38
Andrés Zarankin
Melisa A. Salerno
“Looking South”:
Historical Archaeology
in South America
Abstract
The development of historical archaeology in South America
is closely connected to the history of the discipline in the
United States. Since the second half of the 20th century,
American historical archaeology defined itself as a distinct
field of study, oriented towards the discussion of Europeans’
past in the New World. Consequently, it distanced itself from
prehistoric archaeology, which was more closely related to
anthropology and the analysis of cultural others (aboriginals).
The practice of historical archaeology in South American
rapidly adopted this perspective. It mainly focused on Spanish
and Portuguese conqueror groups and, only in less proportion,
on the impact they had on aboriginal communities.
Introduction
Historical archaeology has been conceived in
a variety of ways over time, generating contro-
versy within the discipline (Orser 1996). Some
authors considered historical archaeology as the
study of material culture associated to historical
or literate periods (Nöel Hume 1969; Schuyler
1970; Deetz 1977; South 1977). Other research-
ers defined it as a methodology that combined
the interdisciplinary use of archaeological and
documentary evidence (Nöel Hume 1969). This
perception limited the specificity and autonomy
of the field, transforming it into the “hand-
maiden” of history (Nöel Hume 1964).
In recent studies, historical archaeology has
been understood as a discipline concerned with
the analysis of modernity (Orser and Fagan
1995; Orser 1996), associated with European
expansion and the consolidation of capitalism
(Leone 1988, 1995, 1999; Johnson 1996, 1999).
Specifically, the creation of modern society has
been explained as being the result of changes
involving everyday life. Ideas used to describe
this social order initially stemmed from the anal-
ysis of 18th- and 19th-century English colonies
Historical Archaeology, 2008, 42(4):38–58.
Permission to reprint required.
Accepted for publication 10 September 2007.
in North America (Glassie 1975; Deetz 1977).
This research recognized the influence of the
Georgian order and “mindset” on material cul-
ture, as archaeologists sought to extend moder-
nity’s time and space boundaries to understand
its origins (Johnson 1996, 1999).
Nowadays, modern society is associated with
the appearance, spread, and maintenance of capi-
talist practices, which implies a change in rela-
tionships among individuals as well as between
individuals and things. It has been proposed that
individualism, segmentation, standardization, and
consumerism are key concepts used to analyze
transformations in practices within modernity
(Johnson 1996, 1999). Following this idea, some
archaeologists have attempted to identify sets of
rules that might be applied to the interpretation
of architecture, material culture, and lifestyles in
the recent past. This theoretical perspective, along
with its variants, is commonly used to explain
the formation of modern society in different geo-
graphical contexts (Orser 1996; Delle 1999).
Some of the first historical archaeological
projects in South America intended to reinforce
a European identity at a regional level. More
recently, several South American archaeologists
have started to discuss the singularities of social
structure at a local level, highlighting the role
of agents in the definition of the practices they
use to construct their identities (Andrade Lima
1999, 2002; Funari et al. 1999; Senatore and
Zarankin 2002).
There have been investigations in historical
archaeology since the very beginnings of profes-
sional archaeology in South America, but these
only became systematic in the 1960s. As some
authors have stated (Andrade Lima 1993; Funari
2003), studies in historical archaeology during
the 1960s and 1970s were usually restricted to
excavations conducted by nonarchaeologists—
amateurs, historians, and architects. In general,
their investigations focused on finding cor-
relations between material and documentary
data, rescuing valuable historical objects and
structures, supplying information to restoration
projects, or simply satisfying personal curiosity.
At present, many archaeologists still stick to this
orientation, constraining archaeological investiga-
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
tion to the study of outstanding historical events
and characters described by official discourses.
It was only in the 1980s that historical archae-
ology acquired its own program of investigation.
It was understood to be a distinct discipline that
specialized in the study of material culture and
was interested in offering an alternative way
of constructing discourses about the past—with
or without the existence of written documents.
As a result, historical archaeology enjoyed an
independent status for the first time. Archaeolo-
gists began to create multiple visions of recent
history, which could be opposed to or differ-
ent from official history or “master narratives”
(Johnson 1996).
The multiplication of scientific discourses
was closely associated with the end of military
dictatorships and the consolidation of democratic
governments in South America (Funari 1994,
1996; Politis 1995). The new sociopolitical con-
text allowed archaeology to experience an accel-
erated growth, a process that was particularly
intensified during the 1990s. This growth was
reflected in the creation of several investigative
projects interested in studying varied problems
and regions, the appearance of specific courses
in college curricula, the spread of national
and international meetings, and the increasing
number of papers published by different South
American archaeologists.
A number of researchers discuss historical
archaeology’s state of affairs in different South
American countries: Marcos Albuquerque (1993),
Tania Andrade Lima (1993), and Pedro Funari
(2002b) focus on Brazil; Daniel Schávelzon
(1992b), Andrés Zarankin and María X. Senatore
(1996), and Facundo Gómez Romero (2005b)
discuss work in Argentina; Julio Sanhueza and
colleagues (2000) and Víctor Lucero (2003)
work in Chile; Nelsys Fusco (1997) and earlier
with José M. López Mazz (1992) did work in
Uruguay; and Monika Therrien (2002) looked
at Colombia. In spite of all this regional work,
there are few publications, like the ones written
by Funari (1994, 1996, 1997, 1998, 2002a) or
Gustavo Politis (2003), concerned with explain-
ing the supra-regional or continental trajectories
of the discipline.
Historical archaeology has presented a het-
erogeneous development in South America.
According to Funari (1994, 1996, 2002a), Brazil,
Argentina, and Uruguay have traditionally stood
39
out in this field of study. Professionals from
these three countries have written most of South
America’s modern literature on historical archae-
ology. Among their most important contributions,
it is worth mentioning the following: Cultura
Material e Arqueología Histórica (Funari 1998),
Arraial Novo do Bom Jesus (Albuquerque and
Lucena 1997), Espaço Privado e Vida Mate-
rial em Porto Alegre no Século XIX (Symanski
1998), Sed Non Satiata: Teoría Social en la
Arqueología Latinoamericana Contemporánea
(Zarankin and Acuto 1999), Archaeology of
Buenos Aires (Schávelzon 2000), Arqueología
de Rescate en el Banco Central de la República
Argentina (Weissel et al. 2001), A Faiança Fina
em Porto Alegre (Tocchetto et al. 2001), Arque-
ología da Sociedade Moderna na America do
Sul (Zarankin and Senatore 2002), Arqueologia
e Reconstituição Monumental do Parque Estad-
ual de Canudos (Zanettini 2002), Paredes que
Domesticam: Arqueologia da Arquitetura Escolar
Capitalista: O Caso de Buenos Aires (Zarankin
2002), Arqueología Histórica en América del
Sur: Los Desafíos del Siglo XXI (Funari and
Zarankin 2004), Global Archaeological Theory:
Contextual Voices and Contemporary Thoughts
(Funari, Zarankin, and Stovel 2005), Identidades,
Discurso e Poder: Estudos da Arqueología
Contemporânea (Funari, Orser, and de Oliveira
Schiavetto 2005), and Estudos de Arqueología
Histórica (Funari and Fogolari 2005).
The heterogeneous development of South
American historical archaeology might also be
recognized in the nationality of the authors who
published their papers in the 16 volumes of
Historical Archaeology in South America, the
only specialized magazine that ever existed in
the region. Stanley South edited this magazine
between 1993 and 1996 (published by the South
Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthro-
pology) and presented articles written by South
American archaeologists in Spanish, Portuguese,
and English. Argentinean, Uruguayan, and
Brazilian archaeologists produced 90% of the
articles. Funari (2002a) points out that in some
South American countries (such as Peru, Ecua-
dor, Bolivia and, to some extent, Venezuela), the
lack of interest in historical archaeology might
be closely associated to the use of archaeology
as a privileged tool to build national identities
based on the search for precolonial splendor.
Recently, studies in historical archaeology have
40
become, nevertheless, much more frequent in all
South American countries.
Theoretical Frameworks and Subjects
of Investigation
Problems of investigation, as well as the way
scientists approach them, are intimately bound
to the selection of theoretical frameworks. In
South America, several conceptual currents have
been popular: diffusionism, processualism, and
postprocessualism, among others.
The main objective of diffusionist investiga-
tions was to provide spatial, chronological, and
technological orderings of past cultural groups.
Consequently, archaeologists coined several con-
cepts such as phase, horizon, cultural area, or
industry to describe them. Within a normative
idea of culture, people were defined as bear-
ers of fixed cultural characteristics. In general,
identification of cultural traits through material
culture led to recognition and differentiation of
identity groups. Moreover, transformations in
objects were explained as the results of specific
mechanisms that spread cultural features from
nuclear centers, where they were invented, to
marginal areas.
Diffusionism in historical archaeology was
associated with investigations that classified find-
ings according to biological criteria (European,
aboriginal, African, or mestizo artifacts) or ended
up justifying, even in an explicit manner, Euro-
pean conquest through the use of concepts such
as “acculturation.” As Charles Orser, Jr., (1996)
stated, those with diffusionist perspectives thought
of archaeology as an appropriate tool to help his-
tory. In this way, numerous researchers accounted
for things recovered in archaeological sites and
did not propose larger discussions. It was char-
acteristic of diffusionism to present exhaustive
descriptions of artifacts and structures found in
excavations. This was considered the only way
to insert archaeological sites within previously
defined culture-history sequences.
In the 1980s, investigations in historical
archaeology began to use different processual-
ist models, such as South’s (1977) “pattern
recognition,” Suzanne Spencer-Wood’s (1987)
“consumer choice,” or Pamela Cressey and John
Stephens’s (1982) “city-site” models. These the-
oretical proposals looked for universal laws of
behavior that controlled cultural systems, usually
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
defined as adaptative media tending to homeo-
stasis (Trigger 1990). Many researchers believed
universal laws were useful to describe and
explain an objective, real, and unique past.
Postprocessualist concepts became popular
in the late 1990s. These ideas were created
to explore individual action and sociocultural
diversity in specific historical and geographical
contexts (Trigger 1990). They focused on the
analysis of difference, inequality, and conflict
as contributing to the construction of multiple
subjective versions of the past. Postprocessual-
ist analyses were often associated with Marx-
ism (Leone 1984; McGuire and Paynter 1991;
McGuire 1992; Orser 1996), gender (Scott 1991;
Seifert 1991; Spencer-Wood 1991; Yentsch 1991),
poststructuralist, and phenomenological studies,
among others.
There are some South American historical
archaeologists who, despite taking into account
world theoretical contributions, preferred to gener-
ate their own conceptual frameworks to deal with
the formation of local societies. In this respect,
it is relevant to distinguish the efforts made by
Funari (1991, 1995, 1997), Andrade Lima (1996,
1997, 1999), Abuquerque (1995), Abuquerque and
Lucena (1997), Luis Symanski (1998), Senatore
(2002), María del C. Curbelo (1999), Marcos
Torres de Souza (2002), Therrien (2004), and
Beatriz Thiessen (2005). These archaeologists
reject the application of generalizing models,
sharing the assumption that it is necessary to
explore contextual differences to understand past
singularities at a regional and local level.
South American historical archaeology has
traditionally focused on several subjects of
investigation, which emerged in association with
different theoretical frameworks. More recently,
historical archaeology in South America is a
heterogeneous production, ranging from investi-
gations studying European settlement strategies
to projects involved in analyzing modern gar-
bage. The following is an overview of South
American investigations in historical archaeol-
ogy in the broad areas of colonial archaeology,
archaeology of modern society, underwater
archaeology, and public archaeology.
Colonial Archaeology
Historical archaeology has already proved its
potential for the study of European settlement in
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
the continent. From different perspectives and in
several geographical locations, historical archae-
ology has been able to shed light on social,
economic, ideological, and ecological aspects of
the process of colonization. In South America,
archaeological analyses on the subject have
usually focused on Hispanic urbanization, daily
life in religious missions, colonial enclaves, and
the relationships established between Europeans
and native populations. Other topics of colonial
archaeology include mining, wine production,
fortifications, and material culture studies.
Urban Centers
The origins of historical archaeology in the
American continent were closely associated
with the study of valuable historic sites, often
related to European colonization. Consequently,
the first investigations on the subject, usually
directed by historians, architects, and amateurs,
were oriented towards studying the founding of
cities. In Argentina, there have been relevant
records of these investigations since the 1970s.
Among them, it is important to note the archae-
ological project developed by Agustín Zapata
Gollán in the Spanish city of Santa Fe la Vieja
(1573–1660). Although not an archaeologist, his
work was pioneering and could be taken as the
starting point of colonial historical archaeology
in Argentina. Particularly, Zapata Gollán (1956,
1970, 1981) used archaeology as a methodology
to validate historical data regarding the location
and identification of Santa Fe. Zapata Gollán’s
(1991) investigations on different aspects of the
city’s daily life were published one year after
his death.
Many archaeological remains were recovered
in excavations conducted by Zapata Gollán.
These objects represent the material base of the
site and have been the object of several partial
studies over time. Carlos Cerruti (1983), for
example, studied the origin and characteristics of
Santa Fe’s wine containers in order to become
acquainted with regional production and internal
channels of communication during the colonial
period. He also studied the characteristics of
Hispanic-aboriginal contact, taking into account
the analysis of archaeological polychrome pot-
tery. After Cerruti, different investigators con-
ducted additional archaeological projects (Carrara
and De Grandis 1992, 1997; Senatore 1995;
41
Zarankin 1995; Carrara 1996, 1997; García Cano
and Valentini 1997; García Cano 2000).
Las Ruinas del Km75 is another urban site
that was intensively excavated. This site is usu-
ally associated with the old city of Concepción
del Bermejo. As with Santa Fe la Vieja, the
first excavations at this site were conducted by
nonarchaeologists—mainly Eldo Morresi (1971,
1978, 1983) who started systematic investiga-
tions in the late 1960s. After Morresi’s death,
other investigators led short-term projects in the
ruins (Zarankin and Acosta 1997, 2001).
Buenos Aires has also been subject of intense
investigations (Figure 1). Since the 1980s, archi-
tect Schávelzon (1992a, 1992b, 1994a, 1994b,
1995) has excavated different areas of the city
and has published several works describing and
classifying archaeological remains as well as
discussing Buenos Aires’ past cultural life (1991,
2000, 2003). In addition to Schávelzon, other
archaeologists investigated various aspects in
the city such as fauna (Silveira 1996), industry
(Weissel 1998), architecture (Zarankin 1999,
2002), and pottery (Senatore 1995).
Currently, Senatore is analyzing different
urban projects that are intended to incorpo-
rate Patagonia into Spanish domains of study.
Her project focuses on a comparison between
European and aboriginal strategies for the use
of space and contact. Her case studies are in
the 18th-century village of Floridablanca in
San Julián, Santa Cruz (Senatore 2000, 2002,
2004) and in the 16th-century settlement of
Nombre de Jesús in Cabo Vírgenes, Santa Cruz.
Floridablanca supported several farmer families
during a period of four years (1780–1784),
until it was abandoned and destroyed under the
pretext of not being self-sufficient. This town
represented Spanish intentions to test a model
of social order ruled by Spanish Enlightenment
ideas. Senatore’s and others’ investigations seek
to interpret the role of material culture and daily
practices in the social structuration of the site
(Senatore 2000, 2002, 2003, 2004; Bianchi Vil-
lelli 2002; Marschoff 2004).
The Spanish settlement of Nombre de Jesús,
along with Rey Don Felipe, was established to
exercise strategic control over Magallanes Strait,
a region frequently visited by English privateers
at the end of the 16th century. In 1584, Span-
ish settlers built a church, some houses, and a
bullet store near Cabo Vírgenes. This commu-
42
FIGURE 1. Rescue Archaeological Project at Banco de la República Argentina, Buenos Aires, Argentina. (Photo by
Zarankin, 2000.)
nity faced great difficulties, due to food scarcity
and enmity with aboriginal groups. These cir-
cumstances brought the settlement and settlers to
their deaths; only one man saved his life after
escaping in a privateer. Senatore (2006) and the
members of her project discovered the cem-
etery where the settlers were buried. Through
the analysis of osteological remains, material
culture, and diverse documentary sources, they
investigated the way these people organized
their daily lives in a hostile place.
In Brazil, several Portuguese colonial cities,
which remain inhabited, have developed their
own archaeological projects. Notable among
them are Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, San Pablo,
Recife, and Porto Alegre. Salvador, capital of
the state of Bahia and first capital of Brazil,
has been the object of many excavations headed
by Carlos Etchevarne (2001). His investigations
have been dedicated to studying Bahia’s his-
tory from a material perspective. San Pablo and
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
Porto Alegre developed their urban archaeologi-
cal programs in response to accelerated growth.
In San Pablo, the work of Margarida Andreatta
(1981–1982) has stood out since the 1980s,
when she began conducting several “rescue
operations” in different areas of the city. In the
case of Porto Alegre, Fernanda Tocchetto has
conducted interesting studies of the transforma-
tions of local society, focusing on consumer
choice, discard patterns, urban growth, and
pottery typologies, among other subjects (Toc-
chetto et al. 2001; Toccheto 2004; Santos 2005;
Thiessen 2005).
Uruguay has been the site of pioneering
colonial urban studies. Since the 1980s, two
different cities have been investigated in detail:
Colonia del Sacramento and Montevideo. In
the case of Colonia, Fusco (1990, 1997) has
analyzed the remains of Portuguese and Spanish
occupations, supplying historical information and
widening cultural tourism in the area. Curbelo
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
(1996, 1999) has developed her investigations
and “rescue works” in other regions of Uruguay
but mainly in Montevideo and Punta del Este,
Gorriti Island.
In Chile, despite Omar Ortiz Troncoso’s
(1970, 1971) and Mauricio Massone’s (1978,
1983) early investigations at archaeological
sites like Rey Don Felipe, studies in the field
have been sporadic. It was only in the 1990s
that systematic projects took place; these were
generally associated with development projects
such as the widening of Santiago’s subway
service or the excavations at the cemetery of
Pampilla.
There are other case studies of colonial cities
in South America. For instance, it is important
to consider the investigations of Therrien (1998)
in Bogotá; Carlos López and Martha Cano
Echeverri (2004) in Pereira, Colombia; Ross
Jamieson (2000) in Cuenca, Ecuador; Rodrigo
Navarrete (1997) in La Guaira and José M.
Cruxent (1955) in Cubagua, both in Venezuela.
Jesuit Missions
Investigations at Jesuit missions (particularly
in the area surrounding the limits of Argentina,
Paraguay and Brazil) date back to exploratory
trips headed by Argentinean researcher Juan B.
Ambrosetti at the beginning of the 20th century.
In spite of their magnificence and importance,
missions were not considered for archaeological
projects until the 1980s. Beatriz Rovira (1989)
applied analytical models proposed by Stanley
South and Bernard Fontana to the study of
Jesuit villages for her Ph.D. project, which
focused on the Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria
Mission in Misiones. Her goal was to study the
expansion of European societies over indigenous
guarani populations. She proposed the existence
of a “village despotic or communitarian despotic
mode of production” in the missions during the
17th and 18th centuries.
In the 1980s, Brazil developed new archaeo-
logical projects in Jesuit villages. Arno Kern
(1985, 1989a, 1989b, 1998) offered an over-
view of the historical, ethnographical, and
cultural nature of guarani groups who lived in
reducciones. Currently, other archaeologists are
working at mission sites (Poujade 1995, 1996)
and taking part in restoration activities or ethno-
archaeological investigations.
43
Ethnicity
Since the expansion of postprocessual theo-
retical frameworks, the discipline examined the
role of social minorities in history, including
ethnic, age, and gender groups that were not
considered by official narratives. In this context,
the analysis of African American populations
became relevant in South American historical
archaeology. Without a doubt, the most impor-
tant project developed on the subject was
the study Quilombo dos Palmares (Alagoas,
Brazil), a huge settlement of runaway and
freeborn slaves. Palmares constituted a long-
lasting example of resistance in the American
continent. Funari, Orser, and Michael Rowlands
directed the archaeological investigation of this
site during the 1990s. Their results raised new
problems of investigation in South American
historical archaeology, such as identity, material
culture (understood as an active element in the
construction and negotiation of identities), public
archaeology, and the social use of past (Orser
1994; Funari 1995, 1999; Rowlands 1999; Funari
and Vieira de Carvalho 2005). Carlos Guimarães
(1988) directed another important investigation
regarding quilombos in Minas Gerais.
Camila Agostini (2002) was one of the first
archaeologists to study African pipe collections
excavated in the region of Vassouras (Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil) as well as the permanence of
African cultural traditions in present Brazilian
society. Schávelzon was another researcher inter-
ested in studying African American groups, in
this case, in the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina.
In his book Buenos Aires Negra, Schávelzon
(2003) analyzed Buenos Aires’ archaeological
collections in order to distinguish a characteris-
tic African “type” of artifacts. He also took note
of the importance of African American groups
(which are today almost invisible) in 18th- and
19th-century Buenos Aires. Terrance Weik (2004)
worked with the idea of an “African diaspora”
in Latin America. In his opinion, archaeological
research focused on slave societies has contrib-
uted to broadening the understanding of complex
processes of cultural production.
Interest in ethnicity does not exclusively
refer to African American groups but also to
diverse postcontact identities, including rela-
tionships between conquerors and conquered
societies, usually analyzed by the “archaeology
44
of contact.” In general, most studies conducted
in colonial urban centers and religious mis-
sions consider these areas of investigation.
Other archaeologists deal with contact at a
regional level, such as Rafael Goñi (2000) in
Neuquén, Argentina; Alicia Tapia (2005) in la
Pampa, Argentina; Franz Scaramelli and Kay
Tarble (2005) in Orinoco, Venezuela, as well
as others.
In the last decade, some archaeologists have
adopted an ethnohistorical perspective to analyze
the integration and transformation of identities.
These investigations often use written documents
as their most important source of evidence, con-
sidering material culture as a mere correlate to
hypotheses generated by other media.
Mining Sites
Investigations of historic mining sites have
traditionally discussed strategies of economic
FIGURE 2. Archaeological excavations at a gold exploitation structure, 18th Century, Riberao Grande, San Paulo, Brazil.
(Photo by Zarankin, 2005.)
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
exploitation, including extractive techniques
or site organization, and, on rare occasions,
ideological and social aspects of workers’ daily
lives. Today, the archaeology of mining sites is
calling archaeologists’ attention more than ever
(Figure 2).
In Brazil, investigations on the subject have
mainly been focused on a series of structures
used in search of gold, known as encañados,
which consist of stone pipelines used to divert
watercourses during the 17th, 18th, and 19th
centuries (Documento 2002, 2004). Some years
ago, Torres de Souza (2002) developed an
archaeological project to analyze the social con-
struction of space in an urban mining centre in
Goiás. Currently, Carlos Guimarães (1996) and
the members of his team (Guimarães, Reis, and
Pereira 2004) are studying several systems of
mining exploitation in the area of Minas Gerais.
Their objective is to discuss production and
daily life in colonial mining communities.
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America 45

One of the first records of mining archaeology Material Culture

in Argentina was Humberto Lagiglia’s (1983)
work on colonial mineral exploitation in Men-
doza. Currently, Víctor Durand is studying 19th-
century mineral production in the same area. In
the case of Chile, Bente Bittmann headed the
only archaeological study concerned with ana-
lyzing nitrate plants that flourished throughout
the Atacama Desert from the late 1800s to the
1940s (Alcaide and Bittmann 1984).
Wine Production
Prudence Rice has studied several Peruvian
sites associated with wine production. Wine
cellars, kilns, and other structures dating to the
Spanish colonial period have been excavated
(Rice and Smith 1989; Rice and Van Beck
1993). Prior to Rice’s investigations, another
group of American archaeologists also studied
traffic routes in the region (Beck et al. 1983).
Fortifications
In order to study a specific period or social
group from an archaeological perspective, it
is important to know and identify its cultural
remains. Archaeologists have created several
typologies and classifications that, in the case
of colonial materials, take into account the
information given by different types of written
documents (ranging from inventories to paint-
ings or photographs). Until the end of the 1980s,
Kathleen Deagan’s (1983, 1987), John Goggin’s
(1968), and Florence Lister and Robert Lister’s
works (1976) were used as basic bibliographies
to classify archaeological materials in South
America.
After the development of several historical
projects in the region, South American archae-
ologists began to produce local classifications
of archaeological materials (Figure 3). These
studies include work by Schávelzon (1991) on
ceramics, glass, and metal; Albuquerque (2000)
on Portuguese majolica; Tocchetto (2004) on

The colonial period can be characterized by

the need to protect conquered territories from
aboriginal or other European groups. Thousands
of fortifications were built along coastlines with
the aim of protecting newly founded cities.
Some forts were also established in the interior
of the continent. Many fortifications have been
excavated, and some of them have even been
restored as tourist attractions. Albuquerque is
probably the most prominent South American
archaeologist in this field of study. Since the
1970s, this archaeologist and a group of col-
laborators have excavated several fortifications
in the northeastern area of Brazil (Albuquerque
and Lucena 1988, 1997; Albuquerque 1993,
1995; Albuquerque et al. 1999).
At present, Funari and Aline Vieira de Carvalho
(2005) have detected several 18th- and 19th-cen-
tury defensive structures in Angra dos Reis. This
region represented a strategic area for Portugal
and the Brazilian state, as it connected maritime
and terrestrial commercial networks. Funari and
Vieira de Carvalho consider the history of these
forts to be intertwined, and they make use of
official historical discourse as well as study
material remains and daily practices. They also FIGURE 3. 18th- and 19th-century English wine bottles
propose to analyze, preserve, and disseminate the recovered through archaeological excavations in Buenos
findings through public archaeology. Aires, Argentina. (Photo by Zarankin, 2001.)
46
imported wares; and Therrien and colleagues
(2002) on Spanish majolica and wares.
Archaeology of Modern Society
Since the 1990s, and generally under the post-
processualist umbrella, archaeology of modern
society has been one of the topics that has been
popular among South American researchers. In
this section, different problems of investigation
regarding the construction of modern societies
and national states are considered. Among the
topics of recent archaeological investigation are
the expansion of country boundaries towards
the end of the 19th century, the appearance
and consolidation of the proletariat and the
bourgeoisie, industrial archaeology, 20th-century
archaeology, and the archaeology of repression
and disappeared people.
Discourses, Practices, and Identities
Without social identities, there is no society.
To understand modern society, it becomes nec-
essary to study the changes experienced in the
use of objects and in the construction of new
identities, including ethnicity, status, gender, and
age, in different times and spaces (Zarankin and
Senatore 2002). These transformations express
new hierarchies and power relationships. Interest
in material culture and identity forces archaeolo-
gists to develop investigations concerned with
discussing the singularities of local contexts
within the process of capitalist expansion. It
also makes possible the deconstruction of mac-
ro-identities generated by hegemonic discourses
(meaning white occidental discourses), rescuing
the multiple identities on which modern South
American society was built and still operates.
One of the most outstanding studies within
this theoretical framework is the work con-
ducted by Andrade Lima (1996, 1997, 1999).
This archaeologist analyzed the structure of
bourgeoisie and gender relationships as well as
food consumption, hygiene, and death practices
of 19th-century Rio de Janeiro. Some examples
of other investigations are also deserving of
mention: Tocchetto and her colleagues (Syman-
sky 1998; Thiessen 1999, 2005; Tocchetto
2004) studied Porto Alegre’s society; Claudia
Plens (2004) took into account the organization
of space in San Pablo’s 19th-century workers’
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
villages; Therrien (2004) considered the structur-
ing of consumption in Bogotá; Zarankin (1999,
2002) analyzed transformations in domestic and
scholar architecture in Buenos Aires; and Melisa
Salerno (2006) discussed the diversity of dress
practices in modern society.
Expansion of National Boundaries
The study of the expansion of national states’
internal boundaries during the second half of the
19th century is also gaining importance among
researchers. In Argentina, several forts have
been excavated with the aim of understanding
conquest strategies over aboriginal populations
and their territories as well as ethnic relation-
ships between aboriginals and white groups.
This research includes Goñi’s investigations
(Goñi and Madrid 1999) in Fuerte Blancagrande;
Facundo Gómez Romero’s work (Gómez Romero
and Ramos 1994, Gómez Romero 2005a) in
Fortín Miñana; Nora Guerci, Miguel Mugueta,
and Mario Rodríguez’s analyses in Cantón
Tapalqué (Guerci et al. 2004); and María del C.
Langiano, Julio Merlo, and Pablo Ormazabal’s
project in Fuerte San Martín or Sauce Corto
(Langiano et al. 2002), Buenos Aires. Currently,
several Argentinean archaeologists are excavat-
ing aboriginal settlements to shed light on the
changes experienced by local groups during the
period of contact and conflict with the national
society (Goñi 2000; Pedrotta 2002; Pedrotta and
Bagaloni 2005; Tapia 2005).
During the mid-1990s, several Brazilian
archaeologists developed a social project ori-
ented to rescue regional memory. With this
objective in mind, they studied Parque Estadual
de Canudos, a 19th-century settlement estab-
lished to challenge the Portuguese empire. One
hundred years later, researchers decided to ana-
lyze material, oral, written, and iconographic
evidences in order to broaden knowledge about
Canudo’s daily life (Zanettini 1996a, 1996b).
Repression and “Disappeared” People
South America has suffered the sociopolitical
consequences of dictatorial governments that
ruled from the 1960s to the 1980s. Official dis-
courses tend to erase and distort the memories
of repressive mechanisms, especially the murder
and disappearance of people. The return of
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
democracy to the region during the mid-1980s
allowed new generations of archaeologists to
make substantial contributions to the study
of dictatorships. It is important to stress that
archaeology has the potential to democratize
the past by giving voice to silent groups and
producing narratives that are different from
those created by the groups in power (Bellelli
and Tobin 1985).
Investigations within the archaeology of
repression articulate multiple and intimately
bounded objectives. On the one hand, some
professionals focus their interests on the dis-
cussion of the epistemological, conceptual, and
methodological bases (Funari and Vieira de
Oliveira 2006; Haber 2006; López Mazz 2006).
Other researchers develop projects for search-
ing, localizing, and identifying murdered and
“disappeared” people. The Equipo Argentino de
FIGURE 4. Analysis of materials recovered at Club Atlético Clandestine Center of Detention, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
(Photo by Zarankin, 2003.)
47
Arqueología Forense (EAAF) or Argentinean
Forensic Anthropology Team represents a good
example of this approach. Excavating common
graves in cemeteries and military bases in
Argentina and other South American countries,
this organization was able to shed light on the
killing of thousands of people during military
political regimes as well as return the human
remains to their families (EAAF 1991, 1992,
1993; Doretti and Fondebrider 2001).
Currently, different archaeological proj-
ects excavate clandestine centers of detention
(Figure  4). With that aim, these researchers seek
to construct a “material memory” of genocide,
analyze repressive strategies expressed in spatial
organization (Bozzuto et al. 2004; Zarankin and
Niro 2006), and study previously undetected
practices of resistance (López Mazz 2006;
Navarrete and López 2006).
48
Underwater Archaeology
Treasure hunters have been present in the
region for decades—many times calling them-
selves “archaeologists.” Leaving aside their
negative impact, it is worth noting the develop-
ment of underwater archaeology (with an histori-
cal orientation) in South America. It was not
until the 1990s that this field became a serious
branch of archaeology in some South American
countries. Today, two particular projects stand
out for their work, directed by Dolores Elkin
(Argentina) and Gilson Rambelli (Brazil). These
researchers have excavated dozens of shipwrecks
from different times, offering valuable informa-
tion on consumption, the transport of goods,
ship traffic, and different aspects of sailors’
daily lives. Their investigations have also evalu-
ated different methodologies and techniques for
fieldwork as well as submerged heritage man-
agement and protection (Elkin 2002; Rambelli
2002).
Public Archaeology
Historical archaeology in South America has
proven its social commitment, developing new
projects to interact with local communities,
democratizing academic production through
education, and protecting historical heritage.
Public archaeology’s main objective is to inter-
twine bonds between communities’ pasts and
the present; help communities preserve and
revalue their traditions and cultural resources;
and include community knowledge, interests,
and needs in scientific investigations. Different
papers explore these subjects (Funari 2002c;
Funari, Vieira de Oliveira et al. 2005; Eremites
de Oliveira 2005).
Final Words
In a general way, South American historical
archaeology constitutes a fully integrated field
of study for the investigation agenda of the
region. At the moment, almost every meeting
in archaeology offers the opportunity to attend a
symposium on historical archaeology. Scientific
production in the field has been intensified, and
archaeologists have been able to spread their
investigations out from the continent. In spite
of these achievements, South American historical
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
archaeology is still searching for its own iden-
tity. Particularly, it is trying to transform itself
into a tool of social change—one that might
be able to construct a critical history of the
exploitation and poverty of the region.
Acknowledgments
We thank Pedro Paulo Funari, Tania Andrade
Lima, María Ximena Senatore, Amalia Sangui-
netti de Bórmida, Charles Orser, Jr., Kay Tarble,
Rodrigo Navarrete, Carlos Magno Guimaraes,
and Mariana Segura for their help and collabo-
ration in the preparation of this paper. We also
would like to mention Joe Joseph and Rebecca
Allen’s help and support for the publication of
this article.
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2002 Paredes que Domesticam: Arqueologia da Arquitetura
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Centro de Historia da Arte e Arqueologia (IFCH-
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1997 Arqueología de una Ciudad Olvidada: Las Ruinas
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2006 La Materialización del Sadismo: Arqueología de la
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Repression and Resistance in Latin America [1960–
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Del Tridente, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
58
Zarankin, Andrés
Departamento de Sociologia e Antropología
Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
6627 Antonio Carlos Avenue
Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil (31270-901)
Salerno, Melisa A.
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
Departamento de Investigaciones Prehistóricas
y Arqueológicas
Instituto Multidisciplinar de Historia y Ciencias
Humanas
Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas
y Técnicas
15 Saavedra Street, 5th floor
Buenos Aires, Argentina (1380)