the study areas have a wide range of perceived benefits. It is seen in table 16
below that about 54.5 percent of them reported that the pooled labor net workings are highly
beneficial during harvesting and cultivation when a single individual may require additional labor
to collect the products within minimum possible time. About 53.9 percent reported that they
benefit much during house construction, 48.8% mentioned increased productivity, and 52.5%
claimed that they had developed a sense of team work. 51.7% appreciate that they are saving time
and labor and 53.2% that they are strengthening their social bonds and relationships.
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Drylands Coordination Group
Yes 53.9
No 46.1
Benefits from working groups in increasing productivity
Yes 48.8
No 51.2
Benefits from working groups in developing the sense of team work
Yes 52.5
No 47.5
Benefits from working groups in saving time and labor
Yes 51.7
No 48.3
Benefits from working groups in strengthening social bonds and
relationships
Yes 53.2
No 46.8
In almost all the kebeles visited in Guraghe, it was seen that the community has a strong bond of
attachment and support systems for the poor, aged, handicapped, mothers (who newly gave birth)
and other minority groups.
Aged people are taken care of by their elder sons, the neighbors and relatives give all kinds of
care to the aged free of charge through labor pool systems (for herding, ploughing or house
construction). During holy days such as Epiphany and Arefa, the aged household members are
provided cooked food and supplies. Also, their cattle and land are managed by relatives for an
indefinite period. In Yefereziye kebele, male FGD participants said that aged people (who do not
have other family members, to support them) are given meat during Meskel free of charge. FGD
participants in Yeweregoji kebele further stressed that those poor households who do not have
enough to eat, are provided with matured live enset on demand, free of charge by their neighbors.
In the case that the recipient lacks the capacity to process the enset, the providers and neigbors
provide free labor.
In Yezereziye kebele, male FGD participants further indicated that chicken and eggs are used
mostly by women to cover school expenses. In Borena Tuba kebele, the male and female FGD
participants indicated that the production of local carpets ( Jiba), which are made up of grasses
during the rainy season and are produced by women through a labour pull system (called Jez), is
fully controlled by the women.
3.4.4 Iqub
One of the most important informal financial institutions practiced in the study areas is Iqub.
These partnerships are formed by a group of participants who make regular contributions to a
fund, which is given to each contributor in turn until each member has received the fund. The
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Drylands Coordination Group
allocation procedure of such financial networking determines the net benefit that each member
gets and is thus an important factor in its success. Usually, the leaders or coordinating households
collect the money from the members in the network and decide who should get it first or this
process may be done through a lottery method (random drawing of lots) and the winning member
receiving the pool of funds will be excluded from the next draw. Such networking is highly
benefiting the members during market failure and is used as risk sharing. It can be used to
purchase durable goods, agricultural inputs, food items, cover school fees or any other pitfalls.
Most members of Iqub in the research area indicated that their contribution is in cash, while
others (particularly women’s Iqubs) have contributions in kind.
Table 17 reveals that 32.7 percent of households participate in Iqub (Rosca), out of which 67.1
percent are seasonal members (i.e they get on and off). About 89.8 percent of the participating
respondents reported that they joined this network during the last five years, indicating that such
informal institutions are becoming more popular and acceptable.
30
Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
Characteristics Yes No
Role of Iqub in saving 30.5 69.5
Role of Iqub in reducing seasonal food shortages 79.2 20.8
Role of Iqub in the education of children 25.4 74.6
Role of Iqub in promoting small scale investments 5.7 94.3
Role of Iqub as insurance during sickness etc. 16.6 83.4
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Drylands Coordination Group
3.5 OVERVIEW ON THE STRENGTHS, WEAKNESSES, OPPORTUNITIES AND
THREATS (SWOT) OF INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS
It is understood that informal social institutions have traditionally been embedded in the culture
of each study community, and play defined functions regardless of their size. Each of the
informal institution described in section 3.4 have their own particular strengths, weaknesses,
opportunities and threats. It is important to briefly describe the SWOTs of these informal
institutions in general terms.
With regards to the main strengths of theses informal institutions, it was understood from the
various discussions held with the FGD participants and key informants that these institutions (be
it the traditional administration or the other social groupings) are culturally embedded and
universally accepted practices as they are also based on the felt needs of the community. For
instance, it was observed that community members prefer to be fully governed by the traditional
elder administrations than by the formal and modern bureaucratic organs, especially on important
matters (such as land, natural resource sharing etc.).Because many of the informal institutions are
basically emanated from the norms, values and traditions of the community and are accessible to
community members they are powerful in influencing the behaviors of each member.
The key informants agree on the fact that these institutions provide equal footing to each member
during public hearings, decision-making and disaster and conflict management. Because these
institutions have long and enriched experience on environmental protection, the local government
is making use of these institutions. For instance, Idirs in Konso and Guraghe zones contribute
some funds from their reserves every year and support the construction of road, schools, health
facilities and other development activities.
More and more can also be said with regards to the observed weaknesses of these informal
institutions. To begin with, the field survey results and discussions have witnessed management
and administrations of these informal institutions seems to be left to the elders (men) and little or
no room is left for women and young boys/girls. On the contrary, however, women are the ones
who take active part in the natural resource management during chronic food shortage.
Almost all informal institutions, including those indigenous/traditional administrations, lack
formal or written rules and regulations for governing the community members. Some key
informants at each study zone disclosed that absence of formal documentation might have
sometimes given undue power and extreme flexibility to the elders and opened room for abuse of
power. On top of this, these institutions lack regularity (date of meeting, location, management of
cases etc.), making auditing or accounting of activities at some intervals difficult. For instance, it
was observed in all the study kebeles that most Idirs and Iqubs (which are presumed to have
some organized structure and record keeping) are actually having no organized data and
accountability.
There are also some opportunities counter balancing the weaknesses and potential threats of these
informal institutions. The clear government policy guidelines on promoting the informal
institutions ( such as Idir and Iqub) may give impetus to the growth and transformation of these
institutions to a modern ones ( such as Rosca).The fact that the informal institutions, in most
instances, are still loved by the community members, may give rise to easy transformation and
sustenance. The best practices among some informal institutions in other zones where Idirs
flourished and expanded into big unions can be replicated in the study areas so that they can
better contribute to the advancement of livelihood in the study community. The transformation of
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
small Idirs into bigger dev elopement unions in Hawassa and Addis Abeba towns can be taken as
cases in point.
Finally, the field work also witnessed some major threats on these informal institutions. One
peculiar threat is that the informal institutions, despite their irreplaceable roles in the lives of the
community (such as effective management of disasters, conflict resolutions, environmental
protection and rehabilitation etc.), are not well recognized by the local administrative machinery.
In other words, the institutions do not have a clear cut line of communication and regular/formal
networks. The local government offices make use of these informal institutions only in case of
matters of urgency during peak times. In addition, the growing modernization thinking coupled
with strengthened local government administrations have brought about changes in the behavior
of some community members, shrinking the role and influence of these institutions. It is also
important to note that most of the informal institutions (such as Idir and other social groupings) in
the study areas have very little financial capital and reserves (which is not well audited and
accounted, either), which in turn undermines potential growth and expansion into modern
financial schemes.
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Drylands Coordination Group
This study is primarily devoted to identify the major informal social institutions operating in
three selected zones of SNNPRS and their roles for livelihoods. As described in section two, the
input data for this study was collected from 453 randomly selected households, 36 focus group
discussions and 98 key informants. The required information was collected using two sets of
checklists as discussed in section 2.3.
Due to the nature of the topic, and as the bulk of the information was generated through
qualitative data gathering tools, there might be some shortcomings, due to human and non-human
factors, which might have adversely affected the results of this study. Results of this study thus
should be viewed against the limitations explicitly mentioned in section 1.7 above.
On the basis of the information collected from the 453 households and taking into account all the
methodological pitfalls, this study has come up with the following plausible conclusions:
• Informal social institutions are playing a significant role to enhance food security and
affecting other livelihood aspects. There is also a variation on the type, nature and
functions of indigenous social institutions across the three cultures considered. Some of
the indigenous social institutions have more power to influence the behavior, decision-
making, values and practices of community members.
• Despite the fact that t informal institutions are in some instances not functioning in an
organized manner, community members become part of them due to a vivid social and
economic rationale. Nevertheless, they lack formal or written rules and regulations in the
course of governing the community members.
• Informal social institutions face various challenges, which affect the effectiveness and
efficiency of their performance. One of the commonly observed factors is that informal
institutions are not well protected, insured and sustained by the local formal institutions.
Informal institutions do not have mutual relations with the formal government machinery
in local areas. They neither are nourished and supported in their own rights nor
transformed into modern formal institutions (such as saving and credit schemes). This
implies that these institutions are prone to perishing and breakdown.
• The women’s participation in leadership positions in informal institutions is limited. Due
to the lingering, entrenched cultural pressure women continue not to freely and openly
participate in meetings and talks. This factor is contagious to the community.
4.2 RECOMMENDATIONS
34
Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
• Indigenous social institutions should be empowered to enable and rebuild the capacity
(technical and financial support and acceptance of legal entities) of the local communities
to assume greater responsibilities in the management of natural resources and improved
decision-making regarding essential community services.
• Community dialogues at different levels will help to appreciate the existing informal
social institutions and create ground for social and attitudinal changes in all development
work. A significant effort should be made by all concerned bodies to increase the
understanding of people regarding the role of local level institutions in the sustainable
development process at grassroots level.
• Adult and older males still continue to play dominant roles and influencing the rights of
women and the youth. More income generating work for women should be devised and
credit services should be intensified. Women and the youth should be given trainings in
horticulture so that they can earn additional income for their families.
• NGOs should concentrate their efforts more on building capacities and rehabilitating
informal social institutions through training and offering revolving funds so that the
institutions may get involved in more relevant development activities such as natural
resources conservation and food production.
• More research projects need to be designed to address and study issues that seem to have
been ignored in the natural resource utilization and conservation areas such as the
women’s and the youth‘s views and perceptions of natural resources use and
conservation; more effective means of bringing about behavioral changes among the
youth vis-à-vis the environment and natural resources; socially and culturally sound and
relevant means of livelihood promotion; diversification for disadvantaged groups; ways of
environmentally friendly socialization of children; documenting the rich indigenous
knowledge systems relating to the fauna (ethno-zoology), flora (ethno-botany), medicine
(ethno-medicine), drugs (ethno-pharmacology), customary environmental laws, etc.
35
Drylands Coordination Group
REFERENCES
36
Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
Demeke M. and T. Regassa 1996. Non Farm activities in Ethiopia The case of North Shoa.
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Molla, S. 1998. Peasant Responses to Population Pressure and Land Shortage in Mixed Farming
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Tadesse, W. 1994. Some Gamo and Konso Public Places and Their Social and Ritual Functions
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37
Drylands Coordination Group
Tilahun, A., K. Habtemariam, Z. Gete, S. Abebe, S. Kismu, T. Melese 2007. Working with
communities and building local institutions for sustainable land management in the Ethiopian
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Woreda Agricultural and Rural Development Office (WADO) 2009. Woreda Basic Information
Data. WADO Boricha.
38
Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
List of Publications
Reports:
1 A. Synnevåg, G., Halassy, S. 1998: “Etude des indicateurs de la sécurité alimentaire dans deux sites
de la zone d’intervention de l’AEN-Mali: Bambara Maodé et Ndaki (Gourma Malien)”, Groupe de
Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
1 B. Synnevåg, G. and Halassy, S. 1998: “Food Security Indicators in Two Sites of Norwegian Church
Aid’s Intervention Zone in Mali: Bambara Maoudé and N’Daki (Malian Gourma)”, Drylands
Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
2 A. Aune, J.B. and Doumbia, M.D. 1998: “Integrated Plant Nutrient Management (IPNM), Case
studies of two projects in Mali: CARE Macina programme and PIDEB”, Drylands Coordination Group
and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
2 B. Aune, J.B. et Doumbia, M.D. 1998: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV), Etude de
Cas de deux projets au Mali: Programme de CARE Macina et PIDEB”, Groupe de Coordination des
Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
3 A. Berge, G., Larsen, K., Rye, S., Dembele, S.M. and Hassan, M. 1999: “Synthesis report and Four
Case Studies on Gender Issues and Development of an Improved Focus on Women in Natural Resource
Management and Agricultural Projects”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural
University of Norway.
3 B. Berge, G., Larsen, K., Rye, S., Dembele, S.M. et Hassan, M. 1999. “Rapport de synthèse et quatre
études de cas sur Les Questions de Genre et Développement d’une Approche Améliorée concernant les
Femmes et les Projets d’Agriculture et de Gestion des Ressources Naturelles”, Groupe de Coordination
des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
4 A. Sydness, M., Ba, B. 1999: “Processus de décentralisation, développement institutionnel et
réorganisation des ONG financées par la Norvège au Mali”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et
Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
4 B. Sydness, M. and Ba, B. 1999: “Decentralization Process, Institution Development and Phasing out
of the Norwegian Involvement in Mali”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural
University of Norway.
5. Waktola, A. and Michael, D.G. 1999: “Institutional Development and Phasing Out of the
Norwegian Involvement, the Case of Awash Conservation and Development Project, Ethiopia”, Drylands
Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
6. Waktola, A. 1999: “Exploratory Study of Two Regions in Ethiopia: Identification of Target
Areas and partners for Intervention”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University
of Norway.
7. Mossige, A. 2000: “Workshop on Gender and Rural Development – Training Manual”, Drylands
Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
39
Drylands Coordination Group
8. Synnevåg, G. et Halassy, S. 2000: ”Sécurité Semencière: Etude de la gestion et de
l’approvisionnement en semences dans deux villages du cercle de Ké-Macina au Mali: Kélle et Tangana”,
Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
9. Abesha, D., Waktola, A, Aune, J.B. 2000: ”Agricutural Extension in the Drylands of Ethiopia”,
Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
10. Sydness, M., Doumbia, S. et Diakité K. 2000: ”Atelier sur la décentralisation au Mali”, Groupe de
Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
11. N’Dior, P. A. et Traoré, N. 2000: ”Etude sur les programmes d’épargne et de crédit au Mali”,
Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
12. Lode, K. and G. Kassa. 2001: ”Proceedings from a Workshop on Conflict Resolution Organised
by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG), November 8-10, 2000 Nazareth, Ethiopia”, Drylands
Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
13. Shiferaw, B. and A. Wolday, 2001: “Revisiting the Regulatory and Supervision Framework of the
Micro-Finance Industry in Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University
of Norway.
14 A. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2001: “Integrated Plant Nutrition Management
(IPNM): Practical Testing of Technologies with Farmers Groups”, Drylands Coordination Group and
Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
14 B. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2001: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux
(GINV): Tests Pratiques de Technologies avec des Groupes de Paysans”, Groupe de Coordination des
Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
15. Larsen, K. and M. Hassan, 2001: “Perceptions of Knowledge and Coping Strategies in Nomadic
Communities – The case of the Hawawir in Northern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric,
Agricultural University of Norway.
16 A. Mossige, A., Berkele, Y. & Maiga, S., 2001: “Participation of Civil Society in the national Action
Programs of the United Nation’s Convention to Combat Desertification: Synthesis of an Assessment in
Ethiopia and Mali”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
16 B. Mossige, A., Berkele, Y. & Maiga, S., 2001: “La Participation de la Société Civile aux
Programme d’Actions Nationaux de la Convention des Nations Unies sur la lutte contre la
Désertification”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of
Norway.
17. Kebebew, F., D. Tsegaye and G. Synnevåg., 2001: “Traditional Coping Strategies of the Afar and
Borana Pastoralists in Response to Drought”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural
University of Norway.
18. Shanmugaratnam, N., D. Mamer and M. R. Kenyi, 2002: “From Emergency Relief to Local
Development and Civil Society Building: Experiences from the Norwegian Peoples’ Aid’s Interventions
in Southern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
19. Mitiku, H. and S. N. Merga, 2002. “Workshop on the Experience of Water Harvesting in the
Drylands of Ethiopia: Principles and practices”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural
University of Norway.
20. Tesfai, M., V. Dawod and K. Abreha, 2002. “Management of Salt-affected Soils in the NCEW
‘Shemshemia’ Irrigation Scheme in the Upper Gash Valley of Eritrea”, Drylands Coordination Group and
Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
40
Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
21. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2002: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux
(GINV): Tests Pratiques de Technologies avec des Groupes de Paysans- Rapport de la Campagne 2001”,
Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
22. Haidara, Y., Dembele, M. et Bacha, A. “Formation sur la lutte contre la désertification atelier
organisé par groupe de coordination des zones arides (GCoZA) du 07 au 10 octobre 2002 à Gossi (Mali)”,
Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
23. Aune, J. B. 2003. “Desertification control, rural development and reduced CO2 emissions through
the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol - an impasse or a way forward?” Drylands
Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
24. Larsen, K. and Hassan, M. 2003. “Sedentarisation of Nomadic People: The Case of the Hawawir
in Um Jawasir, Northern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of
Norway.
25. Cissé, I. et Keita, M.S. 2003. “Etude d’impacts socio-économique et environnemental des plaines
aménagées pour riziculture au Mali.” Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural
University of Norway.
26. Berkele, Y. and Mossige, A. 2003. “Indicators to Promote Civil Society’s (NGOs and CBOs)
Participation in the implementation of Ethiopia’s National and Regional Action Programs of the United
Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. A guideline Document”, Drylands Coordination Group
and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
26B. Berkele, Y. and Mossige, A. 2003. “Indicateurs visant à promouvoir la participation de la société
civile (ONG et OCB) à la mise en oeuvre en Ethiopie des Programmes d’action national et régionaux de la
Convention des Nations Unies sur la lutte contre la désertification”. Drylands Coordination Group and
Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
27. Assefa, F., Dawd, M. and Abesha, A. D. 2003. “Implementation Aspects of Integrated Pest
Management (IPM): Policy and Extension Gap in Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric,
Agricultural University of Norway.
28. Haile, A., Selassie, D.G., Zereyacob, B. and Abraham, B. 2003, “On-Farm Storage Studies in
Eritrea”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
29. Doumbia, M.D., Berthé, A., Aune, J.B. 2003, “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV):
Tests Pratiques et Vulgarisation de Technologies”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric,
Agricultural University of Norway.
30. Mossige, A. and M. Macina 2004, “Indicateurs visant à promouvoir et suivre la participation de la
Société Civile (ONG et OCB) dans la mise en œuvre des Programmes d’Action National, Régional et
Communal de la Convention des Nations Unies sur la lutte contre la désertification”, Groupe de
Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
31. Tesfay, Y. and Tafere, K. 2004. “Indigenous Rangeland resources and Conflict Management by
the North Afar Pastoral Groups in Ethiopia. A Pastoral Forum Organized by the Drylands Coordination
Group (DCG) in Ethiopia, June 27-28, 2003, Mekelle, Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and
Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
32. Kebede, D. and Retta, S. 2004. “Gender, HIV/AIDS and Food Security, Linkage and Integration
into Development Interventions”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of
Norway.
33. Kidane, A., Araia, W., Ghebremichael, Z, and Gobezay, G. 2004. “Survey on striga and crop
husbandry practices in relation to striga management and control of sorghum (Sorghum bicholor) in the
Goluge sub zone: Lessons to be learned and creating awareness”, Drylands Coordination Group and
Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
41
Drylands Coordination Group
34. Kibreab, G., Berhane, T., and Ghezae, E. 2004. “A Study to Determine the Extent and Use of
Environmental Impact Assessment of Agricultural Development Projects – A Case Study from Eritrea”,
Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
35. Meehan, F. 2004. “Female Headed Household in Tigray, Ethiopia. A Study Review”. Drylands
Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.
36. Doumbia, M. Berthe, A., Aune, J. B. 2005. “Integrated Plant Nutrient Management in Mali.
Summary Report 1998-2004”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
37. Kaya, B., Traoré, C. O., Aune, J.B. 2005. “Etude d’identification des prototypes d’EcoFermes au
Mali. Rapport diagnostic et plan d’action pour 2005“. Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides, Maison
de l’Environnement G9, Norvège.
38. Nedessa, B., Ali, J., Nyborg, I. 2005. ”Exploring Ecological and Socio-Economic Issues for the
Improvement of Area Enclosure Management. A Case Study from Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination
Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
39. Makenzi, P. 2005. “Natural Resource Management in the Didinga Hills. A Baseline Study from
Budy County, South Sudan”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
40. Ogbazghi, W., Bein, E. 2006. “Assessment of Non-Wood Forest Products and their Role in the
Livelihoods of Rural Communities in the Gash-Barka Region, Eritrea”. Drylands Coordination Group,
Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
41. Kouyaté, S., Haidara, C. M. 2006. “Etude sur la Problématique des Périmètres Irrigués Villageois
au Nord du Mali”. Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides, Miljøhuset G9, Norvège.
42. Haile, A. 2006. “On-Farm Storage of Chickpea, Sorghum, and Wheat in Eritrea”. Drylands
Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
43. Ask, V. 2006. “UNCCD and Food Security for Pastoralists within a Human Rights Context”.
Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
43B. Ask, V. 2006. « La CCD et la Sécurité Alimentaire des Pasteurs Dans le Contexte des Droits de
l’Homme ». Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway
44. Desta, M., Haddis, G., Ataklt, S. 2006. “Female-Headed Households and Livelihood Intervention
in Four Selected Weredas in Tigray, Ethiopia.”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
45. Araia, W, Haile, A. 2006. “Baseline study on crop husbandry, in-situ conservation and informal
seed supply system in Eritrea”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
46. Emana, B., Gebremedhin, H. 2007. “Constraints and Opportunities of Horticulture Production and
Marketing in Eastern Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
47. Malifu, E., Tefera, H., and Mekiso, M. 2007. “Evaluation Report on Training of Trainers on
UNCCD/NAP”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
48. Assefa, D., Belay, M., Tsegay, D., and Haile, M. 2007. “Transplanting Sorghum as a Means of
Ensuring Food Security in Low Rainfall Sorghum Growing Areas of Northern Ethiopia”. Drylands
Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
49. Tsegaye, D., Balehegn, M, Gebrehiwot, K.,.Haile, M., Samuel, G.,Tilahun, M., and Aynekulu, E.
2007. “The Role of Dobera glabra for Household Food Security at Times of Food Shortage in Aba`ala
Wereda, North Afar: Ecological Adaptation and Socio-economic Value. A Study from Ethiopia”.
Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
50. Teklehaimanot, G. and Haile, M. 2007. “Women in Backyards: Root Crop Production and
Biodiversity Management in Backyards”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
42
Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
51. Bengtsson, Frida. 2007. “Review of Information Available on Seed Security and Seed Aid
Interventions in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Mali and Sudan”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9,
Norway.
52. Tesfay, Haile. 2007. “Assessment of Institutional Setup and Effect of Household Level Water
Harvesting in Ensuring Sustainable Livelihood. A Case study of Kobo, Almata and Kilte Awlaelo
Woredas in Amhara and Tigray Regions of Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9,
Norway.
53. Elias, E. 2008. “Pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia: Dispossession, Access to Resources and
Dialogue with Policy Makers”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
54. Meles, K., Nigussie, G., Belay, T., and Manjur K. 2009. “Seed System Impact on Farmers’
Income and Crop Biodiversity in the Drylands of Southern Tigray”. Drylands Coordination Group,
Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
55. Mengistu, E., Regassa, N and Yusufe, A., 2009. “The Levels, Determinants and Coping
Mechanisms of Food Insecure Households in Southern Ethiopia: A Case study of Sidama, Wolaita and
Guraghe Zones” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
56. Emana, B., Gebremedhin, H., and Regassa, N., 2010. “Impacts of Improved Seeds and
Agrochemicals on Food Security and Environment in the Rift Valley of Ethiopia: Implications for the
Application of an African Green Revolution”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
57. Traoré, C.O., Aune, J. B., and Sidibé, M. M., 2010. “Rapport Final du Projet Ecoferme au Mali.
Synthèse des quatre années 2005-2008”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
58. Megersa, B., 2010. “An epidemiological study of major camel diseases in the Borana lowland,
Southern Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
59. Bayu, W., Bayissa, M., Manjur, K., Yeshanew, A., Agdo, E., Sime, G., Tolera, A., Belay, T.,
Meles, K., Aune, J. B., Ayele, A. A., 2010. “Results of Ecofarm Action Research Activities in Three
Project Areas in Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
60. Coulibaly, A., Aune, J. B., Sissoko, P., 2010 “Etablissement des cultures vivrières dans les zones
sahélienne et soudano sahélienne du Mali”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
61. Tesfay, G. 2011. “On farm water harvesting for rainfed agriculture development and food security
in Tigray, Northern Ethiopia: investigation of technical and socioeconomic issues”. Drylands
Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
62. El-Hag, M. A. F., Osman, A. K., El-Jack, F.H., Wagiyalla, N. A., Mekki, M. A., and Khatir, A.
A., 2011. “Changes and threats facing nomads under drylands – the case of the Shanabla tribe in Western
Sudan”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
63. El-Dukheri, I., Oyiki, C. O., El Wakeel, A., S., Meseka, S., K. 2008. “Review of the Food
Security and Natural Resource Situation in Sudan”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9,
Norway.
64. Kebede D. and Adane H. 2011. “Climate change adaptations and induced farming livelihoods”.
Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
65. Regassa, N. and Taye M. 2011. “Impact of Resettlement on the Livelihood, Food Security and
Natural Resource Utilization in Ethiopia.” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
66. Gebreyohannes, G. and Hailemariam, G. 2011. “Challenges, Opportunities and Available Good
Practices Related to Zero-Grazing in Tigray and Hararghe, Ethiopia.” Drylands Coordination Group,
Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
67. Osman, F. M., and Abdel Kariem A. 2011. “Livelihood Assessment of the Dryland Community,
Um Jawasir - Sudan.” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
43
Drylands Coordination Group
68. Haji, J., Gelaw, F., Bekele, W. and Tesfay G. 2011. “The ‘Black-Box’ of Ethiopian Agricultural
Produce Price Formation and its Determinants within the Current Liberalized Market Policy.” Drylands
Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
69. Hameed, A. A. K., Alebaid, S. A., El Hassan, H. M., Abdella, S. I. and Musa, F. S. 2011. “Review
of literature on drought in Sudan.” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
70. Relief Society of Tigray, Research and Policy Unit. 2012. “Can Provision of Household
Agricultural Extension Packages Reduce Rural Food Insecurity and Poverty in Tigray?” Drylands
Coordinaton Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
71. Osman, K.A., Elhag, F.M., Mekki, A., Abdalla, Elgailani A. and Aune, J.B. 2012. “Ecofarm
Research Project – Kordofan Region – Sudan” Drylands Coordinaton Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
72. Coulibaly, M., Doumbia, M. D., Fassikoye, F. B., Diarra, D., Traore, K. M. et Reij, C. P. 2012.
“Le captage des eaux de pluie”. Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides, Miljøhuset G9, Norvège.
73. Nigatu, R., Mengistu, E. and Yusufe, A. 2013. “Situational analysis of indigenous social
institutions and their role in rural livelihoods: The case of selected food insecure lowland areas in
Southern Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.
Proceedings:
1. Drylands Coordination Group. 2000. Seminar on the Formation of DCG Ethiopia-Sudan.
Proceedings from a Seminar organised by the Drylands Coordination Group in Nazareth, Ethiopia, April
10-12, 2000. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
2. Drylands Coordination Group. 2001. Seminar on the Formation of DCG Eritrea. Proceedings from
a Seminar Hosted by the National Confederation of Eritrean Workers (NCEW) in Asmara, Eritrea, March
26th-28th, 2001. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
3. Amha, W. 2001. Revisiting the Regulatory and Supervision Framework of the Microfinance
Industry in Ethiopia. Proceedings from a Seminar Organised by the Relief Society of Tigray (REST), on
behalf of the Drylands Coordination Group in Ethiopia and Sudan, In Mekelle, August 25, 2001.
DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
4. Mossige, A. and Berkele, Y. 2001. Civil Society’s Participation in the National Action Program to
Combat Desertification and Mitigate the Effects of Drought in Ethiopia. Proceedings from a Workshop
organised by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia, Debre Zeit, September 13-14, 2001.
DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
5. Maiga, S. et Mossige, A. 2001. Participation de la Société Civile dans la Mise en Oeuvre
Programme d’action pour la Convention Sur la Désertification (CCD) au Mali. L’atelier Organise par le
Groupe Coordination sur les Zones Arides (GCOZA) Au Centre Aoua Keita, Bamako, Les 5 et 6
novembre 2001. GCOZA/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
6. Drylands Coordination Group. 2002. Do conventions need civil society? A critical review of the
role of civil society in the implementation of international conventions. Proceeding from a Seminar
Arranged by the Drylands Coordination Group and Forum for Development and Environment (ForUM) in
Oslo, January 15th, 2002. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
7. Berkele, Y. 2002. Workshop on training of trainers in UNCCD/NAP implementation in Ethiopia.
Proceedings from a workshop arranged by the Drylands Coordination Group in Ethiopia, Nazareth, June
10-15, 2002, DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
8. Drylands Coordination Group. 2002. Sustainable livelihoods of farmers and pastoralists in Eritrea.
Proceedings from a workshop organised by DCG Eritrea in National Confederation of Eritrean Workers
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
Conference Hall, Asmara, November 28 –29, 2002. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University Of Norway,
Ås.
9. Drylands Coordination Group. 2003. DCG networking seminar 2002, 15th-22nd November 2002,
Khartoum, Sudan. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
10. Soumana, D. 2003. Atelier d’information, d’échange et de réflexion sur l’élargissement du
Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides (GCoZA) au Mali, Au Centre Aoua Keita, Bamako, Les 18 et
19 février 2003. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
11. Ati, H. A.and Nimir A. A. H. 2004. Training Course On The Role Of Local Institutions In
Regulating Resource Use and Conflict Management, Um Jawaseer, June 2003. DCG/Noragric,
Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
12. Berkele, Y. and Ayalew, B. 2004. Training of Trainers in Implementation of UNCCD/NAP in
Ethiopia. Third Round, 10-14 Nov. 2003. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
13. Macina, M. 2004. Atelier National et Campagne d’Information et de Sensibilisation sur la CCD.
Un Atelier organisé par la Coordination des Associations et ONG Féminines au Mali (CAFO) en
partenariat avec le Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides (GCoZA). Les 29-30 novembre 2004 à
Bamako, Mali. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
14. Musnad, H.A. and Nasr N. K. 2004. Experience Sharing Tour and Workshop on Shelterbelts and
Fuel Wood Substitutes in Sudan. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.
15. Gakou, M. 2005. Atelier d’information et de formation des ONG membres de GCoZA sur le
montage des projets/ synergie entre les conventions de la génération de Rio et de la convention de Ramsar.
Le 28 décembre 2004, à Bamako, Mali. GCoZA, Oslo.
16. Berkele, Y., Mossige, Anne. 2005. Awareness Promotion and Experience Sharing on the
Implementation of UNCCD-NAP to Enhance Pastoralist Areas Development. Workshop organized by the
Drylands Coordination Group Ethiopia for the Pastoral Affairs Standing Committee and the Natural
Resource Development and Environmental Protection Standing Committee, Members of Parliament -
Ethiopia. December 17-19, 2004 in Nazareth, Ethiopia. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
17. Esheteu Bekele, E., Azerefegne, F., and Abate, T. 2006. Facilitating the Implementation and
Adoption of Integrated Pest Management (IPM) in Ethiopia. Planning Workshop, 13-15 October 2003,
Melkassa Agricultural Research Center, EARO. Jointly organized by the Association for Advancement of
IPM (ASAI) and the Ethiopian Agricultural Research Organization (EARO). DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
18. Kodio, A. 2006. Atelier de Formation des Membres du GCoZA Mali à l’Approche Epargne Crédit
Musow ka Jigiya Ton (MJT) au Mali. Atelier organisé par CARE Mali et le GCoZA Mali du 1er au 5 août
2005 au Centre Gabriel Cissé de Ségou au Mali. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
19. Belal, A. A. and Hussein, F. S. 2006. Awareness Raising Workshop on the Implementation of the
United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. Workshop organized by DCG Sudan for the
Parliamentarians and other Stakeholders. December 28th and 29th 2005 in the Green Hall of Sudan’s
Parliament, Omdurman, Sudan. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
20. Dembelé, T., Berthé, A. et Yattara, M. 2006. Atelier de formation en matière du Guide
Programme Communal d’Action Environnementale (PCAE) et des techniques Gestion Intégrée de
Nutriments Végétaux (GINV). Atelier Organisé par GCOZA Mali et le Consortium Synergie –
AMAPROS ACD pour les membres de GCOZA et des trois communes (Saloba, Souley et Sana). Du 20
au 22 juin 2005 à la Maison du Partenariat à Bamako, Mali. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
20B. Yattara, M. 2006. PCAE ani GINV baarakqfqqrqw dùnniyaw dqmqnan lajqkalan kùnùkow
sqnsqnnen. Lajqkalan sigilen sen kan GCOZA Mali ani xùgùndqmqjqkulu AMAPROS ACD fq, ka xqsin
GCOZA tùndenw ni Saloba, Suleyi ani Sana komini saba kùnùmùgùw ma. K’a ta san 2005 zuwqnkalo tile
20 ma, ka se a tile 22 ma Mali la, xùgùndqmqjqkuluw ka soba la Bamakù. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
45
Drylands Coordination Group
21. Touré, B. 2007. Atelier de Renforcement des Capacités des Organisations de GCoZA Mali sur les
Mécanismes de Financement des Projets et Programmes pour la Mise en Oeuvre de la Convention des
Nations Unies sur la Lutte contre la Désertification (CCD). Atelier Organisé par la Coordination des
Associations et ONG Féminines du Mali (CAFO) et GCoZA Mali pour les membres de GCoZA Mali. Du
11 au 13 septembre 2006 au Mémorial Modibo Keita à Bamako, Mali. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
22. Negassi, A. and Beyene, Y. 2007. Bridging the Gap Between Research, Extension and the Farmer
in Eritrea. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
23. Anage, A. and Lulu, M. 2007. Awareness Raising Workshop on UNCCD/NAP and Experience
Sharing Sessions on Drylands Development Issues in Ethiopia. Workshop organized for the Pastoral and
Natural Resources and Environment Affairs Standing Committees of the Parliament of the Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. December 8th -10th 2006, Adama Mekonen Hotel, Nazareth, Ethiopia.
DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
24. Sterling, L., Nagoda, S., Tveteraas, A. 2008. Moving from emergency seed aid to seed security -
linking relief with development. Workshop organized by the Drylands Coordination Group Norway and
Caritas Norway, in collaboration with Norad and The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Oslo May
14th 2008. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.
25. Anage, A. 2009. Capacity Building for Regional Council Members, Sector Offices & Academic
Institutions & CSOs of Oromya, Gambella and Benshangul-Gumuz National Regional States on
UNCCD/NAP in Ethiopia. Workshop organized by EACD and the Drylands Coordination Group Ethiopia.
July 3rd and 4th 2008 at Nekemte Municipality Hall, Wollega Zone, Ethiopia. DCG, Miljøhuset. Oslo.
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Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods
ADRA Norge
Postboks 124, 3529 Røyse, Norway
Tel.: +47 32 16 16 90, Fax: +47 32 16 16 71
E-mail: post@adranorge.no
CARE Norge
Universitetsgt. 12, 0164 Oslo, Norway
Tel: +47 22 20 39 30, Fax: +47 22 20 39 36
E-mail: care@care.no
Development Fund
Mariboes gt. 8, 0183 Oslo, Norway
Tel: +47 23 10 96 00, Fax: +47 23 10 96 01
E-mail: post@utviklingsfondet.no
47