The Correlation of Oral Traditions and Historical Records in Southern Ethiopia: A Case

Study of the Hadiya/Sidamo Past

Author(s): ULRICH BRAUKÄMPER
Source: Journal of Ethiopian Studies , JULY 1973, Vol. 11, No. 2 (JULY 1973), pp. 29-50
Published by: Institute of Ethiopian Studies

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41988257

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 The Correlation of Oral Traditions and
Historical Records in Southern Ethiopia: A Case
Study of the Hadiya/Sidamo Past
by ULRICH BRAU KÄM PER

For the purposes of conducting historical research in formerly

illiterate cultures, those areas peripheral to literate " Hochkulturen" are
of particular interest and importance. The systematic comparison of
two kinds of information sources, oral traditions on the one hand
and written records including data concerning the illiterate neighbour-
ing groups on the other hand, enable the historian of formerly illite-
rate cultures to secure chronological and cultural data on a more
substantial basis. Moreover, combining these two historical approaches
can perhaps lead us towards some general methodological perspectives
which have hardly been considered solely by an analysis of sources of
the historical science proper. The general theoretical and methodologi-
cal framework for the collection and relevance of oral traditions has
been so fully developed during the last decade1 that any further dis-
cussion would only be repetitious. The main interest of our study
involves a general examination of both of these methodologically well
established approaches, i.e. an analysis of data derived through oral
traditions and from written records. A comparison of the similar as
well as contradictory results obtained by these two approaches is also
of concern to this study.
There are two areas in sub-Saharan Africa where written re-
cords existed before the coming of the Europeans : 1. the Arabic-Isla
zones of influence in the Sudan belt and along the East African coa
and 2. the Ethiopian Empire. In the present area of southern Et
iopia these two literate cultural streams met, producing a highly sp
cific historical situation offering more or less model conditions
our problem-orientation. Coincidentally, with the arrival of the Po
tuguese in the 16th century, the European records in this part
Africa start relatively early.2
The remarkable capacity of the Semitic- and Kushitic-speaking
peoples of Northeast Africa to retain genealogical records and the
general historical orientation of their cognitive patterns has undoubtedly
led to their highly unusual sense for history which is rarely found in

1 . As a representative example among the numerous studies concerning this

subject only J. Vansina's "classical" work, De la tradition orale (Tervuren, 1961),
may be referred to here. R. Finnegan's book, Oral Tradition in Africa (Oxford,
1970), stands cut among the more recent publications.
2. The orthography of Ethiopian words and names is commonly according to
English conventions. For the transliteration see S. Wright, "The Transliteration
of Amharic," Journal of Ethiopian Studies (1964), II, 1 .

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other parts of the continent to the same extent. More than twenty
names in one genealogy is not unusual. Assuming one generation
equals about 25 years, as is commonly accepted, this means that a
historical depth reaching the 15th century can be thereby derived.
Traditions exceeding this limit are normally beyond the possibilities of
historical reconstruction, since the lists of ancestors at this point
commonly change into stereotype biblical names which can at the most
illuminate concepts of cultural values.3 The extent to which genealogies
are generally reliable for any historical-chronological statements will
be discussed below.
The genealogies, as the framework of oral tradition, are not
at all restricted to the ruling families among the peoples of southern
Ethiopia. Certainly, there is a concentration of genealogical data amon
the noble clans, but nevertheless this information was formerly the
individual property of many different people stemming from various
different clans; otherwise the wide-spread conspicuous consciousness
of the past among the people of these areas would be impossible t
explain. Such a situation is highly favourable for historically-oriented
field research, insofar as a certain degree of differences in genealogie
within the same ethnic group can be collected. Consequently, a statis-
tically relevant base can be afforded presenting a means of interpola-
tion towards an avarage value and thus enabling us to discover significan
discrepancies and manipulations of the objective historical occurrences
Concerning the degree of conservation of genealogies, egalitarian
societies do not differ very much from those with an accentuated
monarchical rule. Dynasties sometimes offer one supplementary infor-
mation through the duration of the dominance of certain rulers. In
such cases, the historically known date of the occupation by Emperor.
Ménilek II can be used as a terminus ante quem from which an
absolute chronology can be reconducted.4 Unlike many West African
societies where professional specialists who were institutionalized to a
certain extent, used to conserve the historical traditions of the ruling
families from their origins and of the state itself,5 the traditions of
South Ethiopian Kushites are mostly a kind of popular concept.

3. The realization of these facts is of course not new. Already in the last
century A. Dillmann, a noted promulgator of Ethiopian studies, analysed the
potential sources of errors within the genealogies. A. Dillmann, "über die
Anfänge des axumitischen Reiches," Abh. der Kgl. Akademie der Wiss. zu
Berlin aus dem Jahre 1878 (1879), 178 f. Some pioneer work in this field had
also been done by W. Munzinger who dated the imigration of the Bogos in
their present Erytrean dwelling-areas with the help of their genealogies. W.
Munzinger. Sitten und Recht der Bogos (Wintertur, 1859), p. 7. For the
modern standard of discussion of this problem see D.P. Henige, "Oral Tradi-
tion and Chronology," Journal of African History (1971), XII, 3, 385 fF.
4. An absolute chronology of the Wälamo dynasty could be reconstructed in
such a manner by E. Haberland. Over and above the kind permission to
examine this material prepared for publication, I am indebted to Eike Haber-
land for a great deal of further helpful advice and assistence.
5 . As a representative exemple the Dagomba of northern Ghana may be mention-
ed. B. Benzing," Orale Tradition und historische Forschung - exemplifiziert an
der oralen Tradition der Dagomba in Nordghana" in Probleme interdiszipli-
närer Afrikanistik (Hamburg, 1970), 52. In several cases Koranic teachers
acted as historiographers. See for exemple U. Braukämper. "Zur kulturhisto-
rischen Bedeutung der Hirten-Ful für die Staatswesen des Zentralsudan,"
Paideuma (1971), XVII, 65.

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 HADIYA/KAM BATA GROUP OF SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

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 It has been mentioned above that the genealogies of ethnic groups
in southern Ethiopia can potentially lead us back to the 15th century.
With the rise of the Salomonid dynasty (since 1270) an epoch of
military, political, and cultural expansion of the Christian Empire in the
south developed during this same period. The famous chronicle Kebra
Nägäst (' 'glory of the kings") was written, as far as we know,6 in
the 13th or 14th century. It is the first literary document with a
vague reference to this southward expansion. Beginning with this
period, the written records for the south become more numerous;
particularly the chronicles of the Emperors Amdä-Seyon, Zära-Ya'oqob,
Bä'edä Maryam, and S ärsä Dengel include very few, but nevertheless
highly remarkable references to the southern peoples.7 The Islamic
wave under Ahmad Grañ, war-leader of Adal, which invaded Ethiopia
from the east in the 16th century, marked a clear turning-point in the
relations between the Christian Empire and its southern neighbours.
The Muslim irruption, it is true, did not last more than a few de-
cades, but the huge expansion of the Galla people succeeding the
Grañ wars created a broad wall separating the Christian north from
its former zones of influence in the south. A secondary effect of the
Galla invasion was the discontinuation of the records of Islamic his-
toriographers, for exemple, of Al-Idrizi (1100-1166), Ibn Sa'id (1214-74),
Abu'l Fida (1273-1331), Fadl Allah al-'Umari (f 1348), Al-Makrizi
(1364-1442), and Arab Faqih, Ahmad Grañ's chronicler. With the
final disappearance of indigenous historiographical activity by the
17th century, the records of European authors became the chief source
of information concerning the southern peoples. F. Alvarez, who
joined a mission to Ethiopia between 1520 and 1526, and M. de
Almeida, J. Lobo, and A. Fernandez in the beginning of the following
century, rank among the most important Portuguese travellers who
were responsible for much of what we know of these areas during
the 16th and 17th centuries.

This short sketch regarding the origin of information sources seems

to be necessary before entering into a more detailed analysis of the
historical problems of southern Ethiopia. It is preferable in this context
to confine the scope of the study within the huge cluster of Kushitic
peoples to one group which is remarkably interrelated in its language,
history, and culture: the Hadiya/Sidamo. Special reference shall be
awarded to their northern subgroups, the Hadiya, Kambata and others
who have been totally neglected in the scientific literature up to now.8

6. According to a personal information given by Taddäsä Tamrat in 1971 a

completely exact dating is not possible. For the recent situation of research
vide also T. Tamrat, "The Abbots of Däbrä-Hayq," Journal of Ethiopian
Studies (1970), VIII, 1.
7. For the critical analysis of Ethiopian chronicles as historical sources vide
R. Pankhurst, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles (Nairobi, 1967), pp. VII if.
8. The only article referred to the Hadiya by H. Plazikowsky, 4 'Historisches über
die Hadiya," Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie , (1957), 82, 66-96, is rather confusing
and contains a number of dubious hypotheses. Fortunately, Ethiopian researchers
themselves have begun conducting historical work concerning the Hadiya/
Sidama group: for exemple, Haile Bubbamo Arfičo, a man to whom I am indebted
for a great deal of valuable information, is at the vanguard of this com-
mendable effort. I am also indebted to S. Stanley for his kind permission to
examine his manuscript about the Si dama.

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During a field research amounting to about ten months in 1970-71,
I had the opportunity to collect historical traditions within this area.9
The Hadiya/Kambata living-area is situated in the utmost peripheries
of those zones where the cultural drift from the north to the south
promulgated by the Christian Empire intersected with the drift of
Islamic infiltration stemming from the Somali coast towards the inter-
ior.

The Hadiya, Kambata, Tembaro, Dubammo, and Alaba comprise

a relatively numerous population (ca. 800.000), which lives in an area
stretching from the Omo River in the west to the South Ethiopian rift
valley beyond the Bilate (see map 2). The Qäbäna who are assi-
milated to a certain extent to the surrounding Guragé, are sepa-
rated from this main cluster and dwell in some areas farther to the
north. These tribes are all linguistically closely related to the Sidamo,
Darassa, and Burji who may be considered as the southern cluster
of the Hadiya/Sidamo group. With very few exceptions they are
peasant populations practising an intensified and highly developed
agriculture. The ' 'false banana" (Ensete edulis) is by far their most
important foodstuff plant. The Hadiya and Alaba, however, only be-
gan practising sedentary farming since the second half of the 19th
century, having been cattle nomads before.

Oral traditions

When we try to sumarize the Hadiya10 traditions concerning their

origins, this can be outlined in the following manner. The original
home of the Hadiya ancestors is said to have been somewhere in
Asia near a large body of water. Hadiya ("man who carries all"),
the ancestor after whom the people derive their name, was the
first to leave the Arabian peninsula crossing the Red Sea in an attempt
to search for a new home in the Habasha land. His descendents stayed
in Raya, probably in certain parts of Tegré and Wällo Province, for
a period of time. From there they migrated towards the south, mostly
to the territories of what later became the Adal kingdom and to
southern Šáwa. According to the traditions, there cannot be any
doubt that this southward movement represented a retreat forced on
their part from the steady expansion of the Christian Empire. The
idea that the Central Kushitic Agäw people had been their former
neighbours remains more or less vivid among the Hadiya.11 A tradition
collected by Cerulli12 stating that a Hadiya/Sidamo population
had lived in the region of Lake Wonji west of Addis Abäbä could

9 . The preliminary report about the results of this reasearch campaign has been
published recently, "Forschungsreise des Frobenius-Institutes 1970/71 nach
Süd-Äthiopien: Vorläufiger Bericht," Paideuma (1971), XVII, 216-22. The field
study itself which is just being completed in a second campaign was done in
cooperation with Siegfried Seyfarth to whom 1 should like to express my
deepest gratitude for his encouragement and comradeship. Werner Lange was
so kind to correct the English text.
10. Among the neighbouring groups the Hadiya are also known as Gudela, Märäqo,
and Gufte (Tufte), names they partly dislike themselves.
11. Vide also S. Simoni, / Sidamo , fedeli sudditi deW Impero (Bologna, 1939) pp.
17 f.

12. E. Cerulli, Etiopia occidentale (Roma, 1933) II, 168.

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not be verified by my Hadiya informants. After their exodus from
northern Ethiopia, the Hadiya occupied the regions on the middle and
upper Awash and might very well have expanded beyond the present
Arussi settlements in the direction of Harär. They even crossed the
Webé Šebelé River on their southern expanson, but then they met
the full vehemence of the Galla migration towards the north. Subse-
quently, some of the Hadiya were partially assimilated by the Arussi-
Galla, but in the so-called hadiya- clans they are still conscious of
their non-Galla origin.13
The military clash between the Hadiya groups Urusso/Bade and
the Arussi-Galla in the regions of the upper Webé is said to have
occurred about eight generations ago. These Hadiya tribes, subsequently
generally called Badawačo, evaded westwards and crossed the Bilate
after a serious battle against the Arussi at a place called Bassa which
survives in the memory of the people as a place of bloodshed. The
Hadiya tribes Badogo, Haballo and others which had already settled
west of the Bilate were either exterminated or pushed back to the
north by the newcomers.
About fourteen generations ago Hadiya groups from the vicinity
of Mt. Zäqwala in southern Säwa immigrated to the areas between
Lake Zway and the upper Bilate. The Libido stayed within this gene-
ral area until the present in a region called Märäqo, whilst the Soro
advanced to the south-west and subsequently reached the Omo River.
They had to relinguish the valley of the upper Bilate to the advancing
Šašogo - Hadiya who forced their way into this region from the
Arussi-steppes about seven generations ago. The name of the present
town of Šašamanna (i.e. people of Šaše the ancestor of the
Šašogo) still refers to these Hadiya in Arussi ^country. About one
generation later the last of the important Hadiya subgroups, theLämo,
immigrated to their present dwelling-places from the northeast pushing
back the Soro and the Alaba.

The Soro and the early immigration waves of the Badogo/Haballo

clans encountered different groups of Kushitic- as well as Semi
speaking populations in the highlands between Omo and Bilate. O
this we can be certain. People of the Hadiya/Sidamo group who
not yet been amalgamated in a confederation which subsequentl
became known as Kambata, were scattered over that area. The leadin
clan of the Kambata, oyeta , claims its origin from the Gondär regi
In the same way, the Kambata-speaking Dubammo refer to a tr
tion that they came from Gondär about fifteen generations ago. Th
conserved an outstanding consciousness as an upper stratum trac
their origin to the North Ethiopian Christian area, a stratum w
had at one time superimposed itself upon a Kushitic autochthon
substratum. However, the legend regarding the ethnogenesis of
Kambata people from a stock of seven different tribal groups d
not throw much light upon the problem concerning the ethnic
linguistic differentiation of these original seven groups. Neither can

13 According to E. Haberland, Galla Süd- Äthiopiens (Stuttgart, 1963), pp. 44

the hadiya- clans even outnumber the clans of the Galla-Oromo proper amo
the Arussi.

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approximate time of this ethnogenesis be fixed using the data from
their genealogies. The ancestor-lists normally only lead back to Hämäl-
mal, founder of the oyeta- dynasty in Kambata, who had eleven suc-
cessors in the regency up to Menilek's occupation in 1891. However,
we must constantly remain initially sceptical of traditions of origin
from Gondär, because a "noble" origin from well-known places of
the Christian north has always been desirable for the legitimation of
rule. For this reason, manipulations of the historical traditions often
practised to enlarge the prestige, must be taken into consideration. It
is undoubtedly the case, however, that the Kambata repeatedly have
absorbed and assimilated Semitic-speaking groups in the course of
their history. The Hate Amhara,just to mention one example, are said
to be from the stock of Christian warriors who took refuge with the
Kambata already in the time of the Islamic conqueror Ahmad Graft
(about 1530-40). The Kambata and the Dubammo themselves claimed
to have been Christians. But Christianity became progressively weaker
in the periods of isolation from its northern centres and was over-
shadowed by the Kushitic folk religion. The Semitic stratum among
the Kambata/Dubammo people must have been very thin altogether,
since linguistically there are only few hints to prove its former
existence. The Ennäriya, a Semitic-speaking element from the Guragé
cluster, which are said to have inhabited the area before the esta-
blishing of the Kambata tribes disappeared from there without leaving
remarkable traces.

However, the existence of an autochthonous Semitic population in

the north of the present Hadiya territory between the Omo and the upper
Bilate cannot be doubted. The Masmas represent the remnants of a
formerly wide-spread Guragé population which has survived only in a
small area and was finally assimilated into the Kushitic cluster since
about two generations ago. They maintained a strong Christian tradi-
tion and claim to have possessed a seven hundred years old chronicle
of their church, Gibe Mika'él, which unfortunately is said to have
disappeared during the time of Italian occupation (1936-41). Eight or
nine generations ago the Soro-Hadiya began to invade the Masmas and
took most of their land.

For a short period of time the Alaba are also reported to have
settled in that very area, before they left for their present dwelling-
places east of the Bilate about 1800. The Alaba traditions claim very
intensive historical connections with the Sidamo. They lived within the
vicinity of that people for a period of time following the abandonment
of their former living-areas in Balé southwest of Harär. By the middle
of the 18th century they left Sidamo and began to move upstream the
Bilate to the north.14 Between 1800 and 1820 they finally established •
themselves in their present areas (see map 2).
Close historical relations with the Sidamo are also reported by
the Jembaro (Kambara) traditions. The ancestor Mola, from whom
the people derive their name, Lamolemola, lived in Yämerra/Sidamo
about 15 generations ago. It is stated that his wife, Manjole, was the

14. Our own data are supported by those of M. M. Moreno, "Nuove notizie
suirAlaba e sugli Alaba," Rassegna di studi etiopici (1941), XIX, 1, 52 f.

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daughter of the well-known Hadiya chief, Boyamo. Mola's seven sons,
from whom the seven Jembaro subgroups have descended, were
banished from the Sidamo country and after decades of restless migra-
tions and warlike activities they came to settle in their present area.
The Tembaro speak a Kambata dialect. Since a recent linguistic change
cannot be supported by data from the oral traditions, we may safely
argue that the Kushitic-speaking tribes between Omo and Bilate have
been relatively homogenous. Principally, the Hadiya and Alaba immi-
grations did not bring about far-reaching changes in the ethno-linguistic
situation.

The historical traditions of the present inhabitants do not provide

any satisfying answer regarding the question as to which populations
might have possibly lived in those regions before the arrival of the
Guragé-and Hadiya/Sidamo-speaking groups. Occasionally one encounters
references to names of remnant groups which are said to have inhabi-
ted that area before the arrival of one's own tribe. But they are
totally assimilated and do not physically differ from the other elements
of the population. The problem of the origin of the anthropologically
remarkably distinctive castes of potters (fuga) is still far from being
solved in any area of southern Ethiopia.

Written records

The historical traditions of the contemporaries can, of course,

provide only a fragmentary picture of the past. Moreover, they are
often affected with various imponderabilities which are discussed in
detail in the theoretical articles on "oral literature". Let us complete
the above historical sketch by drawing upon those data which written
sources contribute to the study of the Hadiya/Kambata history. Lin-
guistic-etymological analyses of the old Axumite inscriptions in an
attempt to discover any possible allusions of an early Kushitic presence
are outside the scope of our study.15 Since we have to strive for a
valid empirical historical base beyond etymological comparisons, the
above mentioned Kebra Nägäst establishes the earliest chronological
starting-point. Within it16 we are told that the Ethiopian Emperor
defeated the Hadiya, hereditary enemies of the Christian state, and
devastated their lands. Some details about the military conflicts with
the Hadiya are then reported in Amdä-Seyon's (1314-44) chronicle.17
A "false prophet" had appeared and incited the Hadiya leader (amano)
to wage war against the Emperor. The imperial army did not hesitate
to invade Hadiya (1329), killed many enemies and captivated a con-
siderable part of the population. The memory of this victory has
survived in Amharic songs of glory.18 The prophet fled to the Islamic
state of Ifat where he again tried to mobilize the population to war-

15. HailéBubbamo Arfičo still unpublished article, "The Linguistic Influence of Hadiya
on North Ethiopia" (Addis Ababa, 1972) did some approaches in this field.
16. C. Bezold, Kebra Nagast. Die Herrlichkeit der Könige (München, 1905),
p. 100; E.A.W. Budge, The Queen of Sheba and Her Only Son Menyelek
(London, 1922), p. 165.
17. G.W.B. Huntingford, The Glorious Victories of 'Amda Syon, King of Ethiopia
(London, 1965), pp. 58 if.
18. J. Guidi, "Le canzoni geez-amarina in onore di Re Abessini, " Rendiconti della
Reale Accademia dei Lincei (1889), V, 622, passim.

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like activities against the Christian Emperor. Beginning with this period
Hadiya was listed among the provinces of the Ethiopian Empire.19
In the records of the Arabic historiographers, Hadiya is mentioned
as a country within the confederation or at least the sphere of inten-
sive influence of the Islamic state, Zeila. According to Ibn Sa'id it
was situated south of Wefat. In Abu'l Fida' s geographical work "Tak-
wim al-Buldan " (1321), Hadije or Hadea is mentioned as a locality
with the exact geographical location (57°3' longitude, 7° latitude).
Slaves, who had been castrated in a place called Wašlu, were taken
there for an additional operation before they were sold to Egypt.20 Ibn
Fadl Allah al-'Umari confirms this information concerning the produc-
tion of eunuches in his encyclopaedical opus and precisely mentions
that the slaves castrated in Wašlu were led to Hadiya for curing.
Hadiya is referred to as a powerful state which was by far superior
to Ifat in its military potential during this time. Agriculture was prac-
tised in a way similar to the methods employed by the neighbouring
states Däwaro and Arababni.21 Makrizi's history of the Muslim princes
of Ethiopia (1434) seems to be predominantly based on al-'Umari.
Seven chiefdoms are specified which belonged to the territorial confe-
deration of Zeila: Awfat, Dawaro, Arababni, Hadya, Sarha, Bali,
Darah. All of them were under the supremacy of the Ethiopian Em-
peror to whom they had to pay a tribute every year.22 The "princi-
pality" of Hadiya amounted to eight days of walk in the south-north
direction and nine days in the east-west direction. Again, the fact of
curing eunuches from Wašlu is mentioned.23
That Hadiya was indeed tributary to the Christian Empire is also
confirmed by the chronicle of Emperor Zära-Ya'eqob (1434-68). Here it
is written24 that Mahiko (Mihiko), son of the gar ad (chief) Mehmad,
refused to pay the tribute, organized a conspiracy against the Christian
ruler, and attempted to secure the alliance of the Muslim Empire,
Adal. However, another Hadiya leader, (gadayto garad), revealed the
conspirator's plans to the Emperor and advised him to entrust the
command in the Hadiya country to garad Bamo who had been loyal.
Bamo, Mehmad's brother, was ordered to the Emperor's residence in Däb-
rä Berhan and following a consultation he was sent back to his people
with an abundance of gifts and accompanied by troops from the
Damot Province. Most of the rebellious Hadiya leaders surrendered.
Only Mahiko tried to escape to Adal with the rest of the rebels, but
they were pursued and killed by Bamo's warriors. The allied Hadiya

19. Huntingford, op. cit., p. 61.

20. P. Paulitschke, Die geographische Erforschung der Adal-Länder und Harâr's
in Ost-Afrika (Leipzig, 1884), p. 15 (according to Reinauďs " Géographie
ď Aboulféda" ) .
21. See M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Les pays musulmans occidentaux (Leiden»
1790), Ch. IV ff.
22. F. T. Rinck, Makrizi Historia Regum Islamiticorum in Abyssinia (Leiden, 1790)»
transi, by G.W.B. Huntingford op. cit., p. 10.
23. Rinck, op. cit., pp. 14 f.
24. J. Per ruch on. Les chroniques de Zať a Yďeqob et de Bďeda Maryam , B»bl.
de l'école pratique de Hautes Etudes, 93, fase., (Paris, 1893), pp. 16-23; vide
also J. Bruce, Reisen zur Entdeckung der Quellen des Nils in den Jahren 1768-
1773, (Leipzig, 1790-91), II, 71 ff.

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under Bamo's leadership were specially honoured and received rich
gifts fromZära-Ya'eqob. The troops fromDamot which had considerably
contributed to the victory received a certain amount of land in the
territory of the defeated rebels as recompensation of their merits. The
chronicle makes further reference to the fact that the situation in
Hadiya was precarious and strained after these spectacular events.25
The Hadiya garad Mehmad, the father of the Emperess Elèni, was
Zära-Ya'eqob's father-in-law. However, since he was a Muslim, he
always remained suspect to the Christian ruler. The Emperor used to
keep him in check by constantly observing him in general and parti-
cularly supervising his political activities.

The precarious relations between the Christian Empire and the

Hadiya did not improve under the rule of Zära-Ya'eqob's successor
Bä'edä Maryam (1468-78).26 Rebellions repeatedly arose in parts of
Islamic Adal against the surrounding Christian provinces. By some of
the names mentioned in the historical records we know that the Hadiya
joined the warlike conflicts. At the time when the military threats of
the Muslim states of the east reached their climax and the campaigns
of the famous Adal leader Ahmad Grañ nearly destroyed Ethiopia,
Arabic sources of information reappeared for a short period.27
Gran's general Abd en-Nasr invaded Hadiya in 939 after the Hijra
(1531-32) and took over the country from the Ethiopian vassalage. Because
the Hadiya leader himself was Muslim, he is said to have openly
agreed to the change in rule and joined the Adal army in their
fight against the Christians. Abd en-Nasr married the daughter of a
Hadiya chief and left the country to conduct his conquests in the
north.28

The Hadiya are also mentioned by European eye-witnesses ofthat

time. Parts of the people lived in the vicinity of Lake Zway where
the Ethiopian Emperor Lebnä Dengel ordered the construction of a
monastery on an island. Alvarez reported a mission of a Hadiya
princess who came to Lebnä Dengel's court in that region with a
special petition.29 The same author also refers to a military expedition
of 15.000 soldiers under the leadership of an adrugaz sent by the
Emperor against the Hadiya. These troops were on the march for
one month before they reached their enemies' country.30
After the break-down of the Islamic attacks on the Christian
Empire, Lebnä Dengel's successor Gâlâwdéwos (1540-59) initiated the
reconquest of the lost provinces in the south. The chronicle dedicated
to him alludes to the fact that the Hadiya were defeated and subjuga-

25. Perruchon, op. cit., pp. 58 f., 65.

26. Perruchon, op. cit., pp. 131, 150, 157, 166'
27. A commented translation of all these texts was published by R. Basset,
Histoire de la conquête de VAbyssinie (XVIe siècle) par Chihab Eddin Ahmed
Ben ' Abd El Qäder surnommé Arab-Faqih (Paris, 1897).
28. Basset, op. cit., pp. 6, 64, 190, 392.
29. See Basset, op. cit., pp. 189 f.
30. C. F. Beckingham and G.W.B. Huntingford, Some Records of Ethiopia, 1593-
1646 (M. de Almeida and Bahrey) (London, 1954), II, 430.

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ted by the military superiority of the Empire.31 A last important
literate documentation concerning the relations of Christian Ethiopia
and the southern peoples is contained in Särsä Dengel's (1563-97)
chronicle. Among his many other titles this Emperor had also taken
the one of Hadiya garad?2 Due to his military victories in this area
we can be sure that he was in reality the supreme leader there and
not just be title alone. He had indeed to wage many campaigns and
battles against the warlike Hadiya people. In 1569, the chronicler
relates, the Emperor collected his troops in Waj (southern Säwa)
because the Hadiya had refused to pay the tribute and felt strong
enough to risk a military conflict. Their cavalry amounted to about
1700 horsemen, 500 of whom were recruited from allied Muslims, the
so-called malasay who wore cuirasses. The number of Hadiya infantry
is said to have been enormous. Särsä Dengel engaged in battle
without hesitation and defeated his enemies. The front of the Hadiya
cuirassiers collapsed by the vigorous push of his army and 300 horses
were taken. The remains of the Hadiya troops re-grouped again to
face the Ethiopian army. Because they were beaten a second time
despite their courage which, according to the chronicler's description,
was remarkable, the leaders (ajam) surrendered and the people was
put under the control of an Ethiopian governor. After Easter 1570
Särsä Dengel and his army left Hadiya country and marched off
northwards.33 After a few short years the Hadiya again rebelled. Their
war-leader Jafer was killed in action, and Särsä Dengel's troops confis-
cated many herds of cattle. In 1577 the Emperor himself went away
from the defeated and plundered land. But the warlike activities in
which the Galla also became increasingly engaged from this point on,
never came to a definite stand-still.34

During the second half of the 16th century, as it is known, the

northward Galla expansion drove a wedge between the southwest
Ethiopian populations and the literate centres of culture in the north
and east. Due to the progressive decadence of its central government
and authority, the Ethiopian Empire could not continue its expansive
policy in the south prior to the rise of Menilek II in the later 19th
century. The Islamization and Gallaization of several tribal groups
west of the Omo, especially in the Jimma region, did not initiate
new impulses in the autochthonous historiography. From the 17th to
the 19th centuries there are only few references by European researchers
in Ethiopia, in many cases stemming from second-hand information of
already existing materials, which mention the Hadiya.35 As the quantity

31. W. E. Conzelman, Chronique de Galâwdêwos , Bibi. de l'école pratique de

Hautes Etudes, 104. fase., (Paris, 1895), p. 141; vide also Basset, op. cit. ,
p. 190.
32. C. Conti-Rossini, Historia Regis Sarsa Dengel (Malak Sagad) (Paris, 1955
1 ed., 1907). pp. 46-49.
33. Conti Rossini., op. cit.t pp. 46-49.
34. Conti Rossini, op. cit., pp. 52, 59 f., 67.
35 . Authors to whom we owe more or less authentic contributions subsequent to
the early Portuguese reports were O. Dapper, Umbständliche und Eigentliche
Beschreibung von Africa und denen darzu gehörigen Königreichen und Land-
schaften etc. (Amsterdam, 1670), pp. 653 ff.; J. Bruce, op. cit.; R. P. Burton,
First Footsteps in East Africa (London, 1856); L. Traversi "Estratto di lettera
sul viaggio negli Arussi, Guraghi etc.", Bolletino della Società Geografica

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of written historical information sources decreases, the value of oral
tradition for historical reconstruction increases. It stands to reason
that their quantity as well as their quality significantly rises the more
the present time is approached. Regarding the events of the 19th and
20th centuries, for example, Menilek's occupation or the Italian war,
they can produce a broad scale of information.
In comparison with the Hadiya, fewer references were made to
the Kambata-speaking peoples in the royal chronicles and other re-
cords. Presumably the first allusion to Kambata as a country in the
vicinity of Janjero occurred in a song in honour of Emperor Yeshaq
(1414-29). This ruler is said to have introduced Christianity in this
region.36 It is not impossible that the Gambota mentioned in Bä'edä
Maryam's chronicle is synonymous with Kambata. This hypothesis
finds some support in the geographical specification of this locality
as a province in the utmost south of the Ethiopian Empire.37 During
the Grañ wars Kambata was conquered by the Islamic general Abd
en-Nasr in 1532. It is also of great interest to note that a report
exists that warriors from Gafat, a Semitic-speaking group from the
Gojj am Province which has linguistically nearly died out, fought the
Muslims on the Kambata side.38 The pressures upon the Christians
following the Islamic conquest did not extinguish the roots of Chris-
tianity in the country. Some decades later when Särsä Dengel tried to
re-establish the Ethiopian imperial rule in that area, a famous tabot
(sanctuary of the Orthodox church) was discovered which had survived
the periods of fierce Islamic persecution in Kambata.39 The Ethiopian
restauration which followed the Muslim expulsion, obviously was not
very encompassing and was short-lived. This is not surprising consider-
ing the fact that the Amhara needed all the military reserves they
could muster to thwart the Galla expansion. When the Portuguese
traveller, Fernandez, came to Kambata during the reign of Emperor
Susenyos (1607-32) in 1613, Hämälmal was the ruler there.40 From this
point on, only a few references to Kambata are made by other foreign
authors.41 The literature concerning Tembaro and Dubammo is even
more scanty. In the old chronicles they never explicitly appear.
Historians encounter the same handicap in the case of the Alaba.
Only very few authentic materials are available for the past of this
group. In the Zära-Ya'eqob chronicle, Alaba is more or less clearly
reported to have been a dependency of the Hadiya territorial cluster.

Italiana (1887), ser. II, XII; A. Cecchi, Fünf Jahre in Ostafrika - Reisen durch
die südlichen Grenzländer Abessiniens von Zeila bis Kaff a (Leipzig, 1888);
J. Borelli, Ethiopie méridionale (Paris, 1890); A. d'Abbadie, Géographie de
V Ethiopie (Paris, 1890).
36. Guidi, op. cit., p. 56; Conti Rossini, op. cit., p. 76.
37. Perruchon, op. cit., p. 159.
38. Basset, op. cit., pp. 64, 224, 366.
39. Conti Rossini, op. cit., p. 76.
40. Bruce, op. cit. II, 322; P. Pais, História de Ethiopia (Porto 1945-46), III, 219
ff., 235.
41. For exemple J. L. Krapf, Reisen in O st- Africa - ausgeführt in den Jahren 1837-
1855 (Kornthal and Stuttgart, 1858), pp. 73 f.; Cecchi, op. cit., pp. 22, 81,
118 f., 124; Borelli, op. cit., pp. 332 f., 438 f.; D'Abbadie, op. cit., pp. 89,
94, 102.

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After Mahiko's failed rebellion (see p. 38), the Alaba became more
independent from the Hadiya, but they remained under the suzerainity
of the Christian Empire. When Fernandez set foot in Alaba country
in 1613 and met the Muslim chief Alico there, the area enjoyed a
nearly unrestricted independence from Ethiopia, whilst Kambata did
not differ much in status from an Ethiopian province.42

Criticism of information sources

As a résumé of the literary documents analysed above it can be

summarily stated that a number of small principalities of partial
Christian or partial Islamic influence existed in the centre of southern
Ethiopia between the 14th and the end of the 16th century. During
this highly tumultous period they were either dependencies of the
Christian Empire or of the Islamic confederation of Adal; only seldom
interrupted by short periods of independence. Some of them, for
instance Däwaro, Fätägar, Balé, were so totally inundated by the Galla
invasion that their ethnic representatives disappeared in the darkness of
history without leaving any trace of their former existence. Whatever
might have happened to them, physical extermination, expulsion or
absorption by the Galla, nothing definitive can be said concerning
the ethnic identity of people in those states. On the other hand, the
Hadiya, Kambata, and Alaba survived as tribal groups. But even in
their case the following questions arise: are the extant groups in fact
identical with those of the old records? Can a historical continuity
be verified empirically?
The first problem is in the identity of names. Hadiya, for exemple,
is referred to in the literature in several different versions (Hadea,
Hadya, Adea, Adia, Hadija, Hadiye). Since the alphabets and the
vocalizations of the oriental scripts always created more or less serious
difficulties for European researchers and since the conventions of trans-
cription among the Portuguese, Italians, and other nations were dif-
ferent, several authors even used an individual type, and since there
are also different pronunciations in the indigenous languages, different
versions of the same name become easily explainable. Pure identities
of names cannot verify anything in historical science, if there is no
other corroborative information. The danger of confusing Hadiya
(Adea) and Adal (Adel) was already indicated by Paulitschke43 In
passing it is to be noted that Bieber even equated Addio, the western
part ofKäfa, with Hadiya.44
The geographical localization of old Hadiya is, indeed, highly
problematic. Alvarez' reference45 stating "Adea" to have stretched
as far as Mogadasso or Magadaxo (which is today Mogadishu, capital

42. C. F. Beckingham and G.W.B. Huntingford, The Prester John of the Indies
(F. Alvares) (Cambridge, 1961), II, lxv; Moreno, op . cit., p. 53; Bruce
op. cit., II, 323.
43. Paulitschke, op. cit. vide also Beckingham and Huntingford, The Prester John of
the Indies, II, 453.
44. See Cernili, op. cit., I, 195.
45. Beckingham and Huntingford, The Prester John of the Indies , II, 453; Paulit-
schke, op. cit., pp. 30, 44.

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of Somalia), is not supportable in the context of the total historical
outline. When other authors tend to specify Hadiya as a Muslim king-
dom with Harär as its capital,46 it is quite certain that Adal was
meant. We have sufficient evidence that Harär has been the capital of
this state for many years. Hadiya are sometimes localized on the
Somali peninsula, too. Again, this can be explained as a phenomenon
of the identity of names. Since Idrisi's time the ethnonym Hadiya has
been used-among others-for the Hawiya-Somali. This simple identity
of names has sometimes provoked confusion and often misled histori-
cal research of the Hadiya of the Sidamo group.47
The Ethiopian imperial chronicles, Al-Makrizi, and the maps
which were drawn according to the geographical data collected by
the early European travellers (for exemple, Fernandez) localize the
Sidamo-Hadiya conformably in the northern lake region of the rift
valley, just where the ethnic group with this name still lives. Today
the consistenty of geographical location can be considered as initial
evidence that the present Hadiya are those of the old chronicles.
Further evidence is furnished by the oral traditions. Names which
appear in Amdä-Seyon's chronicle cannot be correlated with ancestors
from the genealogies. Here the time-depth extends beyond the possibi-
lities of historical recontruction using oral traditions. Neither is the
term, amano , probably the title of leaders-it was used in this sense
by the Central Kushitic Agäw48 - known among the present Hadiya.
The title garad , however, which has already been referred to in the
literature since Zära-Ya'eqob's time, still is common as a Hadiya title
of honour today. The sub-tribes possess different garad titles in com-
bination with old group and locality names (for exemple, ašen garad ,
wolab garad y etc.) 49 gab garad is mentioned in the Zära-Ya'eqob chro-
nicle;50 the present Soro-Hadiya use the title gadab garad . Moreover,
qab'en garad (Qäbäna garad) and halab garad (Halaba or Alaba garad)
are referred to in the same document. Several details regarding names
and events which are recorded in the annals of this Emperor can be
secured through use of oral traditions.
The garad Bamo, vassal and ally against the rebellious Mahiko,
appears as Boyamo in the Hadiya genealogies about 13-17 generations
ago. Boyamo survived in the memory of people as one of the most
famous ancestors, as a kind of national hero. When we reduce his
legendary deeds to a historical framework, we are left with the fol-
lowing nucleus of common traditions. Boyamo was ordered to Zära-
Ya'eqob's court and received a red garment (red clothes are a symbol

46. See for exemple Conzelmann, op. cit., p. 141; Bruce, op. cit., II, 10.
47. This fact had already been referred to by P. Paulitschke, Ethnographie
Nordost- Afrikas,. I: Die materielle Kultur der Danakil , Galla und Somali
(Berlin, 1893), pp. 71 f. Vide also L. M. Devic, Le pays des Zends ou la
côte orientale ď Afrique au moyen-âge d'après les écrivains arabes (Paris, 1883),
pp. 59, 66.
48. D'Abbadie, op. cit., p. 61.
49. Garad, as a title of chiefs, was wide-spread throughout Islamic-dominated
East Ethiopia as far as to the Somali. Basset, op. cit., p. 10; E. Cernili,
"Gli Emiri di Harar dal secolo XVI alla conquista egiziana (1875)," Rassegna
di studi etiopici (1942), XX, II, 7 ff.; Conti Rossini, o p. cit., Op. 188.
50. Perruchon, op. cit., pp. 17 f.

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of power and command). He returned to the south and was accepted
as leader by many Hadiya. Friendly relations and official functions at-
tached him to the Emperor's court. He became responsible for the royal
herds, since the Hadiya were well-known in taking care of and in breeding
cattle. According to the oraltr adition, his daughter Elèni became Zära-
Ya'eqob's favoured wife. His residence was situated on the mountain
Hossis Ambaričo at the upper Bilate, today inhabited by Šašogo-Hadiya.
The Hadiya tribes Soro, Šašogo and Urusso call themselves Boyamanna
("Boyamo's descendents") and are very proud of their ancestry which
is considered nobler than the one of the non-Boyamanna.
Boyamo's brother, Mehmad, who is referred to in the Zära-Ya'eqob
chronicle in this version of name, reappears in the genealogies as
Bimaddo, ancestor of the Libido tribe. Names and events in the text
of the chronicle and in the oral traditions correspond even in details
to such an extent that the identity of the Bamo/Boyamo story cannot
be endoubted. According to the literary source, it is true, Zära-Ya'eqob's
wife Elèni was not Boyamo's daughter, but his niece, daughter of his
brother Mehmad.

Cases where the correlation between records and oral traditions can
be verified in such a way are indeed not frequent. There is a certain
concentration of historical information stemming from oral traditions
during Zära-Ya'eqob's time, since this was a glorious period of Ethio-
pia's past, and the influence of the Christian Empire on the southern
peoples as far as Wälamo and Gofa has never been more intensive
until Menilek's II rise. In southern Ethiopia the name Zära-Ya'eqob
frequently became a kind of synonym for any Amharic king. A popular
Hadiya tradition relates to the ruins of a stone-built monument in a
place called Hate, i.e. the Amharic royal attribute, which is allegedly
Emperor Zära-Ya'eqob's burial place. Indeed, this monument, which is still
to be seen in the Hadiya village Amburse, is outstanding and unique
as an archaeological object in these regions. But its real function is,
of course, hardly verifiable.
The legends about Ahmad Grañ and the Muslim invasion, which
are spread in a relatively standardized form throughout southern
Ethiopia, are also known to the Hadiya. The monolithic stelae, which
are found in considerable number east of the Omo, are generally
ascribed to the Islamic warriors. Although informants can specify their
ancestors who were Ahmad Gran's contemporaries, names which
correspond to those found in the literature are missing. Unfortunately
the name of the Hadiya garad who gave his daughter for marriage to
the Muslim general Abd en-Nasr is not contained in Arab Faqih's
description of the Adal wars. Whether or not Abd en-Nasr has some-
thing to do with Hajji Nasr, the ancestor of the Šamanna, a Hadiya
clan with an outstanding Islamic tradition, cannot definitely by proved.
But their identity becomes very probable by the whole historical and
cultural context. It is fairly known that the genealogies of Islamized
groups are often manipulated in order to gain prestige and thus are
sometimes either directly traced back to the Prophet's family itself
or to the families of other famous personalities of Muslim history. For
the Hadiya, however, this potential source of errors is negligible, since
most of them are Christians today and show no interest in manipulat-
ing any Islamic names in their genealogies. The Muslim names which

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appear in many ancestor-lists are instead a testimony reflecting a strong
Islamic influence during a certain period.
In the time of Ahmad Grafì's invasion a remarkable climax of
historical documentation was reached for the Kambata as well as for
the Hadiya. According to the traditions, the Adal warriors did not
succeed in destroying the Christian strongholds and the churches on
Mt. Ambaričo. Grañ's troops are also reported to have never cros-
sed the Omo in this region. People from the Kambata area who fled
beyond that river to the west were thus able to save their lives. In
fact, concrete information concerning Grañ's activities in the wes-
tern parts of southern Ethiopia are lacking. The descendents of the
Gafat people mentioned as Kambata allies against Abd en-Nasr live
in Kambata still today and kept the tradition of their northern ori-
gin. Because Kambata was a highly favourable region for refugees
from the northern parts of Ethiopia throughout its history and thereby
producing a complex heterogeneity of ethnic groups, it is very difficult
to chronologize the sequence of Semitic immigrations. It cannot be
safely decided, for instance, whether or not the oyeta , the domi-
nant clan of the Kambata, came from the Gondär area before or after
the Grañ wars. According to the orally-transmitted genealogy, Hä-
mälmal became the first king in Kambata. Hämälmal (Amelmal) is also
the name of the ruler whom the Portuguese expedition encountered
in 1613. The dynasty only relates of one sovereign with this name.
Moreover, the historical depth reached by counting the generations,
twelve kings are referred to until Menilek's occupation in 1891, excludes
any doubt about HämälmaFs identity as the first ruler of the oyeta
dynasty and as Fernandez' contemporary. Bruce's comment51 that
this Hämälmal was a Muslim, is unreliable, since the Portuguese his-
toriographer who had followed the events much closer than Bruce,
spoke of him as a Christian.52 By way of contrast, the Alaba chief Alico
who gave Fernandez so much trouble during his journey in 1613
and who kept up close intercourse with Galla groups was a Muslim.53
In general, the socio-religious situation of former times is diffi-
cult to reconstruct. There are, for exemple, hardly any data available
identifying Tembaro as a Muslim principality. Nothing is known
of a "king" Negita referred to in the literature around 1880.54 It is
true, however, that the fandano religion of the Hadiya/Kambata peoples
clearly shows a remarkable Islamic substratum. For this reason,
they have often been considered Muslims by neighbouring groups.
The oral tradition ascribes the introduction of the fandano religion to
Bimaddo (Mehmad), Boyamo's brother, who is identified as a Muslim
in the Zära-Ya'eqob chronicle. The present Hadiya are aware of the
fact that their traditional religion had at least been influenced by Islam.
They might have even been nominal Muslims formerly, especially bet-
ween the 14th and 17th centuries, but isolated from the Islamic centres
in the east since the Galla expansion; consequently their Islam has

51. Bruce, op. cit., II, 321.

52. Pais, op. cit., III, 219.
53. Pais, op. cit. y III, 227.
54. As secondary information source see Beckingham and Huntingford, Some
Records of Ethiopia > p. lxv.

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been increasingly transplanted by elements of Kushitic tribal religions.
Step by step a new religious syncretism developed which also spread to
the Kambata and Tembaro. In the same way that Islam lost its foot-
hold among the Hadiya, Christianity became increasingly weaker among
the Kambata and Dubammo. These two peoples can specify the
generation in their genealogy in which this de-Christianization pro-
cess started. By the beginning of the new Amharic occupation at the
end of the last century only a thin firnis of Christianity was left.

The monarchical system of rule in its historically known expres-

sion is a relatively young phenomenon among the Kambata, having
been introduced from North Ethiopia, where the ideas and principles
of a monarchy were developed in a cultural milieu quite different from
southern Ethiopia. As it can be empirically verified, this socio-cultural
diffusion took part about 400 years ago. Hadiya has also been cha-
racterized as a "kingdom" by various Ethiopian chroniclers, Arabic
historiographers and European researchers. However, based on present
Hadiya social organization and on the information gathered from their
oral traditions, absolutely no evidence exists supporting the claim of
a central power and state institution.55 The Ethiopian chroniclers used
to consider the gar ad as kings, since their own cultural background
could hardly make it understandable for them that people could
exist without monarchic leadership. The whole cultural and historical
patterns, however, characterize the garad as chiefs of relatively egalita-
rian groups of pastoral nomads, vested with different kinds of func-
tions but never possessing an absolute rule. In most of the cases they
might have been elected war-leaders (gatanna or abagas) who were
acting as representatives and spokesmen of the people among other
ethnic groups. Contrary to this, there were dignitaries mentioned for
the first time in Särsä DengePs chronicle whose power was hereditary
in their lineage and based upon a quasi-divine legitimation. They were
called anjam ( sing. anj anso) and represented a type of spiritual leaders
with legal and ritual functions. This co-existence of "war-chiefs" and
"peace-chiefs" is a specific feature of Hadya social structure which
according to the oral traditions has always existed.

According to the present status of our ethnographical krowledge

from southern Ethiopia only one alternative was to be expected for
the Hadiya social organization: either "kingship culture" which has
been predominant among the West Kushitic peoples (Käfa, Janjero,
Wälamo, etc.) or the East Kushitic gada system as a democratic age-
class organization dominating the social life. The Hadiya social or-
ganization, however, cannot be placed within the scheme of these
ideal types, since there is neither a kingship nor a gada system, but
rather an egalitarian lineage and clan organization. Within this speci-
fic social context, the hereditary religious, political, and juridical powers
on the one hand and the military powers based on physical and
psychal qualification on the other hand are not at all comparable to
centralized monarchical institutions. What, then, could be the reason
for the repeated reference in the literature of a "Kingdom" (royaume
etc.) Hadiya? Since the main intention of Ethiopian chroniclers laid

55. Vide also D'Abbadie, op. cit., p. 102 ("Tufte est sans roi").

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in the recording and glorification of the rulers' deeds, more detailed
references to neighbouring groups with whom the Christian Emperors
used to be in friendly or hostile contact, were outside the scope of
historiographers' interest. Descriptions concerning the structures of
government and social life among other ethnic units are therefore
lacking. Dominated by his ethnocentric concepts, the chronicler
tends to equalize cultural phenomena which are familiar to him from
his own cultural milieu with those of a similar appearance in other
societies. Thus, people who acted in certain situations as spokesmen
and representatives of their groups were often referred to as kings or
sultans; Hadiya entered the literature as a "kingdom".
When a people, who are remarkably aware of its cultural traditions
and proud of their past do not conserve any memory of a former
state or imperial confederation, this fact must certainly be considered
as a significant indication that such a form of political institution
indeed never existed. How is it to be understood otherwise that the
recollection of these "brilliant" periods was extinguished whilst other
traditions of a similar historical depth survived? Empirically, the oral
tradition tends to create a glorification rather than a modest recording
of the past. Although, according to our conviction, a "kingdom"
Hadiya has never existed, there are some obvious indications convey-
ing the impression of a former, much greater historical importance of
this tribe than can be imagined from its present position. Certain
recollections remain, drafting a more or less vivid picture of a some-
what different Hadiya culture. According to these traditions, they
have not always been simple cattle nomads, but had possessed a
higher cultural status before the Galla cut them off from the sources
of influences from the north and the east. Agriculture and handicrafts
were more developed and trade relations with Arabs from different
parts of Northeast Africa were maintained. Nothing is known to the
present generation about the practice of curing of eunuches which
has been referred to as a remarkable fact by the Islamic writers. But
still today the Hadiya are well-known for the relatively high status of
their medical treatments.
The identity of the present with the ancient Hadiya in time
perspective seems to be undoubtably based upon historical and geo-
graphical facts. Yet, who were the ethnic representatives of the states
situated farther to the east, Fätägar, Balé, Däwaro etc.? Who were
the inhabitants of the areas between Harär and the Ethiopian lake
region before the Galla storms since the second half of the 16th century
eliminated everything reminiscent of the former populations? It is not
certain, whether these questions will ever be answered to a satisfying
extent. Haberland has weightly arguments for the hypothesis that
a broad strip of Semitic-speaking groups, Harari and East Guragè
(Siiti) had formerly occupied this area.56 But there are also distinctive
historical indices for a temporary existence of Hadiya/Sidamo peoples
as far to the east as Harär. Their linguistic influence on the Harari
is obvious.57 The traditions of certain Hadiya groups (Bade/Urusso,

56. E, Haberland, Untersuchungen zum äthiopischen Königtum (Wiesbaden, 1965), p. 14.

57. W. Leslau, Etymological Dictionary of Harari (Berkeley, 1963), passim; vide
also C. Mondon-Vidailhet, La langue Harari et les dialectes éthiopiens du
Gouraghê (Paris, 1902), p. 3.

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Šašogo) and of the Alaba refer to the territories in the Harär
region, at the middle A was and to the ancient state of Balé on the
upper Webé Šebelé as former dwelling-places. It may be stated as
an interesting fact that the Ogaden-Somali still call the Webé Šebelé
also the Webé Sidamo (= Sidamo river). In the Hadiya as well as
in the Somali language Webé (Webi, Wabi) simply means "river".
The famous Islamic place of pilgrimage, Shek Hussen, situated in
the east of today's Arussi-occupied area, is also connected with a
Hadiya tradition as the former residence of their ancestors. Moreover,
Galla traditions also relate to the destruction of the Islamic state of
Balé and to the expulsion of its Sidamo-speaking inhabitants.58 Thus,
it can hardly be doubted that Hadiya/Sidamo tribes, in addition to
the Semitic-speaking populations, inhabited a broad strip south of
the Ethiopian Empire between the lake area and Harär. Since at least
the Hadiya and Alaba were nomads - we cannot be certain of the
cultural status of the other tribes - and since the population density
was correspondingly small, the fluctuation within this area might
have been quite intensive.
The same question as in the case of the Hadiya themselves arises
for Balé and the other political units in the east; namely, the ques-
tion as to the extent of the development of kingdoms or states among
these populations at least partly represented by Hadiya/Sidamo elements.
Certainly, we have to be aware of the fact that a strong Islamic
influence from the " Hochkultur" of the Adal-Harär area has been
exerted on this zone hotly contested between Muslims and Christians ove
centuries. About 1450, for excemple the Adal prince Arwé Badlay seized
the province of Balé temporarily from the Christian Empire and sent Muslim
families there.59 The status as an Ethiopian or an Adal province certainly
had far-reaching effects on the centralization of governmental func-
tions. This thesis, however, can no longer be verified in the field since the
fall of the states meant the dissolution of their ethnic representative
The fate of the Hadiya/Sidamo peoples was one of getting caught
in the vice of three opposite ethnic-political expansions: from the nort
the Christian Empire of the Amhara pushed southward, from the east
the Muslim states vehemently sought access into central Ethiopia, and
in the south the Galla burst out from their original domiciles with
vehement force.

The traditions of all Hadiya/Sidamo-speaking peoples are directed to

places of origin in the northeast. They had probably formed a cohe-
rent cluster there, since the linguistic differentiation of the main tribes
is still relatively minute. In the Hadiya case, historical evidence clearly
demonstrates that this people was pushed more and more to the
south during lapses in the secular wars against the Christian Empire.
The settlement of Damot warriors in the Hadiya area during Zara
Ya'eqob's time (see p.39) indicates the extent of the southward drive of

58. E. Cernili, La lingua e la storia dei Sidamo , Studi Etiopici II (Roma, 1938),
p. 33; E. Cernili, "L'Islam nell'Africa orientale," Aspetti e problemi attuali del
mondo musulmano (Roma, 1941), XX, 12 ff.; vide also E. Haberland, Galla
Süd- Äthiopiens (Stuttgart, 1963), p. 415.
59. Basset, op. cit., pp. 25, 68, passim; vide also Perruchon, op. cit. , p. 65.

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the North Ethiopian colonists by the 15th century. A further expansion
of Semitic groups at the expense of the Hadiya/Sidamo obviously
occurred during the Gran wars. The East Guragé (Siiti, Urbarag, etc.)
are partly descendents of Islamic military colonies founded by Emir
Nur from Harär in the second half of the 16th century.60 Their different
tribes also use to call themselves Hadiya, claiming that their name had
been to some way a collective denomination for the old Muslim peo-
ples of those areas. The Galla invasion dispersed the Semitic belt and
simultaneously either exterminated the Hadiya/Sidamo in their eastern
dwelling-places or pushed them to the west. In their present habitat
the Hadiya/Sidamo are to be considered as the remains of a formerly
much more wide-spread ethnic cluster. The cultural development of
their main tribes proceeded along remarkably different paths. The Hadiya
and Alaba were nomads with an egalitarian political organization; the
Kambata were farmers and took the monarchic principle from northern
Ethiopia; the Sidamo proper and Darassa were farmers and classical
representatives of the gada system; the Burji, by superimposing them-
selves upon the autochthonous substrata and being isolated as the
utmost southern outpost of the group, underwent a specific socio-political
and cultural development.61
This summarizing sketch concerning the Hadiya/Sidamo can, of
course, only accentuate some major features of the history of an
important ethnic group in southern Ethiopia. The fundus of written
records is static and cannot quantitatively be enlarged, since further
discoveries of authentic source materials are hardly to be expected in
this field. However, the collection of oral traditions can open new
information sources and historical perspectives offering precious
contributions to the enlightment of the past of illiterate peoples. The
written documents mostly deal with a 4 'history of events" concentrated
around ruling persons. They relate of warlike deeds, negotiations, and
dynastic policy. By way of contrast, the oral traditions specifically
transmit data of culture history referring to the economic and social
development of the whole group. Thus, changes in the network of
social stucture or innovations in economy by the introduction of new
cultivated plants (for exemple, of Ense te edulis), implements, and tech-
niques of agriculture can be, at least, relatively dated by certain names
of ancestors in the genealogies. The correlation with events from writ-
ten historical sources can also contribute to the classification of data
of culture history in a framework of absolute chronology.
The unquestionably important value of oral traditions is especially
based on the fact that they can potentially fill out the skeleton of
fixed dates, the " history of events", with the flesh of relevant infor-
mation from the wide context of culture history. This possibility
should be demonstrated for one important ethnic cluster in southern

60. Mondon-Vidailhet, op. cit., pp. 79, 116; M. Cohen, Etudes ď éthiopien méridional
(Paris, 1931), p. 96; H. Plazikowsky, "Beiträge zur Geschichte des Islams in
Abessinien," Der Islam (1955), 32, 317. According to Haberland, op. cit.,
p. 657, this settlement by Emir Nur only meant a reinforcement of the
already resident Semitic element.
61. H. Straube, Die Burdji (manuscr., München), pp. 13 f. I should like to
express my gratitude for the author's permission to look through the manuscript.

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Ethiopia. It can be clearly stated that the historical recollections of
our contemporaries living in those areas decisively contribute to the
enlargement and the precision of our total historical view. In many
cases they hold their own in a comparison of quality with written
documents. Potential sources of mistakes in the literature through the
confusion of names and localities have been referred to in a greater
detail above.62

It has become usually common for historians concerning themselves

with cultures lacking in script to actually complain with a regretable
and melancholic tone that the capacity of formerly illiterate peoples
to retain historical information orally transmitted sharply declines as
literacy increases. The oral transmission itself is also rapidly eliminated
among peoples orientating themselves to the printed word. Seen from
a general perspective, however, concurrence with complains of this
nature is misguided. As historians we must be constantly willing to
adapt our methodologies to the changing world; in particular, we must
be willing to support members of the societies studied to gather the
gradually vanishing traditions themselves.

62. For exemple, the information related by H. Ludolf in his Historia Aethbpica
mentioning Hadiya as a dependency of Kambata cannot be supported as valid.
See Perruchon, op . ci/., p. 111.

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