Journal of Beliefs and Values

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Jewish Primary Schools in a Multicultural Society:

Responding to diversity?

Geoffrey Short & Ruth-Ann Lenga

To cite this article: Geoffrey Short & Ruth-Ann Lenga (2002) Jewish Primary Schools in a
Multicultural Society: Responding to diversity?, Journal of Beliefs and Values, 23:1, 43-54, DOI:
10.1080/13617670220125665

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13617670220125665

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Journal of Beliefs & Values, Vol. 23, No. 1, 2002

Jewish Primary Schools in a Multicultural

Society: responding to diversity?
GEOFFREY SHORT
Reader in Educational Research, Faculty of Education, University of Hertfordshire,
Wall Hall Campus, Aldenham, Watford, Herts WD2 8AT, UK

RUTH-ANN LENGA
Lecturer in Religious Education, Department of Curriculum Studies, Institute of
Education, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1H 0AL, UK

ABSTRACT In February 2001 the British government announced its commitment to

increase the number of schools run by the churches and other religious groups where there
was ‘clear local demand from parents and the community’. The decision met with approval
in some quarters, but was condemned elsewhere on the grounds that such schools, in a
multicultural society, are inevitably divisive. In the course of exploring the response of
Jewish primary schools in England to cultural pluralism, this article sheds light on the
charge of divisiveness. It describes a study that offers little support to the critics, for it
highlights the wide variation in attitudes and practices that characterised the schools with
regard to the multicultural dimension of citizenship education.

Introduction
A few months before the 2001 general election in Britain, the Labour government
made clear its unequivocal support for faith schools. Its Green Paper, Schools:
building on success (DfEE, 2001), welcomed the fact that ‘for the Ž rst time Muslim,
Sikh and Greek Orthodox schools have been brought inside the state system’ and
were being funded on the same basis as those operating under Anglican and
Catholic auspices. However, as might have been predicted, this expression of
support met with widespread opposition, not least from those who see faith schools
as divisive. In the words of one well-known detractor:
No single type of school founded on religion, be it Church, Temple,
Synagogue, Mosque or Voodoo tent, can contribute to the uniŽ cation of
society, even though it purports to instruct its members in toleration.
Religions, being fundamentally irrational, are fundamentally intolerant of
each other, and schools set up on the shoulders of religions inevitably
propagate that intolerance into future generations (Atkins, 2001, p. 7).
Another prominent critic, looking at the prospect of more faith schools against the

ISSN 1361-7672 print; 1469-9362 online/02/010043-12 Ó 2002 Taylor & Francis Ltd
DOI: 10.1080/13617670220125665
44 G. Short & R.-A. Lenga

backdrop of what has happened in Northern Ireland, considered them not only
divisive but also potentially ‘lethal’ (Dawkins, 2001). A broadly similar sentiment
was articulated, albeit somewhat less intemperately, by the General Secretary of the
National Secular Society who insisted that ‘Children of all races and creeds need to
mix if we are ever to eradicate racism and religious prejudice’ (cited in Kelly, 2001).
Not surprisingly, these views were challenged when members of faith communities
were canvassed for their opinions on the Green Paper. The Bishop of Oxford, for
example, acknowledged that religion can be divisive but pointed out that ‘sociolo-
gists reject the charge that religion in the modern world is the cause of con ict.’ He
maintained that ‘what matters, from the point of view of divisiveness, is not whether
a school is secular, Christian, Muslim or Jewish, but how what is taught is taught’
(Harries, 2001, p. 6). Consistent with this contention, Abdullah Trevathan, head-
teacher of the Islamia Junior School in London, claimed that ‘far from being
divisive … a faith school can build a child’s self-esteem and conŽ dence, qualities that
lead to tolerance’ (cited in Kelly, 2001).
While it may be debatable whether faith schools, by their very nature, foster
prejudice, there can be no doubt that under certain circumstances they are able to
sustain it. For if pupils do not interact with people from different religious groups
they are denied an opportunity to test and, if necessary, to deconstruct any
stereotyped qualities they may attribute to those groups (Amir, 1969). Likewise, any
misconceptions that pupils have of other religions may remain intact if schools teach
only the religious traditions of their founding body. The signiŽ cance of this latter
point was recognised as long ago as the 1950s when Gordon Allport (1954)
exhorted American schools to present sympathetic accounts of various religions as
one of the ‘imperatives of intercultural education’. Three decades later, the
in uential Swann Report (Department of Education and Science, 1985) was offer-
ing essentially the same message to British teachers and, more recently, the Model
Syllabuses for Religious Education Consultation Document (School Curriculum
and Assessment Authority, 1994) argued along similar lines. It claimed that making
children aware of the distinctive beliefs of different faiths, ‘if handled sensitively,
should contribute to pupils’ developing understanding of and tolerance and respect
for others who do not share their beliefs or traditions’ (SCAA, 1994, p. 11).
Despite the urgent need for understanding and tolerance, there has been little
research in Britain into how faith schools respond to a multicultural society and the
limited research that has been undertaken is not encouraging. Ball and Troyna
(1987), for example, noted that in the local authority they examined, voluntary
aided schools were less willing than county schools to embrace the authority’s policy
on multiculturalism. This Ž nding was in line with a contemporaneous survey of 50
Catholic schools in different parts of England and Wales which showed that most
headteachers considered multicultural education to be relevant only to black stu-
dents (Working Party on Catholic Education in a Multiracial/Multicultural Society,
1984). These studies are now rather dated and may no longer offer an accurate
description of the policies and practices of faith schools vis à vis the multicultural
dimension of citizenship education (henceforth referred to as ‘multicultural edu-
cation’).
 Jewish Primary Schools in a Multicultural Society 45

With speciŽ c reference to Jewish primary schools (the number of which has more
than doubled over the last two decades) this article attempts to go some way towards
meeting the need for current data. In common with other faith schools, those serving
the Jewish community are known to perform well academically (Valins et al., 2001).
However, there is less certainty over the way they approach their central aim of
promoting Jewish continuity (e.g. Webber, 2001). In particular, there is no research
to indicate whether the means they adopt to strengthen their pupils’ attachment to
Judaism and to the Jewish community is compatible with what is now deemed to be
good preparation for citizenship.

The study
The sample comprised headteachers or other senior staff from 15 primary schools.
Although the latter were not chosen at random, they can, nonetheless, be seen as
re ective of Jewish schools in Britain at the present time in that (a) most were in
London, (b) they covered the spectrum of religious opinion within Anglo-Jewry from
progressive to ultra-orthodox, and (c) all but two were voluntary aided. From the
standpoint of multicultural education it should be noted that every school had a
policy of appointing non-Jewish members of staff when they were considered the
most suitable. Indeed, the heads of two orthodox schools in the survey were not
Jewish.
The interviews were semi-structured and contained 11 core questions. They dealt
with: (1) the importance schools attach to preparing their pupils for a multicultural
society; (2) the nature and extent of their multicultural practice; and (3) the way
they measure the success of their practice. The questions were as follows:

(a) The importance schools attach to preparing their pupils for a multicultural society:
On a 5 point scale (with 5 as most important and 1 as not at all important)
how important is it that this school prepares its pupils for relating to other
ethnic groups? Why do you consider it important/unimportant?
Would it bother you if your pupils were to live their entire lives in a Jewish
cocoon?
As a staff, do you ever discuss ways of helping pupils relate to other ethnic
groups?
How much importance would you say Jewish parents attach to this school
preparing its pupils for life in a multicultural society [1]?

(b) The nature and extent of multicultural practice:

What, if anything, do you do in this school to prepare your pupils for life
in a multicultural society?
Have you had problems (of any kind) in promoting relations with other
ethnic groups?
46 G. Short & R.-A. Lenga

Do you have any dealings with JCORE? [The Jewish Council for Racial
equality] Have you read any of their material? What do you think of it?

(c) Measuring success:

As far as preparing your pupils for life in a multicultural society is
concerned, how would you measure success?

The interviews took place between September 2000 and May 2001. They were tape
recorded and later transcribed.

Attitude towards Teaching for a Multicultural Society

All but one of the 15 interviewees felt able to rate on a Ž ve point scale the
importance their school attaches to enabling its pupils to relate to other ethnic
groups. Nine out of the 14 thought it very important (assigning a rating of 4 or 5).
As will become apparent, however, they did not all believe that learning about other
cultures was an essential component of this preparation. Conversely, interviewees
who responded with a low rating, frequently recognised the need to help their pupils
adjust to life in a multicultural society, but felt constrained by the lack of time to
marginalise the teaching of non-Jewish cultures. This view was re ected in the
following comment:
We have a quarter of the day devoted to Hebrew Studies and, in addition,
we have to Ž t in the entire National Curriculum or the foundation stage
and it’s a very tight Ž t. We are concerned about multicultural education.
It’s deŽ nitely on the map, but it’s not a major priority because it’s felt that
by the time the children leave here they need to have a thorough under-
standing and grounding in their own religion.
There were just two respondents who did not see their (orthodox) schools as having
a responsibility to teach about the multicultural nature of society. The head of one
of them said:
We have a tiny fraction who go on to non-Jewish schools and I would
therefore say it’s really the job of the high school to prepare them [for a
multicultural society]. I don’t think they will be facing the challenges of
multiculturalism until a much later stage and therefore our job is to prepare
them for transition to the high school.
The other respondent, a Director of Jewish Studies, wanted to answer the question
‘with the lowest possible rating if it means teaching about other groups.’ He
continued: ‘It’s our job to give the children maximum grounding in Judaism [for]
one of our biggest problems is that we have children who have next to no observance
outside the school and I see it as my job to inculcate as much love and knowledge
about Judaism as possible.’
The majority view, that education for a multicultural society ought to be a priority
for Jewish schools, was justiŽ ed on a variety of grounds. For example:
 Jewish Primary Schools in a Multicultural Society 47

I think the world is getting smaller so that the children who are going to be
citizens must be at ease meeting and inter-relating with people and I think
that a wariness of others gets in the way of that. I’m very aware that racism
is endemic and I think that we have to counteract it with very clear positive
action. Children are not naturally antiracist.

In this part of London there are many different ethnic groups with whom
the children will have to mix and I want [them] to be happy having
neighbours of any colour or creed when they settle down. It helps them
have a richer life as citizens if they are able to appreciate and celebrate the
diversity which makes up Britain in the twenty-Ž rst century.

Schools were also seen to differ in their willingness to educate for a multicultural
society when respondents contemplated the prospect of pupils living their entire
lives in a Jewish cocoon. The majority, including a number from orthodox schools,
viewed the possibility with some concern. A few explained why:

Because that is not what Judaism is about. Judaism is about sticking Ž rm

to your faith as a Jew; not about living a closed and insular life.

They would not really understand about the world if they lived in a Jewish
cocoon. It’s important that they’re conŽ dent and bold about their own
identity, but the only way they can be that is if they are mixing with other
people.

I think it enriches your own life to know about other people’s lives.

Four interviewees claimed not to be bothered by the possibility of their pupils

spending their lives predominantly in the company of other Jews. In itself, such a
response is not evidence of a reluctance to prepare pupils for a culturally diverse
society, although it might, in some cases, be associated with a half-hearted commit-
ment and, in other cases, with outright opposition.
The question of whether relating to other ethnic groups ever cropped up in staff
meetings was intended to give an additional indication of the seriousness with which
the schools treat multicultural education. Although nearly two-thirds of respondents
claimed that the issue had been raised at staff meetings, it transpired that the phrase
‘relating to other ethnic groups’ was interpreted rather loosely. Among those who
replied in the afŽ rmative, some had in mind discussion of issues such as which
non-Jewish charities to support, while others just broached the matter tangentially
when planning lessons in accordance with the National Curriculum or the National
Literacy Strategy. Only three respondents appear to have approached the matter in
ways suggesting a genuine commitment to understanding and accepting different
cultures.

We have had a staff discussion about racist humour and the use of certain
terminology in the staffroom.
Yes, [it has cropped up.] When we introduced last year a book about Africa
48 G. Short & R.-A. Lenga

we discussed it as a staff because the children don’t see many black faces
and [generally] don’t know enough about other groups.
Other groups who live in England as well as elsewhere in the world?
Yes.

[The only issue we have discussed is] how much multicultural RE versus
how much Jewish RE.

Those who responded negatively to the question included a headteacher who was
clearly hostile to any suggestion that his school should involve itself in educating for
a multicultural society. He said: ‘Even staff who might want to do more [multicul-
tural education] realise it’s a taboo subject. It’s not in the ethos of the school.’
For the reason cited above (see note 1), interviewees were probed about their
perceptions of parental attitude towards multicultural education. In most schools,
they were thought to be divided or apathetic. Thus, one head remarked that parents’
attitudes ‘vary from zero to ten on a scale of zero to ten’, while the deputy head at
another school said: ‘I think they would like us to do more. I’ve heard a few parents
mention it, but I don’t think it’s a big issue for them.’ In four schools, however,
(including two that were orthodox and a third with a largely orthodox intake) the
parents were very supportive of multicultural education. The following comments
are representative:

It’s very important. When I interview the parents, a signiŽ cant proportion
ask about multicultural education and how the children learn to live in the
wider society, so I felt it was a priority for them and therefore it would have
a strong effect on me as a Head in responding to their needs.

It is important to the parents. The majority of our parents know they live
in a secular world. They want a Jewish ethos for their children. They want
their children to be secure and knowledgeable about Judaism but they
would also like the school to talk about other religions.

In contrast, there were two schools (both orthodox) where senior management
clearly had little incentive to pursue multicultural initiatives in the sense of having
to placate anxious parents.

They attach great importance to secular success. What motivates 85% of

our parents is to get the best possible SAT results … Nothing has come to
me from parents saying we’d like our kids prepared in a cultural or spiritual
sense for a multicultural society. (Director of Jewish Studies)

They don’t want [their children] to mix too much. (Headteacher)

Insofar as parental views help to shape school policy it is concerning to note a couple
of heads who claimed that some parents chose their school ‘because of [the parents’]
own racism’. As one of them put it: ‘They want their children here because they see
it as a white school.’
 Jewish Primary Schools in a Multicultural Society 49

Multicultural Practice
In light of the above, it might have been anticipated that schools would vary widely
in terms of what they do to prepare their pupils for life in a multicultural society.
Certainly, a number of them, regardless of level of orthodoxy, were committed to
going beyond their statutory obligation of teaching in accordance with the National
Curriculum. As illustrated below, they were keen to establish links with non-Jewish
schools and were prepared to address other faiths. [In respect of the latter, progress-
ive schools worked systematically through a planned programme whereas orthodox
schools tended to adopt a less formal approach, exploiting situations as and when
they arose.]
At Passover, we have a class coming from a Church of England school to
share a demonstration seder with Year 2 [and] I’m currently talking to a
non-Jewish school … to observe our sukkah.
… We did capitalise on a Kenyan Asian supply teacher who came in and
she was Muslim and we asked her to talk to the children about Ramadan.
We use our nursery nurse [who is not Jewish] to talk about Christmas.
(Orthodox primary, Headteacher)

Our RE work is based on the [local authority’s] scheme with some

adaptations, so the children learn about the six major religions. … and that
includes visits to places of worship. … We work with other local schools
which have a wider ethnic mix than we do on curriculum projects and staff
training projects. We’re part of the local football league [that’s about to
start next winter] so we’re trying all the time to reach beyond the Jewish
community and have our children both in their lessons and in their actual
meeting with people mixing with a wide number of people. (Progressive
primary, Headteacher)
In contrast, a few orthodox schools were less than enthusiastic about engaging
in multicultural education. Their minimalist approach was typiŽ ed by two head-
teachers:
We are aware of other cultures, but we do not teach multiculturalism or
comparative religion as part of the curriculum. However, if it comes up in
literature, for example, we will explain certain relevant parts of other faiths
and we talk about life in the world. So, we don’t give them a formal spot
in the curriculum, but we do allow issues to come up.

To be honest, we don’t do that much. If the opportunity arises in Personal,

Health and Social Education, for example, it would come into that, but we
wouldn’t make a massive effort to do it. If we had the time then I’d say yes,
but it’s important that the children have a good solid foundation in their
Hebrew studies and are conŽ dent in their own religion …
A couple of headteachers would not countenance studying a faith that con icted in
any way with Judaism. As the head of the only Hasidic school in the survey put it:
50 G. Short & R.-A. Lenga

We have just brought in [a new textbook] and there is a section on other

religions. Every book that comes into the school has to be vetted by
me—pictures that are immodest, for example, are torn out—but that
section was not taken out except bits and pieces that mention names of
other gods. So, if there is a section on Hinduism which mentions the name
of another god, that section would be taken out.
The head of another orthodox school said: ‘We have just had a Japanese week and
somebody came from the Japanese embassy and spoke, among other things, about
the different religions currently practised in Japan.’ Asked if she would do something
similar in relation to the ethnic minorities in Britain, she replied: ‘We would in
principle, but I think there might be some religious groups that we would not
particularly welcome into the school because their religion is so contrary to ours.’
Invited to give an example, she mentioned Hinduism.

Issues Relating to Multicultural Practice

Questioning the Necessity
It has been pointed out that not all respondents who claimed their schools took
seriously the need to prepare pupils for a multi-cultural society interpreted this need
in terms of teaching about other cultures. A few maintained that insisting upon
respect for all ethnic groups and faiths, combined with an emphasis on politeness
and consideration, was sufŽ cient. This way of thinking was clearly articulated by the
head of the Hassidic school where other cultures barely feature in the curriculum.
He said: ‘Something that we’re constantly harping upon in assemblies is the way the
children should act with their family, their friends and people on the street,
especially in this area which is extremely multi-ethnic.’ When asked what the school
did to prepare its pupils for a multicultural society, he replied: ‘We went through a
curriculum last year concerned with how to act towards others. We start talking in
this way to kindergarten children.’ He added:
There’s a difference between preparing children for life in a multicultural
society and promoting relations with other groups. We deŽ nitely want to
prepare them for life in a multicultural society—we want them to be
tolerant and respectful of other people, other religions and other societies—
but we don’t want to integrate our children into the multicultural society.
This tendency to deŽ ne multicultural education in terms of respect rather than
knowledge was also found in two other respondents.
They do learn a little about other cultures but the most important thing
they learn is to respect other people irrespective of their culture.

It’s important that a child who takes on the role of a religious Jew is seen
to be respectful to others. You cannot be a religious Jew and not be
respectful to other people and other faiths. That doesn’t mean that they’ve
 Jewish Primary Schools in a Multicultural Society 51

got to delve deeply into other religions … but at the same time, we want to
teach them respect.

Obstacles to Inter-Group Contact

Some of the schools, in accordance with current government thinking (Riddel &
O’Leary, 2001) were keen to forge contacts with their non-Jewish counterparts.
However, nearly half the sample (7 out of 15) referred to obstacles of a religious or
secular nature that made such contact difŽ cult. The one mentioned most often was
the holding of activities (sponsored by the local authority) on a Saturday.
We participate in anything we can so long as they’re not on a Saturday—
which they often are.
We have a major problem at the moment with the football league because
we can’t play on a Saturday. [The borough has] made the position quite
difŽ cult and we have instructed a solicitor to help us claim our human
rights to practise our religion.
A second religious obstacle affecting a couple of orthodox schools arose from
activities that required participation in the same team of both boys and girls. One
head recollected ‘a principle … established a few years ago that we would not play
mixed teams.’
Another head pointed to a difŽ culty of a secular nature. She said, ‘Our initiatives
are not always reciprocated’ and went on to explain: ‘We have exchanges—a
Catholic school comes here on Chanukah, but I Ž nd it a little one-sided. I am
pushing it rather than them wanting to come here.’ Lack of enthusiasm was also
alluded to by heads from two other schools. One had attempted to form links with
a nearby (independent) Islamic school, but her approaches had been rebuffed; the
other recalled her disappointment when she and her staff hosted an exhibition of
Jewish life.
We had schools coming from lots of far away places, but no interest from
local schools. I was surprised at their lack of awareness of the need for
seeing [the exhibition] considering the racist and anti-Semitic views of
people in [the area].

Guidance
Many interviewees were unaware of, or reluctant to make use of, guidance on the
teaching of multiculturalism within a Jewish context. Such guidance is available
from The Jewish Council for Racial Equality (JCORE), which has recently produced
a teaching pack for young people entitled Let’s Make a Difference: teaching anti-racism
in primary schools (Friedman et al., 1999, p. 1). It is replete with suggestions for
introducing ‘children to multiculturalism before tackling stereotyping, scapegoating
and racism’ (Friedman et al., 1999, p. 1). In a foreword to the pack, the Chief
Rabbi, Dr Jonathan Sacks, praises the work of JCORE over the past 20 years or so
52 G. Short & R.-A. Lenga

and claims that its efforts deserve ‘widespread support’. However, there was little
evidence of such support among the headteachers and other senior staff who
participated in this study.
The majority had never heard of the organisation when it was referred to by its
acronym and some had never heard of it by its full name. Moreover, when one head
of an orthodox school was informed of its nature and purpose, her reaction was
scornful:
We don’t need that sort of material. It’s part of our Judaism. I don’t need
them to tell me how to relate to non-Jews. We have clear laws of how we
have to behave to non-Jews and what we’re trying to do is teach our
children from that angle—that every person in this world is created by God
and deserves our respect; deserves that we treat them as well as we would
treat any Jew.
Such hostility re ected a minority view. A more common reaction, exempliŽ ed in
the comments below, was to suggest that JCORE’s publications and activities had
made little impression on school policy.
[Their material] hasn’t been used here as far as I’m aware.

We get their literature but we don’t really have any dealings with them.

We did have a meeting, a few years ago, but we don’t have any real
involvement with them at all.
Have you read any of their material?
No.
Even when schools had had dealings with JCORE and were generally in sympathy
with its aims, they had not always made much progress in carrying out its recom-
mendations. In one school, for example, the head recollected having been involved
with JCORE in the past. ‘[The Director] has been to speak to the staff, but we
haven’t implemented their curriculum yet.’ All in all, there were only two schools
(one orthodox and one progressive) that had put into effect some of the suggestions
in the JCORE pack.

Measuring Success
The Ž nal question posed to respondents asked how they would measure the success
of their school’s multicultural policy—for they all claimed to be doing ‘something’,
even though a few of them attached little importance to it. In the event, just a
handful deemed it appropriate to evaluate their multicultural teaching in terms of
children’s attitudes towards a pluralist society. One head wanted ‘pupils who display
positive attitudes towards people they are unfamiliar with’, while another valued
those who ‘can deal with other people with respect, tolerance and in a non-judge-
mental way and [who] are interested [in] and aware of differences in society.’ The
head of a third school hoped that his pupils would grow up to ‘challenge racism’.
 Jewish Primary Schools in a Multicultural Society 53

A couple of interviewees, however, answered the question in a way that bore no

relation to conventional deŽ nitions of multicultural education. In their case, prepar-
ing pupils for a pluralist society seemed to mean no more than helping them operate
effectively in the wider society. The need to learn about and accept other ethnic
groups mattered little, if at all.
We have a history to show that we have a wide range of ex-pupils who are
functioning beautifully in the world.
When children leave the school, are they able to hold down a job with
non-Jewish colleagues?

Conclusion
The views of the headteachers and other staff participating in this study suggest that
Jewish primary schools ought not to be seen as a monolithic entity in terms of their
attitude and response to multicultural education. While some claimed to treat it
seriously and appeared to provide models of good practice, a minority regarded the
whole notion as an irrelevance and were reluctant to do much more than that
demanded by the National Curriculum and the National Literacy Strategy. In so far
as classroom practice re ects this diversity of opinion (and there is no reason to
think otherwise) the study fails to support the charge that faith schools are necessarily
divisive. The most positive attitudes were found among spokespersons for the three
progressive schools in the survey and it may be no coincidence that it was one of
these schools that published the only prospectus containing a reference to teaching
about other faiths. While the schools that were indifferent or hostile to multicultur-
alism were, in all cases, orthodox, there is no warrant for assuming that such schools
are uniformly unsympathetic to multicultural education. On the contrary, some of
them recognise the need to prepare their pupils for relating to other ethnic groups;
they are eager to establish links with non-Jewish schools and while they make no
curricular provision for teaching about other faiths, they are, nonetheless, willing to
exploit opportunities that arise to draw their pupils’ attention to aspects of these
faiths. Some orthodox respondents were also keen to stress that they would do more
to foster an awareness of cultural pluralism if time permitted.
The claim that faith schools are inherently divisive was further undermined by the
absence of any evidence of schools ‘propagating intolerance’ (Atkins, 2001); even
those that rejected conventional multiculturalism were committed to teaching re-
spect for people irrespective of their ethnic or religious background. It is, though, a
matter of concern that some respondents construed multicultural education as
involving nothing more than teaching respect for other groups. This fundamental lack
of understanding demonstrates the need for more guidance on multicultural edu-
cation to be made available to some Jewish primary schools. JCORE, the organis-
ation best placed to provide it, will probably have to take the initiative, for it will be
recalled that a number of interviewees were unaware of the organisation’s existence.
There remains, of course, the problem of ensuring that staff act on any advice they
receive.
54 G. Short & R.-A. Lenga

One other issue to have emerged from the study concerns obstacles placed in the
way of Jewish children mixing with their non-Jewish peers. For example, schools that
wished to participate in activities sponsored by the local authority were sometimes
unable to do so because they were scheduled for a Saturday. DifŽ culties of this
nature are to be regretted if it is the case, as many have argued, that under certain
conditions, contact between different groups is an aid to understanding and toler-
ance.

Notes
[1] Although this question does not relate directly to the school’s attitude towards multicultural-
ism, it relates indirectly in the sense that the school is more likely to take multiculturalism
seriously, if it feels under pressure to do so from the parent body.

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