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Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica
Deborah Steiner
Abstract
In asanNestors
articleCup
of and
1994, Oswyn
dated to theMurray argued
last quarter of thethat theCentury
eighth Ischianwas
kotyle known
fashioned for the symposium and furnishes our earliest known sympotic ob
ject.1 Other recent accounts, those of Slater, Ford, W^cowski and Irwin,2
identiiy elements of sympotic discourse and behaviour in the Homeric
songs, and, to a greater or lesser degree, propose that epic omits explicit
mention of the symposium not through ignorance of the Institution, but in
order to preserve the integrity of the heroic age. Discussion of the question
of the absence or presence of what already recognizably possesses the lin
eaments of the archaic symposium3 in Homer has chiefly focused on the
scenes of dining in the 'Phaeacian books of the Odyssey and on the extend
ed dinner parties in Odysseus' halls that occupy much of the final portion
of the poem. My purpose is to suggest that a third Odyssean episode may
1 Murray 1994; on the cup, see too the discussion and additional bibliography cited in
W^cowski 2002a, 633 n. 16.
2 Slater 198α and 1990; Ford 1999 and 2002, 25-45; W^cowski 2002a and 2002b: Irwin 2005,
43-45. Coincident with Murray's argument for the existence of the symposium already in the
late eighth Century is the current tendency to down-date Homeric epic, now assigned by
some to the early to mid seventh Century.
3 This is defined by W^cowski 2002a, 626 as "night-time drinking, a luxurious wine par
ty with a highly ritualized ceremony, in which a very restricted group of males participated
on equal terms, and which was dominated by the egalitarian and at the same time compet
itive spirit of the aristocratic participants"; cf. Murray 1994, 48, "a highly ritualized occasion
for the consumption of alcohol... a focus for luxury and artistic creativity devoted to the
pleasures of the drinking group". For reasons that will form part of my argument, I will be
modifying these defìnitions in some respects. Note too the discussion of how to establish a
taxonomy of the symposium in Corner 2005, esp. 91-94.
1 See particularly 419, 422, 423, 427, 430-431, 437, 453-455 for conventional elem
formulale diction.
2 Reece 1995,148 details the non-traditional aspects in the sacrifice, among them
placement of the οχ or cow by a pig and the use of a piece of firewood to club
for the usuai axe or knife. But these are not relevant to the 'sympotic' dimensi
scene; instead, as Reece argues, they can be explained by the unheroic nature of th
a swineherd's hut in place of the noble household where epic normally locates the
and for which its formulale phrases are designed.
1 See Borecky 1963 and Donlan 1994 for the Homeric geras. Also indicative of hierar
is the fact that the giving of that honorific portion belongs to a single individuai.
2 This detail, that Mesaulios serves and removes the food, distinguishes this occ
from other Odyssean feasting scenes. Elsewhere, it is generally the housekeeper who s
the food and drink, and maidservants are present. Mesaulios' role thus conforms to the
gender division visible at symposia, where women were excluded even as servers. On
see Dalby 1993,174-175: "Wherever there is definite evidence about the Service of men
mal meals, it suggests that men and not women were the waiters. The occasionai vase p
ing is not enough to overturn the literary evidence which always refers in the mascul
slaves and hired assistants engaged in these tasks".
1 In no other banquet described in the Odyssey does the removal of the food immedi
ately precede a turn to story-telling or song in this manner; see, for example, 8,71-72, where
the formulale lines also used at 14, 443-445 are directly followed by the performance of De
modocus, absent the clearing of the tables; so too 8, 484-486.
2 Murray 1992, 67. For fuller discussion of this point, see Corner 2005,167-169.
3 Ford 1999, 113. The precise way in which the story constitutes a test for Odysseus'
fellow-diners is something that only becomes clear after the ainos is done, a point which I
discuss in greater detail later on.
Before embarking on his story, the beggar offers his own introdu
(462-467):
Hear me now Eumaeus and all you other companions. I will speak a word that is a
bit of boasting, for the wine that makes a man silly impels me, wine that sets even
one who is very intelligent to singing and laughing softly and dancing, and to emit
a word which would perhaps be better unspoken. Since I have now raised my voice
to a shout, I will not hide it.
While the subsequent section details the way in which this incipit inti
mates the generic identity of the Coming story, here I note two elements
in the address that align Odysseus' Intervention closely with later sym
potic song and discourse, and with what belongs among the defìning
characteristics of the more full-fledged drinking party. First, in conformi
ty with the sympotic sources of the later archaic and classical period,
Odysseus includes a self-reflexive commentary on the nature of the per
formance that he is about to give,1 complete with the warning that it may
exceed the bounds of propriety. Sympotic poems of the seventh and sixth
centuries, in self-promoting nods to their own salubrious and harmony
producing ends, frequently acknowledge the risk of indecorous speech at
the occasion. In the prescriptions for the ideal banquet that fr. ι W. fa
mously presents, Xenophanes strictly circumscribes the type of stories ad
missible at the symposium, with the exclusion of anything improper or
that might turn the drinkers' thoughts to conflict and dissent. The same
sentiment, although tilted towards the more erotic concerns of his verse,
appears in Anacreon, who explicitly rejects the topic that supplies the set
ting, if not the focus, of Odysseus' narrative, "tearful war" (fr. 2 W). In
the view of an anonymous elegist from the late classical age, the task of
'good men' at the symposium is to contribute "fair speech" (εύλογίαν,
Anon. eleg. 27,10 W.), hardly the mode of discourse that the Homeric hero
envisages here. The self-consciousness that Odysseus displays in regard to
the (in)decorum of the story he is about to narrate also distinguishes this
performance from other commentaries on speeches or songs delivered in
the course of the poem's many banquets: much more typically these con
1 See Murray 1994, 49 on sympotic literature's insistence on "talking about the sympo
sion in the symposions", and Corner 2005,125.
1 This is not to deny that several of these issues also permeate the meta-poetic elements
in sympotic song, but only to emphasize that the particular concern for the propriety and
decorum of after-dinner speech is something unique to book 14.
2 While the banquet at the court of Aikinous that Odysseus' arrivai in book 7 Interrupts
seems to observe a similar break - after the meal is done, the krater is brought in, wine is
mixed and served and libations are poured (177-184) - there is no comparable story-telling,
no sympotic commentary, and Odysseus is the solitary diner on that occasion.
3 Note Philochoros' description of the reign of the mythical Athenian king Amphicty
on: "a law was made at the time, that after the solid food is removed, a taste of the unmixed
wine should be served round as a sort of sample of the power of the Agathos Daimon, but
that ali the rest of the wine should be previously mixed" (FGrHist 328 F 387).
4 For this more 'normative' representation, see II. 6, 261, Od. 3,139; 10, 555; 21, 295-304.
5 Von Reden 1995, 41.
6 Murray 1994, 50-51, albeit with the emphasis on the role of the erotic.
properties of wine, for both good and ili. As many elegiac and other
composing for the venue also observe, it is wine that prompts unbridle
considered and slanderous speech, those modes of discourse deemed in
missible to the sympotic sites that the songs reflect. Perhaps the füllest Sta
ment belongs to Theognis: "whoever exceeds his limit of drink is no lo
in command of his tongue or his mind. He says wild things which ar
graceful... That man is truly the champion who after drinking many
will say nothing foolish" (479-482, 491-492). Calumny and uncouth spe
uttered by an inebriated symposiast is a commonly cited danger
Theogn. 413-414, Critias fr. 6, 8-11 W.), also parodied in the drinking p
gone awry in Aristophanes, Wasps 1229-1325; within this elite milieu
'hero' Philocleon ends up completely drunk leaping about and laughing
people, and 'mocking in an uncouth way, and what's more telling storie
a quite uneducated way that had nothing to do with the matter at ha
(Wasps 1320-1321, trans. Sommerstein). So too Plutarch notes how mock
and outspokenness were a function of the amount of wine the sympo
had consumed (Mor. 707t), and Alcibiades, much like Odysseus, cite
state of inebriation in the disclaimer that prefaces his address in Plato's
posium, declaring that it isn't fair to compare the words of a drunken
with those of one who has drunk in moderation, and excusing any in
ties in his speech on the grounds of his current insobriety (214c, 2i4e-
Odysseus also comments on drink's maddening properties: dubbed li
ally 'distraught' or 'crazed', it is a substance whose excessive consump
can drive a man out of his wits. The sympotic poets register the associ
between wine and madness on numerous occasions. Although usuall
ed in discussions of Archilochus' association with Dionysiac cult, the p
fr. 120 W., "for I know how to take the lead in the dithyramb, the lovely s
of lord Dionysus, my wits thunderstruck with wine", may belong to a
ing song in which the symposiast comments on how, in a state of drun
ness, he is driven to sing in praise of the god of wine.1 According to T
nis 497-498, "the mind of the foolish and sensible man alike is made
light-headed whenever he drinks beyond his limit" (cf. 503-508) and in an
other reflection he remarks: "Among the mad I am mad, but among the just
I am the most just of men" (313-314). For an explicit link between madness
and wine, there is Eubulus' later account of the effects of progressive
rounds of drink at the symposium: with the tenth and final krater there
comes madness (fr. *93 K.-A. = Athen. 2,36b).2 While the Odyssey registers
3. The ainos
With this by way of preface, Odysseus then begins his story, an anecdote
that details an incident from the Trojan War when he - or the hapless
individuai whose persona he has assumed - found himself cloak-less on a
bitterly cold night, and gained the necessary garment through the skilled
verbal Intervention of his fellow soldier Odysseus. Very much like the po
ems composed for symposia in the seventh and sixth centuries, the language
of the ainos exhibits a 'metasympotic' level that can point either explicitly or
obliquely to the setting in which the poem was performed and comment on
the activities of its audience. Several discussions have detailed how
Archilochus' evocations of drinking while on guard duty (frr. 2 and 4 W.)
bear closely on the milieu in which the compositions were delivered, while
references to a maritime setting so frequent in the iambographer and other
sympotic poets more indirectly mirror the experience of the participants at
1 E.g., Sol. 4, io W.; Pind. Nem. 9, 48. For detailed discussion of sympotic hesychìa, see
Slater 1981.
formulale diction requires the phrase and anything eise would be too
ing a departure from normative discourse. A fresh intercalation betw
sympotic scene and the ambush occurs a little later on: the frozen in
uai attraete Odysseus' attention, 'for he was lying next to me', by nu
him with his elbow (484-485), and the two proeeed to exchange remar
Map this onto the arrangement of the symposium as shown in the vi
accounts of the archaic and classical age: here individuals, usuall
couches, but also on the ground, lie side by side, propping themselve
on one bent arm while they gesture with the other, their heads turn
face the individuai adjacent to them, with whom, as their gestures ca
dicate, they seem to converse. A careful choice of one's immediate ne
bour turns out to be important for the 'pedagogie' aspect of the gathe
As Theogn. 563-566 advises, and in a reflection that generalizes the sce
enacted in Odysseus' story, "You should get invited to dinner, and sit
side a man of worth who knows every kind of sophia. Whenever he s
something clever, pay heed to it so that you may learn and go home
ing this as profit (κέρδος)" (cf. Od. 14, 509).
Even the premise of Odysseus' story, that the hapless soldier has co
without a cloak, contributes to the self-reflexive quality of the ta
though individuals in images of symposia generally wear a single gar
(if anything at all), putting on fresh clothes, a cloak included, would f
part of the preparations for the drinking party, albeit in classical rather th
archaic sources. Bdelycleon's attempi to dress his father in a new cloak
up a major portion of the scene from 1122-1264 in Aristophanes' Wasp
the youth rehearses his father in the conduct and demeanour to adopt
high-class symposium; in Alcibiades' rueful description of his attempt
duce Socrates after a dinner party, his guest, having been persuaded to
the night, wears a cloak so light that his host Covers him with a second
tle so as to be able to slip underneath (PI. Symp. 219b). If Newton's su
reading of Odysseus' ainos is correct, then the episode in book 14 const
an equivalence between shield and cloak;1 following this, the men lyi
neath their weapons at 474 and sleeping in this manner would match
guest at the symposium who, perhaps too inebriated safely to make it h
would wrap himself in his cloak so as to pass the night in the house o
host.2 In this aspect, the story introduces an element that occurs later
narrative frame; just as the men sleep in the ambush, so Eumaeus
1 Newton 1997-98.
2 It is an axiom of sympotic ethics that the guest who wishes to stay on should n
made to go, particularly a drunken one; for this, see Theogn. 468-470: "don't bid anyo
part who doesn't wish to, nor waken the sleeping one, Simonides, anyone of us whom,
tified with wine, gentle sleep has overcome".
panions fall asleep in his hut (and so too the guests at Agath
will pass the night in his dining room).
The 'slippages' described above not only form part of the
and mirrar play on the sympotic entertainer's part; the large
poets' evocations of performing guard duty, bivouacking in
and suffering the dangers of battle is precisely to promote
life (temporarily) free from war. Odysseus' juxtaposition of
bush and evening party - both in the actual setting in which
told, and, more implicitly as conveyed by the language
achieves precisely this end: the beggar and the rustics are s
steading, having eaten and drunk to repletion and ready for
sleep. The miserable weather out of doors (it is pouring and
is blowing up a storm) merely reinforces the sense of conten
it is during just such inclement conditions, complete with t
featured in Odysseus' story and its frame, and the use of t
'Zeus rains' (υει μεν ó Ζευς; cf. δε δ'άρα Ζεύς at 14, 457). th
on his addressee to begin copious drinking to ward off the
(fr. 338 V). The aftermath to Odysseus' Trojan anecdote adds
to these relations of affinity and contrast, extending, as it were
context of the narrative beyond its formai end. As New
maeus, having donned his cloak and equipment in the mann
warrior arming himself, 'sets out for his night watch lookin
version of an Achaean at Troy'.1 Like a soldier indeed, but w
to meet a hostile Trojan among his swine.
Nor was it sympotic poetry alone that juxtaposed the r
with the delights of leisure. Several vessels from the late si
fifth centuries, expressly designed for the symposium, use
drinking party by way of foil for the martial ambush muc
Odyssean raconteur. One side of a red-figure volute krater
sel par excellence) in Rome shows warriors in an ambu
drinkers at a symposium.2 Scenes of ambush also appear ind
other images on vessels used by symposiasts, on oinoch
skyphoi from the late archaic period on. Particularly effecti
the contrast between the two milieus is a red-figure cup from th
Century whose interior displays a warrior crouching in an
ing the vessel, the drinker would encounter this reminder
world from which he enjoys reprieve (Florence, Museo Arch
sco, PD 250, Para. 373).
1 Newton 1997-98,152-153.
2 Museo Nazionale Etrusco xxxo.2088, ARV2 223.2. For a second examp
ing a divine symposium, see the hvdria in Paris, Musée du Louvre, CP10
1 For these concerns in sympotic poetry, see Ford 1999,113 with his discussion of He
273 M.-W. as a means of discerning 'forthright companionship'. Note too Theogn. 97
which effectively glosses the scenario the ainos describes, and its aftermath, but in th
text of the symposium: 'let me have a man who is my friend in deed, not in words. L
exert himself (for me) both with hands and possessions. Let him not beguile me with
beside the mixing bowl, but let him show himself to be a man of worth by his actions,
can. For more on these themes in Theognis, see Donlan 1985.
2 In the light of the other intersections with the narrative frame, could we even se
this detail a glance toward the fluid makeup of the sympotic guest-list? As the openin
Plato's Symposium shows - where Socrates (mis)cites Homeric practice to legitimize
promptu invitation to Aristodemus to accompany him to Agathon's (i74a-b) - a guest
choose to bring another uninvited individuai along to a drinking party.
3 For the pun, see Newton 1997-98,152; Marks 2003, 216.
4 Bowie 1986 and, in more detail, Bartol 1992 and 1993 present the evidence.
1 Dover 1964 offers an early discussion of the idea; see, more recently
for a forceful Statement, Dalby 1995, 206. As van Sickle (1975,154) rema
ship between melic poetry and epic, "each genre had its own ethos, fo
society, which preceded and then coexisted with heroic epic rather than
it and reacting against it". He further raises "the possibility that an extr
in one genre at some given moment might... transform practice in ot
2 The citation is from Barker and Christensen 2006,15, drawing on
in Foley 1997.
3 This argument is most closely associated with Nagy; see particularly Nagy 1990,1992,
1996.
4 It may be objected that this is the same persona that Odysseus adopts for many of the
'lying stories' in the poem's second half; however, none of the other instances comes com
plete with the set of other generic elements identified here, nor do they contain the element
of mockery and polemic that 1 go on to discuss.
1 Nagy 1979, 235, citing il. 11, 430; 23, 652 and Od. 21,110. Very much in accord with
is Newtons account at 1997-98,155.
2 This is the definition assumed by Hoekstra 1989 ad 508.
3 See van Dijk 1997,125 and n. 11 for the bibliography on the contested definition.
among discussions of the character of Odysseus' story, Meuli 1975 unequivocally styles
'fable'.
1 For the fable incipit, see van Dijk 1997,128,143,144. See too Zanetto
2 Zanetto 2001, 67. In an echo of the topos in his fourth Iamb, Calli
his interlocutor, 'sonof Charitades' (1), and theninviteshim tolisten (άκο
6), an indication that the subsequent fable is directed at him. Rosen 2
correspondence between this and the opening of Archil. fr. 185 W. C
proves true to type: when Philocleon, the protagonist of Aristophane
insult his interlocutor by virtue of a fable, he similarly prefaces his nar
want to teil you an amusing story", 1399-1400). Of course the tale that
but amusing for its addressee, the target of its mockery.
3 Apposite to my argument is Martins view of the WD as a generi
1992). There are several other possible uses of ainoi in iambos, but these
'iambic' associations of the fable are acknowledged in Callimachus' re
discourse in several of his Iambi, for which see Acosta-Hughes 2002.1 ha
between ainoi and iambos in Steiner 2012.
4 For the füllest discussion of this, see Kurke 2006. Note too Rothwell 1995.
fables and iambic poetry depends in part on the tone and impetus t
two modes of discourse share; as Zanetto comments: "in archaic Greek
culture the ainos is a rhetorical device that a speaker adopts when addressing
his interlocutor in a polemical tone and with an aggressive attitude",1 much
the stance that the iambic persona embraces. Also like the ego in iambos, the
fable teller from Hesiod on regularly presents himself as a lower-status, dis
advantaged individuai who may have suffered injury at the hands of a
stronger party, and against whom he seeks, through telling an ainos, redress.2
One additional facet of the ainos suggests that Homer may be inviting his
audience to compare and contrast this tale with more conventional 'praise
style' ainoi in his compositions, and to register the shift in meaning that Eu
maeus' use of the term involves. Framing the opening and ending of
Odysseus' story are echoing statements of regret for his lost youth, which
was his at the time of the incident that the ainos recalls (468,503). Although,
as de Jong observes, this type of 'nostalgie wish' is a common rhetorical de
vice in Homeric epic,3 it also occurs in the self-designated ainos that Nestor
delivers in the Iliad, which describes his erstwhile partieipation in funeral
games. The same formulale line, "would that I were young again and the
force were still steady within in me", prefaces both stories (Ii. 23, 629), and
where Odysseus closes with a Virtual repetition of the wish (503), Nestor
ends his tale "thus I was once" (643). If the poet intends an echo of that II
iadic site, then the joke lies in the formal rhetorical coincidence between the
speeches - both deploying the same formulale line with its youth/age di
chotomy, both characterized as ainoi by their audiences - and the sharp con
trast in their settings, contents, agendas and the apparent nature of their
speakers. In the Odyssey, a swineherd's hut replaces the elitist athletic games,
a beggar the noble Nestor; so too for a speech describing partieipation in
high-class competitions, the Odyssean audience hears a narrative about an
individuai lying in an ambush freezing to death. And where Nestor's ainos is
designed by way of thanks for a gift given, a lofty jar described as a prestige
good fit for an aristoeratie milieu, Eumaeus' guest devises his tale so as to
procure a gift still not bestowed, a cloak such as a rustie wears.
To end discussion of the ainos, a point about the larger nature of its
teller and Odysseus' conformity with two figures fully established at the
symposium of the seventh and later centuries. First, insofar as Eumaeus'
My final suggestion concerns an aspect of the scene already touched on: the
element of 'testing' and competition it involves. Performances of song and
speech at the symposium were inherently agonistic as each symposiast
would try to outdo the individuai who preceded him in the spatial circuit that
the drinkers formed, whether by playing the 'capping' game visible in the ex
change of skolia or in the priamels common in sympotic poetry.1 Displays of
wit and allusivity formed part of this agon, challenging audiences to recog
nize the earlier poetic site to which a singer might refer, and to perceive the
word plays and double entendres so many songs include. In this respect too,
ainoi are particularly at home in the sympotic milieu. Inherently eristic in
sofar as they require their audience to decipher their meaning and discern
the trick their characters may spring on the unwary, they test their listeners'
acuity and, as the passages from Hesiod and the Lykambes Epode cited
above illustrate, the soundness of their φρένες.2 While Odysseus' other nar
ratives performed in the context of banquets both at home and abroad con
tain their share of morals and messages, and may be more or less overtly di
dactic or tools for probing their hearers, none presents itself explicitly as a
test as this one does, nor do these other episodes register the moment when
an audience grasps - or misses - the underlying meaning as Eumaeus' dec
laration at 508-509 patently does. In this respect too, the tale in book 14
sharply diverges from ainoi elsewhere in Homer: none of the other instances
involves this element of challenge, or serves as a comparably eristic device.
This agonism has an additional dimension. In the construction of the
episode, Odysseus particularly intends the story for Eumaeus, the one most
likely to bestow the cloak that the performance seeks by way of its exchange
value.3 As such the swineherd is positioned as the 'opponent' or sparring
partner in this game, a role that extends into the very close of book 14. As
Plato's Symposium illustrates, the ultimate contest that a drinking party in
volves is quite simply the capacity to outlast one's fellow symposiasts: the
man who drinks (almost literally) everyone else under the table, and then
gets up and walks out unimpaired, is the Victor of the event, Socrates on this
occasion, who 'got up and left' (223d). There may already be, as W^cowski
1 See Vetta 1983; Pellizer 1983 and Collins 2004 among many discussions of this dimen
sion of the occasion.
2 So Archilochus pointedly asks Lykambes in the preface to the fable, "who unhinged
your wits (φρένες) which previously were sound?" (fr. 172, 2-3 W, trans. Gerber).
3 This 'commercial aspect' (well explored in von Reden 1995) of the story finds its coun
terpart in several of the fragments of Hipponax already cited; there too the ostensible aim
of the song is to prompt remuneration in some form or another.
a type of poetry which flaunts upper-class practices and ethics, and presen
a cast of low-life characters in the shape of the iambic ego and those wi
whom he deals.1 But where W^cowski's account locates the cause of t
Homeric poet's disapprobation in the potentially disorderly and licentiou
character of sympotic occasione, I would see professional rivalry as t
more likely source of this hostile view. In the song culture of archaic Gree
Homeric epic contests for 'air-space' and generic superiority with many o
er types of poetry2 The newly-evolving symposium provides a perfect ve
ue for some of the existing modes, as well, perhaps, as generating n
forms of melic entertainment. But the superlatively hospitable milieu tha
the drinking party provided for poetic Performances would not have ex
tended to epic: no single nighttime gathering could accommodate poems o
the length and complexity of the Riad and Odyssey, nor is there any evidence
for professional bards or rhapsodes performing epic 'extracts' (as Demod
ocus and Phemius notoriously do) at the private party.
Or perhaps there is no particular poetic/ideological agenda here, bu
more a reflection of the contemporary world of the poet and his audienc
While scholars of the last two decades have almost unequivocally present
ed the symposium as an elite Institution, even a preserve for the aristocr
ic mores, attitudes and politics increasingly out of date and under threat
the late archaic and early classical age, some very recent work challenge
this account, citing evidence for the more broad-based nature of the Ins
tution, and the participation of more heterogeneous segments of the po
ulation in sympotic practices than was previously proposed.3 The me
quarters of a wealthy individual's home, furnished with their couches an
expensive pottery, no longer seem de rigueur for the occasion: instead, as
sual images as well as depictions of symposia in archaic poetry suggest, th
parties might occur in a rustie setting, even out of doors. If the aristoerat
and opulent symposium is as much a classical construction as a reflection
the actual character of the drinking party, then the early history of the even
may be very different from that which has generally been assumed. Far from
representing a departure from the norm, Eumaeus' symposium may give
a unique glimpse into the more variegated sympotic practices that existe
in archaic Greece.
Columbia University
1 But note Eumaeus' very positive appraisal at the story's end; as a specimen of a certain
type of performance, the ainos is indeed 'blameless' and παρά μ,οϊραν (508-509).
2 On the rivalry between Homer and poets performing in other poetic traditions,
although more specifically choral lyric, see Burkert 1987.
3 See particularly Hammer 2004; Corner 2005 and Topper 2009. Earlier dissenters
include Bowie 1997,3 and Schmitt-Pantel 1990,1992,1999.
Bibliography