he Corpus Juris (or Iuris) Civilis ("Body of Civil Law") is the modern name[1] for

a collection of fundamental works in jurisprudence, issued from 529 to 534 by order

of Justinian I, Byzantine Emperor. It is also sometimes referred to metonymically
after one of its parts, the Code of Justinian.

The work as planned had three parts: the Code (Codex) is a compilation, by
selection and extraction, of imperial enactments to date; the Digest or Pandects
(the Latin title contains both Digesta and Pandectae) is an encyclopedia composed
of mostly brief extracts from the writings of Roman jurists; and the Institutes
(Institutiones) is a student textbook, mainly introducing the Code, although it has
important conceptual elements that are less developed in the Code or the Digest.
All three parts, even the textbook, were given force of law. They were intended to
be, together, the sole source of law; reference to any other source, including the
original texts from which the Code and the Digest had been taken, was forbidden.
Nonetheless, Justinian found himself having to enact further laws and today these
are counted as a fourth part of the Corpus, the Novellae Constitutiones (Novels,
literally New Laws).

The work was directed by Tribonian, an official in Justinian's court in

Constantinople. His team was authorized to edit what they included. How far they
made amendments is not recorded and, in the main, cannot be known because most of
the originals have not survived. The text was composed and distributed almost
entirely in Latin, which was still the official language of the government of the
Eastern Roman Empire in 529–534, whereas the prevalent language of merchants,
farmers, seamen, and other citizens was Greek. By the early 7th century, the
official government language had become Greek during the lengthy reign of Heraclius
(610–641).

The Corpus Juris Civilis was revised into Greek, when that became the predominant
language of the Eastern Roman Empire, and continued to form the basis of the
empire's laws, the Basilika (Greek: τὰ βασιλικά, 'imperial laws'), through the 15th
century. The Basilika in turn served as the basis for local legal codes in the
Balkans during the following Ottoman period and later formed the basis of the legal
code of Modern Greece. In Western Europe the Corpus Juris Civilis, or its successor
texts like the Basilika, did not get well established originally and was only
recovered in the Middle Ages, being "received" or imitated as private law. Its
public law content was quarried for arguments by both secular and ecclesiastical
authorities. This recovered Roman law, in turn, became the foundation of law in all
civil law jurisdictions. The provisions of the Corpus Juris Civilis also influenced
the canon law of the Catholic Church: it was said that ecclesia vivit lege romana –
the church lives by Roman law.[2] Its influence on common law legal systems has
been much smaller, although some basic concepts from the Corpus have survived
through Norman law – such as the contrast, especially in the Institutes, between
"law" (statute) and custom. The Corpus continues to have a major influence on
public international law. Its four parts thus constitute the foundation documents
of the Western legal tradition.

Contents
1 Compilation process
2 The four parts
2.1 Codex
2.1.1 Legislation about religion
2.1.1.1 Laws against heresy
2.1.1.2 Laws against paganism
2.2 Digesta
2.3 Institutions
2.4 Novellae
3 Continuation in the East
4 Recovery in the West
5 See also
6 References
7 External links
7.1 Latin texts
7.1.1 Corpus Iuris Civilis complete
7.1.2 Institutiones, Codex and Digesta
7.2 English translations
7.2.1 Corpus Iuris Civilis complete
7.2.2 Codex
7.2.3 Novellae
7.2.4 Selections
Compilation process

Justinian I depicted on a mosaic in the church of San Vitale, Ravenna, Italy

Justinian acceded to the imperial throne in Constantinople in 527.[3] Six months
after his accession, in order to reduce the great number of imperial constitutions
and thus also the number of court proceedings, Justinian arranged for the creation
of a new collection of imperial constitutions (Codex Iustinianus).[3] The
commission in charge of the compilation process was explicitly authorized to leave
out or change text and to delete what was obsolete or contradictory.[3] Soon, in
529, the Codex was completed and was conferred the force of law in the whole
empire, replacing all earlier constitutions and the Codex Theodosianus.[3]

A little more than a year after the enactment of the first edition of the Code,
Justinian appointed a commission headed by Tribonian to compile the traditional
jurists' law in a new, shortened and contemporary codification: the 'Digest or
Pandects'.[3] The traditional collection of jurists' law, Justinian believed, was
so extensive that it had become unmanageable, necessitating a new compilation. The
commission completed its work within three years, in 533.[3]

Tribonian's commission surveyed the works of classical jurists who were assumed in
Justinian's time to have the authority to clarify law (ius respondendi) and whose
works were still available.[3] In total, there are excerpts from 38 jurists in the
Digest.[3]

The four parts

Codex
Main article: Code of Justinian
The "Codex Justinianus", "Codex Justinianeus" or "Codex Justiniani" (Latin for
"Justinian's Code") was the first part to be finished, on 7 April 529. It contained
in Latin most of the existing imperial constitutiones (imperial pronouncements
having force of law), back to the time of Hadrian. It used both the Codex
Theodosianus and the fourth-century collections embodied in the Codex Gregorianus
and Codex Hermogenianus, which provided the model for division into books that were
themselves divided into titles. These works had developed authoritative standing.
[4] This first edition is now lost; a second edition was issued in 534 and is the
text that has survived. At least the second edition contained some of Justinian's
own legislation, including some legislation in Greek. It is not known whether he
intended there to be further editions, although he did envisage translation of
Latin enactments into Greek.

Legislation about religion

Numerous provisions served to secure the status of Christianity as the state
religion of the empire, uniting Church and state, and making anyone who was not
connected to the Christian church a non-citizen. The Christianity referred to is
Chalcedonian Christianity as defined by the state church, which excluded a variety
of other major Christian sects in existence at the time such as the Church of the
East and Oriental Orthodoxy.
Laws against heresy
The very first law in the Codex requires all persons under the jurisdiction of the
Empire to hold the Christian faith. This was primarily aimed at heresies such as
Nestorianism. This text later became the springboard for discussions of
international law, especially the question of just what persons are under the
jurisdiction of a given state or legal system.

Laws against paganism

Other laws, while not aimed at pagan belief as such, forbid particular pagan
practices. For example, it is provided that all persons present at a pagan
sacrifice may be indicted as if for murder.

Digesta
Main article: Digest (Roman law)
The Digesta or Pandectae, completed in 533, is a collection of juristic writings,
mostly dating back to the second and third centuries. Fragments were taken out of
various legal treatises and opinions and inserted in the Digest. In their original
context, the statements of the law contained in these fragments were just private
opinions of legal scholars – although some juristic writings had been privileged by
Theodosius II's Law of Citations in 426. The Digest, however, was given full force
of law.

Institutions
Main article: Institutes of Justinian
As the Digest neared completion, Tribonian and two professors, Theophilus and
Dorotheus, made a student textbook, called the Institutions or Elements. As there
were four elements, the manual consists of four books. The Institutiones are
largely based on the Institutiones of Gaius. Two-thirds of the Institutiones of
Justinian consists of literal quotes from Gaius. The new Institutiones were used as
a manual for jurists in training from 21 November 533 and were given the authority
of law on 30 December 533 along with the Digest.

Novellae
Main article: Novellae Constitutiones
The Novellae consisted of new laws that were passed after 534. They were later re-
worked into the Syntagma, a practical lawyer's edition, by Athanasios of Emesa
during the years 572–577.

Continuation in the East

The term Byzantine Empire iThe Code of Justinian (Latin: Codex Justinianus,
Justinianeus[2] or Justiniani) is one part of the Corpus Juris Civilis, the
codification of Roman law ordered early in the 6th century CE by Justinian I, who
was an Eastern Roman (Byzantine) emperor in Constantinople. Two other units, the
Digest and the Institutes, were created during his reign. The fourth part, the
Novellae Constitutiones (New Constitutions, or Novels), was compiled unofficially
after his death but is now also thought of as part of the Corpus Juris Civilis.[3]

Contents
1 Creation
2 Rediscovery
3 English translations
4 See also
5 References
6 Sources
7 External links
Creation
Justinian I depicted on a mosaic in the church of San Vitale, Ravenna, Italy
Shortly after Justinian became emperor in 527, he decided the empire's legal system
needed repair. There existed three codices of imperial laws and other individual
laws, many of which conflicted or were out of date. The Codex Gregorianus and the
Codex Hermogenianus were unofficial compilations. (The term "Codex" refers to the
physical aspect of the works, being in book form, rather than on papyrus rolls. The
transition to the codex occurred around AD 300.)[4] The Codex Theodosianus was an
official compilation ordered by Theodosius II.[4] In February 528, Justinian
promulgated the Constitutio Hac quae necessario, by which was created a ten-man
commission to review these earlier compilations as well as individual laws,
eliminate everything unnecessary or obsolete, make changes as it saw fit, and
create a single compilation of imperial laws in force.[5] The commission was headed
by the praetorian prefect, John the Cappadocian[6] and also included Tribonian, who
was later to head the other Corpus Juris Civilis projects.[7]

The commission finished its work in 14 months, and the compilation was promulgated
in April 529 by the Constitutio Summa.[8] However, this compilation did not
eliminate all the conflicts that had arisen over the years in Roman jurisprudence,
and the constitutions in the Code were to be used alongside the conflicting
opinions of ancient jurists. "The citation of the said constitutions of Our Code,
with the opinions of the ancient interpreters of the law, will suffice for the
disposal of all cases."[9] Justinian attempted to harmonize these conflicting
opinions by issuing his "Fifty Decisions" and by passing additional new laws. This
meant that his Code no longer reflected the latest imperial law. Thus, Justinian
ordered a new compilation to supersede the first, and this Codex was published in
534.[10] No copies of the first edition of the Code have survived; only a fragment
of an index of contents on an Egyptian papyrus remains.[11] Known as the Codex
Repetitae Praelectionis, this second edition of the Code was published on November
16, 534, and took effect on December 30.[12] The Codex consists of twelve books:
book 1 concerns ecclesiastical law, sources of law, and the duties of higher
offices; books 2–8 cover private law; book 9 deals with crimes; and books 10–12
contain administrative law. The Code's structure is based on ancient
classifications set out in the edictum perpetuum (perpetual edict), as is that of
the Digest.

Rediscovery
In the West, Justinian's Codex was largely lost, or in many places never present,
due to the limited western extent of the Byzantine territories. The Latin version
known today was painstakingly restored over many centuries. The only known
manuscript that once contained the entire Latin Codex is a Veronese palimpsest of
the 6th or 7th century; it is now only fragments.[13][14] Within its home in the
Byzantine Empire, the code was translated into Greek, which had become the
governing language, and adapted, in the 9th century as the Basilika. It appears as
if the Latin Code was shortened in the Middle Ages into an "Epitome Codex", with
inscriptions being dropped and numerous other changes made.[15] Some time in the
8th or 9th century, the last three books of the Code were separated from the
others, and many other laws in the first nine books, including all of those written
in Greek, were dropped.[16] Substantially complete versions of Justinian's Codex
were restored around the end of the 12th century, and the humanists of the 16th
century added the laws originally promulgated in Greek.[17] Paul Krüger created the
modern, standard version of the Codex in 1877.[18]

English translations
No English translatFrederick Barbarossa (1122 – 10 June 1190), also known as
Frederick I (German: Friedrich I, Italian: Federico I), was the Holy Roman Emperor
from 1155 until his death 35 years later. He was elected King of Germany at
Frankfurt on 4 March 1152 and crowned in Aachen on 9 March 1152. He was crowned
King of Italy on 24 April 1155 in Pavia and emperor by Pope Adrian IV on 18 June
1155 in Rome. Two years later, the term sacrum ("holy") first appeared in a
document in connection with his empire.[1] He was later formally crowned King of
Burgundy, at Arles on 30 June 1178. He was named Barbarossa by the northern Italian
cities which he attempted to rule: Barbarossa means "red beard" in Italian;[2] in
German, he was known as Kaiser Rotbart, which means “Emperor Redbeard” in English.
The prevalence of the Italian nickname, even in later German usage, reflects the
centrality of the Italian campaigns to his career.

Before his imperial election, Frederick was by inheritance Duke of Swabia (1147–
1152, as Frederick III). He was the son of Duke Frederick II of the Hohenstaufen
dynasty and Judith, daughter of Henry IX, Duke of Bavaria, from the rival House of
Welf. Frederick, therefore, descended from the two leading families in Germany,
making him an acceptable choice for the Empire's prince-electors.

Historians consider him among the Holy Roman Empire's greatest medieval emperors.
He combined qualities that made him appear almost superhuman to his contemporaries:
his longevity, his ambition, his extraordinary skills at organization, his
battlefield acumen and his political perspicacity. His contributions to Central
European society and culture include the reestablishment of the Corpus Juris
Civilis, or the Roman rule of law, which counterbalanced the papal power that
dominated the German states since the conclusion of the Investiture Controversy.

Frederick died in 1190 in Asia Minor while leading an army in the Third Crusade.

Contents
1 Biography
1.1 Early life
1.2 Second Crusade
1.3 Election
1.4 Rise to power
1.5 First Italian Campaign: 1154–55
1.6 Second, Third and Fourth Italian Campaigns: 1158–1174
1.7 Later years
1.8 Third Crusade
1.9 Death and burials
2 Frederick and the Justinian code
3 Economic policy
4 Charismatic leader
5 Legend
6 Children
7 Ancestry
8 In popular culture
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References
11.1 Citations
11.2 Sources
12 External links
Biography
Early life
Frederick was born in mid-December 1122 in Haguenau,[3] to Frederick II, Duke of
Swabia and Judith of Bavaria. He learned to ride, hunt and use weapons, but could
neither read nor write, and was also unable to speak the Latin language.[4] Later
on, he took part in the Hoftage during the reign of his uncle, King Conrad III, in
1141 in Strasbourg, 1142 in Konstanz, 1143 in Ulm, 1144 in Würzburg and 1145 in
Worms.

Second Crusade
In early 1147, Frederick joined the Second Crusade. His uncle, King Conrad III, had
taken the crusader vow in public on 28 December 1146. Frederick's father strongly
objected to his son's crusade. According to Otto of Freising, the duke berated his
brother, Conrad III, for permitting his son to go. The elder Frederick, who was
dying, expected his son to look after his widow and young half-brother.[5]

Perhaps in preparation for his crusade, Frederick married Adelaide of Vohburg

sometime before March 1147. His father died on 4 or 6 April and Frederick succeeded
to the Duchy of Swabia. The German crusader army departed from Regensburg seven
weeks later.[5]

In August 1147, while crossing the Byzantine Empire, an ill crusader stopped in a
monastery outside Adrianople to recuperate. There he was robbed and killed. Conrad
ordered Frederick to avenge him. The duke of Swabia razed the monastery, captured
and executed the robbers and demanded a return of the stolen money. The
intervention of the Byzantine general Prosuch prevented a further escalation.[6]

A few weeks later, on 8 September, Frederick and Welf VI were among the few German
crusaders spared when flash flooding destroyed the main camp. They had encamped on
a hill away from the main army. The army reached Constantinople the following day.
[6]

Conrad III attempted to lead the army overland across Anatolia. Finding this too
difficult in the face of constant Turkish attacks near Dorylaeum, he turned back.
The rearguard was subsequently annihilated. Conrad sent Frederick ahead to inform
King Louis VII of France of the disaster and ask for help. The two armies, French
and German, then advanced together. When Conrad fell ill at Christmas in Ephesus,
he returned to Constantinople by ship with his main followers, including Frederick.
[6]

With Byzantine ships and money, the German army left Constantinople on 7 March 1148
and arrived in Acre on 11 April. After Easter, Conrad and Frederick visited
Jerusalem, where Frederick was impressed by the charitable works of the Knights
Hospitaller. He took part in the council that was held at Palmarea on 24 June,
where it was decided to attack Damascus.[6]

Crusaders besieging Damascus in 1148

The Siege of Damascus (24–28 July) lasted a mere five days and ended in ignominious
defeat. Gilbert of Mons, writing fifty years later, recorded that Frederick
"prevailed in arms before all others in front of Damascus". On 8 September, the
German army sailed out of Acre.[6]

On the route home, Conrad III and Frederick stopped in Thessaloniki where they
swore oaths to uphold the treaty that Conrad had agreed with Emperor Manuel I
Komnenos the previous winter. This treaty obligated the Germans to attack King
Roger II of Sicily in cooperation with the Byzantines. After confirming the treaty,
Frederick was sent ahead to Germany. He passed through Bulgaria and Hungary and
arrived in Germany in April 1149.[6]

Election
When Conrad died in February 1152, only Frederick and the prince-bishop of Bamberg
were at his deathbed. Both asserted afterwards that Conrad had, in full possession
of his mental powers, handed the royal insignia to Frederick and indicated that
Frederick, rather than Conrad's own six-year-old son, the future Frederick IV, Duke
of Swabia, succeed him as king.[7] Frederick energetically pursued the crown and at
Frankfurt on 4 March 1152 the kingdom's princely electors designated him as the
next German king.[7]

He was crowned King of the Romans at Aachen several days later, on 9 March 1152.[8]
Frederick's father was from the Hohenstaufen family, and his mother was from the
Welf family, the two most powerful families in Germany. The Hohenstaufens were
often called Ghibellines, which derives from the Italianized name for Waiblingen
castle, the family seat in Swabia; the Welfs, in a similar Italianization, were
called Guelfs.[9]

13th-century stained glass image of Frederick I, Strasbourg Cathedral

The reigns of Henry IV and Henry V left the status of the German empire in
disarray, its power waning under the weight of the Investiture controversy. For a
quarter of a century following the death of Henry V in 1125, the German monarchy
was largely a nominal title with no real power.[10] The king was chosen by the
princes, was given no resources outside those of his own duchy, and he was
prevented from exercising any real authority or leadership in the realm. The royal
title was furthermore passed from one family to another to preclude the development
of any dynastic interest in the German crown. When Frederick I of Hohenstaufen was
chosen as king in 1152, royal power had been in effective abeyance for over twenty-
five years, and to a considerable degree for more than eighty years. The only real
claim to wealth lay in the rich cities of northern Italy, which were still within
the nominal control of the German king.[11] The Salian line had died out with the
death of Henry V in 1125. The German princes refused to give the crown to his
nephew, the duke of Swabia, for fear he would try to regain the imperial power held
by Henry V. Instead, they chose Lothair III (1125–1137), who found himself
embroiled in a long-running dispute with the Hohenstaufens, and who married into
the Welfs. One of the Hohenstaufens gained the throne as Conrad III of Germany
(1137–1152). When Frederick Barbarossa succeeded his uncle in 1152, there seemed to
be excellent prospects for ending the feud, since he was a Welf on his mother's
side.[7] The Welf duke of Saxony, Henry the Lion, would not be appeased, however,
remaining an implacable enemy of the Hohenstaufen monarchy. Barbarossa had the
duchies of Swabia and Franconia, the force of his own personality, and very little
else to construct an empire.[12]

The Germany that Frederick tried to unite was a patchwork of more than 1600
individual states, each with its own prince. A few of these, such as Bavaria and
Saxony, were large. Many were too small to pinpoint on a map.[13] The titles
afforded to the German king were "Caesar", "Augustus", and "Emperor of the Romans".
By the time Frederick would assume these, they were little more than propaganda
slogans with little other meaning.[14] Frederick was a pragmatist who dealt with
the princes by finding a mutual self-interest. Unlike Henry II of England,
Frederick did not attempt to end medieval feudalism, but rather tried to restore
it, though this was beyond his ability. The great players in the German civil war
had been the Pope, Emperor, Ghibellines, and the Guelfs, but none of these had
emerged as the winner.[15]

Rise to power

Penny or denier with Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa, struck in Nijmegen

Eager to restore the Empire to the position it had occupied under Charlemagne and
Otto I the Great, the new king saw clearly that the restoration of order in Germany
was a necessary preliminary to the enforcement of the imperial rights in Italy.
Issuing a general order for peace,[16] he made lavish concessions to the nobles.
[17] Abroad, Frederick intervened in the Danish civil war between Svend III and
Valdemar I of Denmark[18] and began negotiations with the Eastern Roman Emperor,
Manuel I Comnenus.[19] It was probably about this time that the king obtained papal
assent for the annulment of his childless marriage with Adelheid of Vohburg, on the
grounds of consanguinity (his great-great-grandfather was a brother of Adela's
great-great-great-grandmother, making them fourth cousins, once removed). He then
made a vain attempt to obtain a bride from the court of Constantinople. On his
accession, Frederick had communicated the news of his election to Pope Eugene III,
but had neglected to ask for papal confirmation. In March 1153, Frederick concluded
the Treaty of Constance with the Pope, wherein he promised, in return for his
coronation, to defend the papacy, to make no peace with king Roger II of Sicily or
other enemies of the Church without the consent of Eugene,[20] and to help Eugene
regain control of the city of Rome.[21]

First Italian Campaign: 1154–55

Frederick undertook six expeditions into Italy. In the first, beginning in October
1154,[22] his plan was to launch a campaign against the Normans under King William
I of Sicily.[19] He marched down and almost immediately encountered resistance to
his authority. Obtaining the submission of Milan, he successfully besieged Tortona
on 13 February 1155, razing it to the ground on 18 April.[23] He moved on to Pavia,
where he received the Iron Crown and the title of King of Italy on 24 April.[24]
Moving through Bologna and Tuscany, he was soon approaching the city of Rome.
There, Pope Adrian IV was struggling with the forces of the republican city commune
led by Arnold of Brescia, a student of Abelard.[citation needed] As a sign of good
faith, Frederick dismissed the ambassadors from the revived Roman Senate,[19] and
Imperial forces suppressed the republicans. Arnold was captured and hanged for
treason and rebellion. Despite his unorthodox teaching concerning theology, Arnold
was not charged with heresy.[25]

As Frederick approached the gates of Rome, the Pope advanced to meet him. At the
royal tent the king received him, and after kissing the pope's feet, Frederick
expected to receive the traditional kiss of peace.[26] Frederick had declined to
hold the Pope's stirrup while leading him to the tent, however, so Adrian refused
to give the kiss until this protocol had been complied with.[26] Frederick
hesitated, and Adrian IV withdrew; after a day's negotiation, Frederick agreed to
perform the required ritual, reportedly muttering, "Pro Petro, non Adriano -- For
Peter, not for Adrian."[26] Rome was still in an uproar over the fate of Arnold of
Brescia, so rather than marching through the streets of Rome, Frederick and Adrian
retired to the Vatican.

Wax seal of Frederick I, used in the imperial residence of Pfalz Wimpfen.

The next day, 18 June 1155, Adrian IV crowned Frederick I Holy Roman Emperor at St
Peter's Basilica, amidst the acclamations of the German army.[27] The Romans began
to riot, and Frederick spent his coronation day putting down the revolt, resulting
in the deaths of over 1,000 Romans and many more thousands injured. The next day,
Frederick, Adrian, and the German army travelled to Tivoli. From there, a
combination of the unhealthy Italian summer and the effects of his year-long
absence from Germany meant he was forced to put off his planned campaign against
the Normans of Sicily.[27] On their way northwards, they attacked Spoleto and
encountered the ambassadors of Manuel I Comnenus, who showered Frederick with
costly gifts. At Verona, Frederick declared his fury with the rebellious Milanese
before finally returning to Germany.[28]

Disorder was again rampant in Germany, especially in Bavaria, but general peace was
restored by Frederick's vigorous, but conciliatory, measures. The duchy of Bavaria
was transferred from Henry II Jasomirgott, margrave of Austria, to Frederick's
formidable younger cousin Henry the Lion, Duke of Saxony,[29] of the House of
Guelph, whose father had previously held both duchies.[30] Henry II Jasomirgott was
named Duke of Austria in compensation for his loss of Bavaria. As part of his
general policy of concessions of formal power to the German princes and ending the
civil wars within the kingdom, Frederick further appeased Henry by issuing him with
the Privilegium Minus, granting him unprecedented entitlements as Duke of Austria.
This was a large concession on the part of Frederick, who realized that Henry the
Lion had to be accommodated, even to the point of sharing some power with him.
Frederick could not afford to make an outright enemy of Henry.[31]
On 9 June 1156 at Würzburg, Frederick married Beatrice of Burgundy, daughter and
heiress of Renaud III, thus adding to his possessions the sizeable realm of the
County of Burgundy. In an attempt to create comity, Emperor Frederick proclaimed
the Peace of the Land,[32] written between 1152 and 1157, which enacted punishments
for a variety of crimes, as well as systems for adjudicating many disputes. He also
declared himself the sole Augustus of the Roman world, ceasing to recognise Manuel
I at Constantinople.[33]

Second, Third and Fourth Italian Campaigns: 1158–1174

Frederick's so-called baptismal cup, silver, partly gilded, Aachen c. 1160

The retreat of Frederick in 1155 forced Pope Adrian IV to come to terms with King
William I of Sicily, granting to William I territories that Frederick viewed as his
dominion.[34] This aggrieved Frederick, and he was further displeased when Papal
Legates chose to interpret a letter from Adrian to Frederick in a manner that
seemed to imply that the imperial crown was a gift from the Papacy and that in fact
the Empire itself was a fief of the Papacy.[35] Disgusted with the pope, and still
wishing to crush the Normans in the south of Italy, in June 1158, Frederick set out
upon his second Italian expedition, accompanied by Henry the Lion and his Saxon
troops.[36] This expedition resulted in the revolt and capture of Milan,[37] the
Diet of Roncaglia that saw the establishment of imperial officers and
ecclesiastical reforms in the cities of northern Italy,[38] and the beginning of
the long struggle with Pope Alexander III.[39][40] Milan soon rebelled again and
humiliated Empress Beatrice (see Legend below).

The death of Pope Adrian IV in 1159 led to the election of two rival popes,
Alexander III and the antipope Victor IV, and both sought Frederick's support.[41]
Frederick, busy with the siege of Crema, appeared unsupportive of Alexander III,
and after the sacking of Crema demanded that Alexander appear before the emperor at
Pavia and to accept the imperial decree.[42] Alexander refused, and Frederick
recognised Victor IV as the legitimate pope in 1160.[43] In response, Alexander III
excommunicated both Frederick I and Victor IV.[44] Frederick attempted to convoke a
joint council with King Louis VII of France in 1162 to decide the issue of who
should be pope.[43] Louis neared the meeting site, but when he became aware that
Frederick had stacked the votes for Alexander, Louis decided not to attend the
council. As a result, the issue was not resolved at that time.[45]

The political result of the struggle with Pope Alexander was an alliance formed
between the Norman state of Sicily and Pope Alexander III against Frederick.[46] In
the meantime, Frederick had to deal with another rebellion at Milan, in which the
city surrendered on 6 March 1162; much of it was destroyed three weeks later on the
emperor's orders.[47] The fate of Milan led to the submission of Brescia,
Placentia, and many other northern Italian cities.[48] Returning to Germany towards
the close of 1162, Frederick prevented the escalation of conflicts between Henry
the Lion from Saxony and a number of neighbouring princes who were growing weary of
Henry's power, influence, and territorial gains. He also severely punished the
citizens of Mainz for their rebellion against Archbishop Arnold. In Frederick's
third visit to Italy in 1163, his plans for the conquest of Sicily were ruined by
the formation of a powerful league against him, brought together mainly by
opposition to imperial taxes.[49]

In 1164 Frederick took what are believed to be the relics of the "Biblical Magi"
(the Wise Men or Three Kings) from the Basilica di Sant'Eustorgio in Milan and gave
them as a gift (or as loot) to the Archbishop of Cologne, Rainald of Dassel. The
relics had great religious significance and could be counted upon to draw pilgrims
from all over Christendom. Today they are kept in the Shrine of the Three Kings in
the Cologne cathedral. After the death of the antipope Victor IV, Frederick
supported antipope Paschal III, but he was soon driven from Rome, leading to the
return of Pope Alexander III in 1165.[50]
The Barbarossa Chandelier in Aachen Cathedral was donated by Frederick sometime
after 1165 as a tribute to Charlemagne.
In the meantime Frederick was focused on restoring peace in the Rhineland, where he
organized a magnificent celebration of the canonization of Charles the Great
(Charlemagne) at Aachen, under the authority of the antipope Paschal III. Concerned
over rumours that Alexander III was about to enter into an alliance with the
Byzantine Emperor Manuel I,[51] in October 1166 Frederick embarked on his fourth
Italian campaign, hoping as well to secure the claim of Paschal III and the
coronation of his wife Beatrice as Holy Roman Empress. This time, Henry the Lion
refused to join Frederick on his Italian trip, tending instead to his own disputes
with neighbors and his continuing expansion into Slavic territories in northeastern
Germany. In 1167 Frederick began besieging Ancona, which had acknowledged the
authority of Manuel I;[52] at the same time, his forces achieved a great victory
over the Romans at the Battle of Monte Porzio.[53] Heartened by this victory,
Frederick lifted the siege of Ancona and hurried to Rome, where he had his wife
crowned empress and also received a second coronation from Paschal III.[53]
Unfortunately, his campaign was halted by the sudden outbreak of an epidemic
(malaria or the plague), which threatened to destroy the Imperial army and drove
the emperor as a fugitive to Germany,[54][55] where he remained for the ensuing six
years. During this period, Frederick decided conflicting claims to various
bishoprics, asserted imperial authority over Bohemia, Poland, and Hungary,
initiated friendly relations with Manuel I, and tried to come to a better
understanding with Henry II of England and Louis VII of France. Many Swabian
counts, including his cousin the young Duke of Swabia, Frederick IV, died in 1167,
so he was able to organize a new mighty territory in the Duchy of Swabia under his
reign in this time. Consequently, his younger son Frederick V became the new Duke
of Swabia in 1167,[56] while his eldest son Henry was crowned King of the Romans in
1169, alongside his father who also retained the title.[54]

Later years

Frederick Barbarossa, middle, flanked by two of his children, King Henry VI (left)
and Duke Frederick VI (right). From the Historia Welforum.
Increasing anti-German sentiment swept through Lombardy, culminating in the
restoration of Milan in 1169.[57] In 1174 Frederick made his fifth expedition to
Italy. (It was probably during this time that the famous Tafelgüterverzeichnis, a
record of the royal estates, was made.[58]) He was opposed by the pro-papal Lombard
League (now joined by Venice, Sicily, and Constantinople), which had previously
formed to stand against him.[59] The cities of northern Italy had become
exceedingly wealthy through trade, representing a marked turning point in the
transition from medieval feudalism. While continental feudalism had remained strong
socially and economically, it was in deep political decline by the time of
Frederick Barbarossa. When the northern Italian cities inflicted a defeat on
Frederick at Alessandria in 1175, the European world was shocked.[60][61] With the
refusal of Henry the Lion to bring help to Italy, the campaign was a complete
failure. Frederick suffered a heavy defeat at the Battle of Legnano near Milan, on
29 May 1176, where he was wounded and for some time was believed to be dead.[62]
This battle marked the turning point in Frederick's claim to empire.[63] He had no
choice other than to begin negotiations for peace with Alexander III and the
Lombard League. In the Peace of Anagni in 1176, Frederick recognized Alexander III
as pope, and in the Peace of Venice in 1177, Frederick and Alexander III were
formally reconciled.[64] With decisions of Paschal III nullfied, Beatrice ceased to
be referred as empress.

The scene was similar to that which had occurred between Pope Gregory VII and Henry
IV, Holy Roman Emperor at Canossa a century earlier. The conflict was the same as
that resolved in the Concordat of Worms: Did the Holy Roman Emperor have the power
to name the pope and bishops? The Investiture controversy from previous centuries
had been brought to a tendentious peace with the Concordat of Worms and affirmed in
the First Council of the Lateran. Now it had recurred, in a slightly different
form. Frederick had to humble himself before Alexander III at Venice.[65] The
emperor acknowledged the pope's sovereignty over the Papal States, and in return
Alexander acknowledged the emperor's overlordship of the Imperial Church. Also in
the Peace of Venice, a truce was made with the Lombard cities, which took effect in
August 1178.[66] The grounds for a permanent peace were not established until 1183,
however, in the Peace of Constance, when Frederick conceded their right to freely
elect town magistrates. By this move, Frederick recovered his nominal domination
over Italy, which became his chief means of applying pressure on the papacy.[67]

In a move to consolidate his reign after the disastrous expedition into Italy,
Frederick was formally crowned King of Burgundy at Arles on 30 June 1178. Although
traditionally the German kings had automatically inherited the royal crown of Arles
since the time of Conrad II, Frederick felt the need to be crowned by the
Archbishop of Arles, regardless of his laying claim to the title from 1152.

The now secularised St Peter's Church at Petersberg Citadel, Erfurt, where Henry
the Lion submitted to Barbarossa in 1181
Frederick did not forgive Henry the Lion for refusing to come to his aid in 1176.
[68] By 1180, Henry had successfully established a powerful and contiguous state
comprising Saxony, Bavaria, and substantial territories in the north and east of
Germany. Taking advantage of the hostility of other German princes to Henry,
Frederick had Henry tried in absentia by a court of bishops and princes in 1180,
declared that imperial law overruled traditional German law, and had Henry stripped
of his lands and declared an outlaw.[69] He then invaded Saxony with an imperial
army to force his cousin to surrender. Henry's allies deserted him, and he finally
had to submit to Frederick at an Imperial Diet in Erfurt in November 1181.[70]
Henry spent three years in exile at the court of his father-in-law Henry II of
England in Normandy before being allowed back into Germany. He finished his days in
Germany, as the much-diminished Duke of Brunswick.[71] Frederick's desire for
revenge was sated. Henry the Lion lived a relatively quiet life, sponsoring arts
and architecture. Frederick's victory over Henry did not gain him as much in the
German feudalistic system as it would have in the English feudalistic system. While
in England the pledge of fealty went in a direct line from overlords to those under
them, the Germans pledged oaths only to the direct overlord, so that in Henry's
case, those below him in the feudal chain owed nothing to Frederick. Thus, despite
the diminished stature of Henry the Lion, Frederick did not gain his allegiances.
[72]

Frederick was faced with the reality of disorder among the German states, where
continuous civil wars were waged between pretenders and the ambitious who wanted
the crown for themselves. Italian unity under German rule was more myth than truth.
Despite proclamations of German hegemony, the pope was the most powerful force in
Italy.[73] When Frederick returned to Germany after his defeat in northern Italy,
he was a bitter and exhausted man. The German princes, far from being subordinated
to royal control, were intensifying their hold on wealth and power in Germany and
entrenching their positions. There began to be a generalized social desire to
"create greater Germany" by conquering the Slavs to the east.[74]

Although the Italian city states had achieved a measure of independence from
Frederick as a result of his failed fifth expedition into Italy,[75] the emperor
had not given up on his Italian dominions. In 1184, he held a massive celebration,
the Diet of Pentecost, when his two eldest sons were knighted, and thousands of
knights were invited from all over Germany. While payments upon the knighting of a
son were part of the expectations of an overlord in England and France, only a
"gift" was given in Germany for such an occasion. Frederick's monetary gain from
this celebration is said to have been modest.[76] Later in 1184, Frederick again
moved into Italy, this time joining forces with the local rural nobility to reduce
the power of the Tuscan cities.[77] In 1186, he engineered the marriage of his son
Henry to Constance of Sicily, heiress to the Kingdom of Sicily, over the objections
of Pope Urban III.[78]

Pope Urban III died shortly after, and was succeeded by Pope Gregory VIII, who even
as Papal Chancellor had pursued a more conciliatory line with the Emperor than
previous popes and was more concerned with troubling reports from the Holy Land
than with a power struggle with Barbarossa.[59]

Third Crusade
Main article: Third Crusade

Path of the Third Crusade, Frederick Barbarossa's path in red.

Around 23 November 1187, Frederick received letters that had been sent to him from
the rulers of the Crusader states in the Near East urging him to come to their aid.
Around 1 December, Cardinal Henry of Marcy preached a crusade sermon before
Frederick and a public assembly in Strasbourg. Frederick expressed support for the
crusade but declined to take the cross on the grounds of his ongoing conflict with
Archbishop Philip of Cologne. He did, however, urge King Philip II of France to
take the cross through messengers and then in a personal meeting on 25 December on
the border between Ivois and Mouzon.[79]

On 27 March 1188, at the Diet of Mainz, the archbishop of Cologne submitted to

Frederick. Bishop Gottfried von Spitzenberg [de] of Würzburg preached a crusade
sermon and Frederick asked the assembly whether he should take the cross. At the
universal acclaim of the assembly, he took the crusader's vow. His second son, the
duke of Swabia, followed suit.[80] The eldest, Henry VI, was to remain behind in
Germany as regent.[81] At Mainz Frederick proclaimed a "general expedition against
the pagans". He set the period of preparation as 17 April 1188 to 8 April 1189 and
scheduled the army to assemble at Regensburg on 23 April 1189.[80]

At Strasbourg, Frederick had imposed a small tax on the Jews of Germany to fund the
crusade. He also put the Jews under his protection and forbade anyone to preach
against the Jews.[79] When mobs threatened the Jews of Mainz on the eve of the
assembly in March, Frederick sent the imperial marshal Henry of Kalden to disperse
them. Rabbi Moses then met with the emperor, which resulted in an imperial edict
threatening maiming or death for anyone who maimed or killed a Jew. On 29 March,
Frederick and the rabbi rode through the streets together. Frederick successfully
prevented a repeat of the massacres that had accompanied the First Crusade and
Second Crusade in Germany.[82]

Because Frederick had signed a treaty of friendship with Saladin in 1175,[83] he

felt it necessary to give Saladin notice of the termination of their alliance.[a]
On 26 May 1188, he sent Count Henry II of Dietz to present an ultimatum to Saladin.
[85] A few days after Christmas 1188, Frederick received Hungarian, Byzantine,
Serbian and Seljuk envoys in Nuremberg. The Hungarians and Seljuks promised
provisions and safe-conduct to the crusaders. The envoys of Stefan Nemanja, grand
prince of Serbia, announced that their prince would receive Frederick in Niš. Only
with difficulty was an agreement reached with the Byzantine envoy, John Kamateros.
Frederick sent a large embassy ahead to make preparations in Byzantium.[85]

Frederick Barbarossa depicted during the Third Crusade

On 15 April 1189 in Haguenau, Frederick formally and symbolically accepted the
staff and scrip of a pilgrim and set out.[86] His crusade was "the most
meticulously planned and organized" up to that time.[86] According to one source
written in the 1220s, Frederick organized a grand army of 100,000 men (including
20,000 knights) and set out on the overland route to the Holy Land;[87][88] Some
historians believe that this is an exaggeration, however, and use other
contemporary sources to estimate an army of 12,000–15,000 men, including 3,000–
4,000 knights.[87][89]

The Crusaders passed through Hungary, Serbia, and Bulgaria before entering
Byzantine territory. Matters were complicated by a secret alliance between the
Emperor of Constantinople, Isaac II Angelos, and Saladin, warning of which was
supplied by a note from Sibylla, ex-Queen of Jerusalem.[90] While in Hungary,
Barbarossa personally asked the Hungarian Prince Géza, brother of King Béla III of
Hungary, to join the Crusade. The king agreed, and a Hungarian army of 2,000 men
led by Géza escorted the German emperor's forces.

Later on, Frederick camped in Philippopolis, then in Adrianople in the autumn of

1189 to avoid winter climate in Anatolia, in the meantime, he received imprisoned
German emissaries who were held in Constantinople, and exchanged hostages with
Isaac II, as a guarantee that the crusaders do not sack local settlements until
they depart the Byzantine territory. In March 1190, Frederick left Adrianople to
Gallipoli at the Dardanelles to embark to Asia Minor.[91]

The armies coming from western Europe pushed on through Anatolia, where they were
victorious at the Battle of Philomelium and defeated the Turks in the Battle of
Iconium,[b] eventually reaching as far as Cilician Armenia.[93] The approach of
Barbarossa's victorious German army greatly concerned Saladin, who was forced to
weaken his force at the Siege of Acre and send troops to the north to block the
arrival of the Germans.[94]

Death and burials

Barbarossa drowns in the Saleph, from the Gotha Manuscript of the Saxon World
Chronicle

A German expedition led by Johann Nepomuk Sepp to excavate the bones from the ruins
of the Crusader Cathedral in Tyre, 1879

The Frederick Barbarossa Memorial, near Silifke in Mersin Province, southern

Turkey. The text explains in Turkish and German how Frederick drowned nearby
Emperor Frederick Barbarossa opted on the local Armenians' advice to follow a
shortcut along the Saleph river. Meanwhile, the army started to traverse the
mountain path. On 10 June 1190, he drowned near Silifke Castle in the Saleph river.
[95] There are several conflicting accounts of the event:[96]

According to "Ansbert",[c] the emperor, against everyone's advice, chose to swim

across the river and was swept away by the current.[98]
Another account recorded that Frederick was thrown from his horse while crossing
the river, weighed down by his armour, and drowned.[99]
According to the chronicler Ibn al-Athir, "the king went down to the river to wash
himself and was drowned at a place where the water was not even up to his waist.
Thus God saved us from the evil of such a man".[100][101]
The writer of the Letter on the Sacred Expedition of the Emperor Frederick I, a
churchman who accompanied the crusader forces,[102] reported that "after the many
and terrible exertions that he [Frederick I] had undergone in the previous month
and more, he decided to bathe in that same river, for he wanted to cool down with a
swim. But by the secret judgment of God there was an unexpected and lamentable
death and he drowned." Frederick who liked to swim, as he went to bathe with Otto
of Wittelsbach in the Adriatic, might have been exhausted from weeks of marching,
hence he was fatally affected by the very hot summer in Anatolia. If the writer was
Bishop Gottfried von Spitzenberg of Würzburg, who was a close confidante to
Frederick, the report would be the most plausible account of what happened, since
he might have witnessed the emperor's death.[103]
Frederick's death caused several thousand German soldiers to leave the force and
return home through the Cilician and Syrian ports.[104] The German-Hungarian army
was struck with an onset of disease near Antioch, weakening it further.[104] Only
5,000 soldiers, a third of the original force, arrived in Acre. Barbarossa's son,
Frederick VI of Swabia, carried on with the remnants of the German army, along with
the Hungarian army under the command of Prince Géza, with the aim of burying the
emperor in Jerusalem, but efforts to preserve his body in vinegar failed. Hence,
his flesh was interred in the Church of St Peter in Antioch, his bones in the
cathedral of Tyre, and his heart and inner organs in Saint Paul's Church, Tarsus.
[103][105][106]

The unexpected demise of Frederick left the Crusader army under the command of the
rivals Philip II and Richard, who had traveled to Palestine separately by sea, and
ultimately led to its dissolution. Richard continued to the East where he fought
Saladin, winning territories along the shores of Palestine, but ultimately failed
to win the war by conquering Jerusalem itself before he was forced to return to his
own territories in north-western Europe, known as the Angevin Empire. He returned
home after he signed the Treaty of Ramla agreeing that Jerusalem would remain under
Muslim control while allowing unarmed Christian pilgrims and traders to visit the
city. The treaty also reduced the Latin Kingdom to a geopolitical coastal strip
extending from Tyre to Jaffa.

Frederick and the Justinian code

The increase in wealth of the trading cities of northern Italy led to a revival in
the study of the Justinian Code, a Latin legal system that had become extinct
centuries earlier. Legal scholars renewed its application. It is speculated that
Pope Gregory VII personally encouraged the Justinian rule of law and had a copy of
it. The historian Norman Cantor described Corpus Iuris Civilis (Justinian Body of
Civil Law) as "the greatest legal code ever devised".[107] It envisaged the law of
the state as a reflection of natural moral law (as seen by the men of the Justinian
system), the principle of rationality in the universe. By the time Frederick
assumed the throne, this legal system was well established on both sides of the
Alps. He was the first to utilize the availability of the new professional class of
lawyers. The Civil Law allowed Frederick to use these lawyers to administer his
kingdom in a logical and consistent manner. It also provided a framework to
legitimize his claim to the right to rule both Germany and northern Italy. In the
old days of Henry IV and Henry V, the claim of divine right of kings had been
severely undermined by the Investiture controversy. The Church had won that
argument in the common man's mind. There was no divine right for the German king to
also control the church by naming both bishops and popes. The institution of the
Justinian code was used, perhaps unscrupulously, by Frederick to lay claim to
divine powers.[108]

In Germany, Frederick was a political realist, taking what he could and leaving the
rest. In Italy, he tended to be a romantic reactionary, reveling in the antiquarian
spirit of the age, exemplified by a revival of classical studies and Roman law. It
was through the use of the restored Justinian code that Frederick came to view
himself as a new Roman emperor.[109] Roman law gave a rational purpose for the
existence of Frederick and his imperial ambitions. It was a counterweight to the
claims of the Church to have authority because of divine revelation. The Church was
opposed to Frederick for ideological reasons, not the least of which was the
humanist nature found in the revival of the old Roman legal system.[110] When Pepin
the Short sought to become king of the Franks in the 8th century, the church needed
military protection, so Pepin found it convenient to make an ally of the pope.
Frederick, however, desired to put the pope aside and claim the crown of old Rome
simply because he was in the likeness of the greatest emperors of the pre-Christian
era. Pope Adrian IV was naturally opposed to this view and undertook a vigorous
propaganda campaign designed to diminish Frederick and his ambition. To a large
extent, this was successful.[111]

Economic policy
Frederick did little to encourage economic development in Germany prior to the
autumn of 1165. In that year he visited the lower Rhineland, the most economically
advanced region in Germany. He had already travelled to northern Italy, the most
economically advanced region in the Empire, three times. From 1165 on, Frederick
pursued economic policies to encourage growth and trade. There is no question that
his reign was a period of major economic growth in Germany, but it is impossible
now to determine how much of that growth was owed to Frederick's policies.[112]

The number of mints in Germany increased ninefold in the reign of Frederick and his
son Henry, from about two dozen mints at the start of his reign to 215 mints in
1197 and from a mere two[d] royal mints to 28. Frederick himself established at
least twelve royal mints, including those of Aachen, Donauwörth, Ulm, Haguenau,
Duisberg, Kaiserswerth, Frankfurt, Gelnhausen and Dortmund.[112] He also granted
privileges exempting the merchants of Aachen, Gelnhausen, Haguenau, Monza, Rome,
Pisa and Venice[e] from all tolls within the Empire.[113]

Charismatic leader

Frederick Barbarossa as a crusader, miniature from a copy of the Historia

Hierosolymitana, 1188
Otto of Freising, Frederick's uncle, wrote an account of his reign entitled Gesta
Friderici I imperatoris (Deeds of the Emperor Frederick), which is considered to be
an accurate history of the king. Otto's other major work, the Chronica sive
Historia de duabus civitatibus (Chronicle or History of the Two Cities) had been an
exposition of the Civitas Dei (The City of God) of St. Augustine of Hippo, full of
Augustinian negativity concerning the nature of the world and history. His work on
Frederick is of opposite tone, being an optimistic portrayal of the glorious
potentials of imperial authority.[114] Otto died after finishing the first two
books, leaving the last two to Rahewin, his provost. Rahewin's text is in places
heavily dependent on classical precedent.[115] For example, Rahewin's physical
description of Frederick reproduces word-for-word (except for details of hair and
beard) a description of another monarch, Theodoric II written nearly eight hundred
years earlier by Sidonius Apollinaris:[116]

His character is such that not even those envious of his power can belittle its
praise. His person is well-proportioned. He is shorter than very tall men, but
taller and more noble than men of medium height. His hair is golden, curling a
little above his forehead ... His eyes are sharp and piercing, his beard reddish
[barba subrufa], his lips delicate ... His whole face is bright and cheerful. His
teeth are even and snow-white in color ... Modesty rather than anger causes him to
blush frequently. His shoulders are rather broad, and he is strongly built ...

Frederick's charisma led to a fantastic juggling act that, over a quarter of a

century, restored the imperial authority in the German states. His formidable
enemies defeated him on almost every side, yet in the end he emerged triumphant.
When Frederick came to the throne, the prospects for the revival of German imperial
power were extremely thin. The great German princes had increased their power and
land holdings. The king had been left with only the traditional family domains and
a vestige of power over the bishops and abbeys. The backwash of the Investiture
controversy had left the German states in continuous turmoil. Rival states were in
perpetual war. These conditions allowed Frederick to be both warrior and occasional
peace-maker, both to his advantage.[12]

Legend

Frederick sends out the boy to see whether the ravens still fly.
Frederick is the subject of many legends, including that of a sleeping hero, like
the much older British Celtic legends of Arthur or Bran the Blessed. Legend says he
is not dead, but asleep with his knights in a cave in the Kyffhäuser mountains in
Thuringia or Mount Untersberg at the border between Bavaria, Germany, and Salzburg,
Austria, and that when the ravens cease to fly around the mountain he will awake
and restore Germany to its ancient greatness. According to the story, his red beard
has grown through the table at which he sits. His eyes are half closed in sleep,
but now and then he raises his hand and sends a boy out to see if the ravens have
stopped flying.[117] A similar story, set in Sicily, was earlier attested about his
grandson, Frederick II.[118] To garner political support the German Empire built
atop the Kyffhäuser the Kyffhäuser Monument, which declared Kaiser Wilhelm I the
reincarnation of Frederick; the 1896 dedication occurred on 18 June, the day of
Frederick's coronation.[119]

In medieval Europe, the Golden Legend became refined by Jacopo da Voragine. This
was a popularized interpretation of the Biblical end of the world. It consisted of
three things: (1) terrible natural disasters; (2) the arrival of the Antichrist;
(3) the establishment of a good king to combat the anti-Christ. These millennial
fables were common and freely traded by the populations on Continental Europe. End-
time accounts had been around for thousands of years, but entered the Christian
tradition with the writings of the Apostle Peter. German propaganda played into the
exaggerated fables believed by the common people by characterizing Frederick
Barbarossa and Frederick II as personification of the "good king".[120]

Another legend states that when Barbarossa was in the process of seizing Milan in
1158, his wife, the Empress Beatrice, was taken captive by the enraged Milanese and
forced to ride through the city on a donkey in a humiliating manner. Some sources
of this legend indicate that Barbarossa implemented his revenge for this insult by
forcing the magistrates of the city to remove a fig from the anus of a donkey using
only their teeth.[121] Another source states that Barbarossa took his wrath upon
every able-bodied man in the city, and that it was not a fig they were forced to
hold in their mouth, but excrement from the donkey. To add to this debasement, they
were made to announce, "Ecco la fica" (meaning "behold the fig"), with the feces
still in their mouths. It used to be said that the insulting gesture (called fico),
of holding one's fist with the thumb in between the middle and forefinger came by
its origin from this event.[122]

Children
Frederick's first marriage, to Adelheid of Vohburg, did not produce any children
and was annulled.[123]

From his second marriage, to Beatrice of Burgundy,[123] he had the following

children:[124]

Beatrice (end 1162/early 1163 – at least early 1174/1179). King William II of

Sicily first asked for her hand but the marriage negotiations never came through.
She married Guillaume (II) count of Chalon in 1173 and was mother to Beatrix,
countess of Chalon.[125]
Frederick V, Duke of Swabia (Pavia, 16 July 1164 – 28 November 1170).
Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor (Nijmegen, November 1165 – Messina, 28 September
1197).[123]
Conrad (Modigliana, February 1167 – Acre, 20 January 1191), later renamed Frederick
VI, Duke of Swabia after the death of his older brother.[123]
Daughter (Gisela?) (October/November 1168 – end 1184). She was betrothed to
Richard, Count of Poitou (later King of England) but died before they could be
married.
Otto I, Count of Burgundy (June/July 1170 – killed, Besançon, 13 January 1200).
[123]
Conrad II, Duke of Swabia and Rothenburg (February/March 1172 – killed, Durlach, 15
August 1196).[123]
Renaud (October/November 1173 – before April 1174/soon after October 1178).
William (June/July 1175 – soon after October 1178).
Philip (February/March 1177 – killed, Bamberg, 21 June 1208) King of Germany in
1198.[123]
Agnes (early 1179 – 8 October 1184). She was betrothed to King Emeric of Hungary
but died before they could be married.
Ancestry
Ancestors of Frederick I, Holy Roman Emperor
In popular culture
In Victor Hugo's romantic play Les Burgraves (1843), Frederick (as character
Frédéric de Hohenstaufen) returns many years after he was presumed dead, as
expected by some medieval legends.[citation needed][134]
Cyrus Townsend Brady's Hohenzollern; a Story of the Time of Frederick Barbarossa
(1901) begins with a dedication to "the descendants of the great Germanic race who
in Europe, in America, and in the Far East rule the world".[135]
Land of Unreason (1941), by L. Sprague de Camp and Fletcher Pratt, mentions the
castle of the Kyffhäuser.[136]
Umberto Eco's novel Baudolino (2000) is set partly at Frederick's court, and also
deals with the mystery of Frederick's death. The imaginary hero, Baudolino, is the
Emperor's adopted son and confidant.[137]
In the 2009 movie Barbarossa (also titled Sword of War and Barbarossa: Siege Lord),
Barbarossa is one of the main characters, played by Rutger Hauer.[138]
The German broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW) 2018 documentary (The Germans), featured
Frederick I in its 3rd of 6 episodes.[139]
See also
German monarchs family tree
Dukes of Swabia family tree
Operation Barbarossa, the codename of the German invasion of the Soviet Union in
1941.[140]
Notes
There is a published correspondence, almost certainly forged, between Frederick
and Saladin concerning the end of their friendship.[84]
Seljuk Sultan Kilij Arslan II promised the armies of the Third Crusade, led by
Frederick Barbarossa to freely pass through his territories; however, his sons who
were local chieftains disagreed and fought against the Crusaders at the Battle of
Philomelion and Battle of Iconium.[92]
"Ansbert" is an Austrian cleric, who wrote The History of the Expedition of the
Emperor Frederick, based on Tageno's diary, the dean of Passau Cathedral who
accompanied the crusaders.[97]
Those of Goslar and Nuremberg were the only royal mints operating in the reign of
Conrad III.
All of these were cities of the Empire except for Venice.
References
Citations
Peter Moraw, Heiliges Reich, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, Munich & Zurich:
Artemis 1977–1999, vol. 4, pp. 2025–28.
Iba & Johnson (2015), p. 29
Freed 2016, p. 15.
Görich 2015, pp. 9–33.
Freed 2016, pp. 43–45.
Freed 2016, pp. 51–53.
Comyn (1851), p. 200
Le Goff (2000), p. 266
Dahmus (1969), pp. 300–302
Bryce (1913), p. 166
Cantor (1969), pp. 302–303
Cantor (1969), pp. 428–429
Dahmus (1969), p. 359
 Brown (1972)
Davis (1957), pp. 318–319
Chisholm (1911), p. 45
Comyn (1851), p. 202
Comyn (1851), p. 201
Comyn (1851), p. 230
Chisholm (1911), p. 45
Falco (1964), pp. 218 et seq.
Comyn (1851), p. 227
Comyn (1851), p. 228
Comyn (1851), p. 229
Cantor (1969), pp. 368–369
Comyn (1851), p. 231
Comyn (1851), p. 232
Comyn (1851), p. 233
Chisholm (1911), p. 45
Comyn (1851), p. 203
Davis (1957), p. 319
"Peace of the Land Established by Frederick Barbarossa Between 1152 and 1157 A.D."
The Avalon Project. Yale Law School.
Comyn (1851), p. 234
Ua Clerigh, Arthur (1913). "Pope Adrian IV" . In Herbermann, Charles (ed.).
Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
Comyn (1851), p. 235
Comyn (1851), p. 236
Comyn (1851), p. 238
Comyn (1851), p. 240
"Frederick I | Holy Roman emperor". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 22 August
2017.
Chisholm (1911), p. 45
Comyn (1851), p. 241
Comyn (1851), p. 242
Comyn (1851), p. 243
Dahmus (1969), p. 295
Munz (1969), p. 228
Davis (1957), pp. 326–327
Comyn (1851), p. 245
Comyn (1851), p. 246
Chisholm (1911), p. 45
Comyn (1851), p. 247
Comyn (1851), p. 248
Comyn (1851), p. 249
Comyn (1851), p. 250
Comyn (1851), p. 251
See entry for the contemporary chroniclers, Ottone and Acerbo Morena.
Comyn (1851), p. 252
Comyn (1851), p. 253
Leyser (1988), p. 157
Kampers, Franz. "Frederick I (Barbarossa)". The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 6. New
York: Robert Appleton Company, 1909. 21 May 2009.
Le Goff (2000), p. 104
Reprint of B. Arthaud. La civilization de l'Occident medieval, Paris, 1964.
Comyn (1851), p. 257
Davis (1957), pp. 332 et seq.
Brown (1972), pp. 164–165
Comyn (1851), p. 260
See Yale Avalon project.
Le Goff (2000), pp. 96–97
Comyn (1851), p. 263
 Davis (1957), p. 333
Friedrich (2003), p. 5
Comyn (1851), p. 264
Cantor (1969), pp. 433–434
Le Goff (2000), pp. 102–103
Cantor (1969), p. 429
Comyn (1851), p. 262
Dahmus (1969), p. 240
Comyn (1851), p. 265
Comyn (1851), p. 266
Freed 2016, p. 471.
Freed 2016, pp. 472–473.
Freed 2016, p. 479.
Freed 2016, pp. 473–474.
Freed 2016, p. 355.
Freed 2016, p. 626 n.44.
Freed 2016, pp. 480–481.
Freed 2016, p. 482.
Loud 2010, p. 19.
J. Phillips, The Fourtions were made of the Codex until the 20th century. In 1932,
the English translation of the entire Corpus Juris Civilis (CJC) by Samuel Parsons
Scott was published posthumously.[19] Unfortunately, Scott used the Kriegel
brothers' edition of the CJC rather than that of Theodor Mommsen, Paul Krüger,
Rudolf Schöll and Wilhelm Kroll, which is accepted as the most reliable, and his
translation was severely criticized.[20][21][22] Reviewing Scott's work, the Roman
law scholar W. W. Buckland wrote that Scott "...had at his disposal an adequate
latinity and has produced a version written in an English which can be read with
pleasure. But much more than that was needed, and the work cannot be said to
satisfy these further requirements."[23] Around the same time that Scott was
active, Wyoming Supreme Court Justice Fred H. Blume was translating the Code and
Novels, using the standard Mommsen, Krüger, Schöll, and Kroll version.[24] While
this was not printed in his lifetime, in 2005 his translation of both the Code and
the Novels was published on the Annotated Justinian Code website.[25] A new English
translation of the Codex, based on Blume's, was published in October 2016.[26]

See also
Byzantine law
Code of Hammurabi
Corpus Juris Canonici
International Roman Law Moot Court
List of Roman laws
Twelve Tables
References
"Codex Justiniani I-IX, cum glosa /Franciscus Accursius, Guido de Suzaria ... e.a.
[manuscript]". lib.ugent.be. Retrieved 2020-08-26.
Patrick, David; Geddie, William (1923). Chambers's Encyclopaedia: A Dictionary of
Universal Knowledge. p. 324.
See generally, Honoré, 2003
Jolowicz, 1972, p. 463
Jolowicz, 1972, p. 479.
Caroline Humfress, "Law and Legal Practice in the Age of Justinian," in The Age of
Justinian 161, 163 (Michael Maas ed. 2005). Humfress also describes the diverse
forms of imperial enactments that were included.
Honoré, 2003, supra note 1
Honoré, 2003, supra note 1 at 803
Humfress, supra note 5 at 165, quoting the Constitutio Summa.
Honoré, supra note 1 at 804. For an English translation of the law putting this
second edition into force, see "Concerning the Correction of the Justinian Code,
and the Second Edition Thereof" (November 16, 534), translated by Justice Fred
Blume in the Annotated Justinian Code at page 4.
Wolfgang Kunkel, An Introduction to Roman Legal and Constitutional History 166
(J.M. Kelly trans. 2nd ed. 1973).
Jolowicz, 1972, supra note 2 at 494.
Jolowicz, 1972, supra note 2 at 495
Stephen L. Sass, Research in Roman Law; a Guide to the Sources and Their English
Translations, 56 Law Library Journal 210, 225 (1963).
Charles M. Radding & Antonio Ciaralli, The Corpus Iuris Civilis in the Middle
Ages: Manuscripts and Transmissions from the Sixth Century to the Juristic Revival
133 (2007); pages 133–168 give a detailed account of the Code's transmission in
this period.
s used today to refer to what remained of the Roman Empire in the Eastern
Mediterranean following the collapse of the Empire in the West. This Eastern empire
continued to practice Roman Law, and it was as the ruler of this empire that
Justinian formalized Roman law in his Corpus Juris Civilis. To account for the
language shift of the Empire's administration from Latin to Greek legal codes based
on the Corpus Juris Civilis were enacted in Greek. The most well known are:

the Ecloga[5] (740) – enacted by emperor Leo the Isaurian;

the Prochiron and Epanagoge[6] (c. 879) – enacted by emperor Basil the Macedonian;
and
the Basilika (late 9th century) – started by Basil the Macedonian and finished by
his son emperor Leo the Wise.
The Basilika was a complete adaptation of Justinian's codification. At 60 volumes
it proved to be difficult for judges and lawyers to use. There was need for a short
and handy version. This was finally made by Constantine Harmenopoulos, a Byzantine
judge from Thessaloniki, in 1345. He made a short version of Basilika in six books,
called Hexabiblos. This was widely used throughout the Balkans during the following
Ottoman period, and along with the Basilika was used as the first legal code for
the newly independent Greek state in the 1820s. Serbian state, law and culture was
built on the foundations of Rome and Byzantium. Therefore, the most important
Serbian legal codes: Zakonopravilo (1219) and Dušan's Code (1349 and 1354),
transplanted Romano-Byzantine Law included in Corpus Juris Civilis, Prohiron and
Basilika. These Serbian codes were practised until the Serbian Despotate fell to
the Turkish Ottoman Empire in 1459. After the liberation from the Turks in the
Serbian Revolution, Serbs continued to practise Roman Law by enacting Serbian civil
code in 1844. It was a short version of Austrian civil code (called Allgemeines
bürgerliches Gesetzbuch), which was made on the basis of Corpus Juris Civilis.

Recovery in the West

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Justinian's Corpus Juris Civilis was distributed in the West[7] and went into
effect in those areas regained under Justinian's wars of reconquest (Pragmatic
Sanction of 554), including the Exarchate of Ravenna. Accordingly, the Institutes
were made the textbook at the law school in Rome, and later in Ravenna when the
school relocated there. However, after the loss of most of these areas, only the
Catepanate (southern Italy) maintained a Byzantine legal tradition, but there the
Corpus was superseded by the Ecloga and Basilika. Only the Corpus's provisions
regulating the church still had any effect, but the Catholic church's de facto
autonomy and the Great Schism made even that irrelevant. In Western Europe, the
Corpus may have spurred a slew of Romano-Germanic law codes in the successor
Germanic kingdoms, but these were heavily based on the older Theodosian Code, not
the Corpus.

Historians disagree on the precise way the Corpus was recovered in Northern Italy
about 1070: legal studies were undertaken on behalf of papal authority central to
the Gregorian Reform of Pope Gregory VII, which may have led to its accidental
rediscovery.[citation needed] Aside from the Littera Florentina (a complete 6th-
century copy of the Digest preserved in Amalfi and later moved to Pisa) and the
Epitome Codicis (c. 1050; incomplete manuscript preserving most of the Codex),
there may have been other manuscript sources for the text that began to be taught
at Bologna, by Pepo and then by Irnerius.[8] Irnerius' technique was to read a
passage aloud, which permitted his students to copy it, then to deliver an excursus
explaining and illuminating Justinian's text, in the form of glosses.[citation
needed] Irnerius' pupils, the so-called Four Doctors of Bologna, were among the
first of the "glossators" who established the curriculum of medieval Roman law. The
tradition was carried on by French lawyers, known as the Ultramontani, in the 13th
century.[citation needed]

The merchant classes of Italian communes required law with a concept of equity, and
law that covered situations inherent in urban life better than the primitive
Germanic oral traditions. The provenance of the Code appealed to scholars who saw
in the Holy Roman Empire a revival of venerable precedents from the classical
heritage. The new class of lawyers staffed the bureaucracies that were beginning to
be required by the princes of Europe. The University of Bologna, where Justinian's
Code was first taught, remained the dominant centre for the study of law through
the High Middle Ages.[9]

A two-volume edition of the Digest was published in Paris in 1549 and 1550,
translated by Antonio Agustín, Bishop of Tarragona, who was well known for other
legal works. The full title of the Digest was Digestorum Seu Pandectarum tomus
alter, and it was published by "Apud Carolam Guillards". Vol. 1 of the Digest has
2934 pages, while Vol. 2 has 2754 pages. Referring to Justinian's Code as Corpus
Juris Civilis was only adopted in the 16th century, when it was printed in 1583 by
Dionysius Gothofredus under this title. The legal thinking behind the Corpus Juris
Civilis served as the backbone of the single largest legal reform of the modern
age, the Napoleonic Code, which marked the abolition of feudalism. Napoleon wanted
to see these principles introduced to the whole of Europe because he saw them as an
effective form of rule that created a more equal society and thus creating a more
friendly relationship between the ruling class and the rest of the peoples of
Europe.[10]

The Corpus Juris Civilis was translated into French, German, Italian, and Spanish
in the 19th century.[11] However, no English translation of the entire Corpus Juris
Civilis existed until 1932 when Samuel Parsons Scott published his version The
Civil Law. Scott did not base his translation on the best available Latin versions,
and his work was severely criticized.[12] Fred. H. Blume used the best-regarded
Latin editions for his translations of the Code and of the Novels.[13] A new
English translation of the Code, based on Blume's, was published in October 2016.
[14] In 2018, the Cambridge University Press also published a new English
translation of the Novels, based primarily on the Greek text.[15]

See also