Professional Documents
Culture Documents
(LIP)
Elizabeth Arkush spent the years between 2000-2007 employing a variety of fieldwork
methods to explore hillforts nestled in the Peruvian Andes and the theoretical reasons as to why
they exist. The periods of time before and after the LIP were swollen with culture, kings,
sacrifices, wealth, and art, but the time in the middle (the LIP)was more unrefined with smaller
villages and towns instead of big cities. She further sought to understand the surrounding
political and social climate during the period when the hillforts and surrounding walls were built.
The first question she sought to solve was why were there hillforts and warfare in the area and
why at this time in regional history? She came up with three hypotheses, all based on when the
remains ended up dating from. Were the hillforts constructed right after the collapse of
Tiwanaku before the LIP? Or did they gradually emerge throughout the LIP as the regional
population and rancor slowly increased? What if they were put up after locals began facing
The next part of her project focused on the societal and political organization when the
hillforts came into existence. Here she held two hypotheses, each presenting their own problem.
If the investigation took place on a regional scale, then the locations of hillforts might present
patterns of clustered groups who integrated with each other communally, paired with hostile,
pedestrian survey wouldn’t be able to cover enough ground to capture that large of a political
expanse. If they investigated on a local scale, investigating only large hillfort settlements,
excavation could reveal what life and the class divide was like for the people who lived there.
This was a problem as well, because it didn’t make any sense to only collect detailed
stretch of her investigation targeted a larger than normal region of terrain. Her study began
before Google Earth came about. This meant that in order for her to chart survey maps, she had
to visit the local AIr Force base and spend hours pouring over air photos for potential
archaeological sites. Fortunately, her regional archaeological area had excellent satellite
coverage and she was able to comb over the pictures to find circular walls with a common
center and lay place markers on her maps. Once she was in the Andean mountains, she
scoured the land with binoculars from the ground and other hillforts to locate other hillforts in the
area. She eventually settled on forty-four hillforts across the North Western altiplano to focus
her study on by mapping the internal layouts and defensive walls of each one.
feasible. Local farmers think little of the land and had no real issues letting the archaeological
team explore their territories freely. She used several GPS-related tools during the study,
including a handheld GPS unit, ArcGis, and Trimble GeoExplorer. Her team made surface
collections and dug small pits to use for extracting carbon samples from the earth before
sending them off to the lab for radiocarbon dating. They measured and took photos of all
features and walls. They haphazardly collected “grab bags” of ceramic sherds to create a map
of localized and regionalized distributions of pottery styles. Grass was collected from mortar to
The findings and conclusions Arkush reached with her study answered some of the
questions she had while also throwing out a broad net of other future potential research
questions. The hillforts were too late to be an immediate response to the fall of Tiwanaku, but
also too early and widespread to be a result of Incan aggression. The settlements didn’t look
hierarchical, however there were clusters of hillforts in regional patterns suggesting confederate
or alliance groups who shared pottery styles and visual links. It didn’t seem likely that states
were encouraged to grow due to warfare. The hillforts didn’t seem to be a very gradual
development. Arkush originally thought drought may have caused the building of the
settlements, but after further research done by other scientists, she now thinks early aridity of
the region may have inhibited the spread of dense, regional population growth. She theorizes it
would have left a strong base for later generations, flush with hostility and beginning to expand
outwards towards each other when the environmental conditions got better. Her questions on
when construction occurred was answered along with evidence to produce further theories on
In my informed opinion, I believe Arkush followed the research steps pretty thoroughly.
The only one I feel she could’ve been more systematic on was the design and formulation step
for the collection of ceramics. She also didn’t spend too much time talking about the logistical
planning, which would have been nice to hear. She clearly got funding from somewhere and
only mentions finances once when she sent samples off to be radiocarbon dated, paid for by a
grant from a National Science Foundation Dissertation Improvement Grant. I learned a bit about
different theories on warfare and methodology, but the most surprising thing I learned was to
see how in depth she went in discussing her assorted biases and regrets for the study. It was
more self-reflection than I would’ve expected in a scientific publication.She talked about how
she cut corners when collecting the ceramic sherds because she didn’t think it was very
important until later when it was too late to go back and redo it. I liked how she described her
personal life experiences at the time to give an understanding of the rushed attitude she had. It
must have been difficult to leave loved ones and a new baby at home. It was interesting to hear
her talk about first research study jitters. I appreciated how she brought up opposing views by
two scientists whose opinions differed from hers and noted how there was empirical truth on
Fagan, Brain and Nadia Durrani. 2017. Archaeology: A Brief Introduction. 12th Edition, New
York: Routledge. Chapter 6