India and world

1. "India needs a balanced West Asia policy. By skewing it towards

Saudis, New Delhi runs the risk of antagonizing Tehran." Comment.

Start by explaining importance of West Asia for India: India and West Asia has prehistorical ties
since trade relations were established between civilizations of Mesopotamia and Indus Valley. Today
India has several economic and strategic interests in West Asia, and in words of Chinmaya
Gharekhan India has a big stake in the region. Energy is the most obvious case in point. 70 per cent
of India’s imported energy needs come from West Asia and this dependence will only increase as the
Indian economy continues to grow at 8 per cent or more. He further adds that, India would certainly
wish the Indian community to live in West Asia in conditions of dignity and self-respect as India’s
national interests are directly linked to peace and stability in West Asia.
C Raja Mohan divided India’s grand strategy of the world into three concentric circles where in the
second, which encompass the so-called extended neighbourhood stretching across Asia and the
Indian Ocean littoral, India has sought to balance the influence of other powers and prevent them
from undercutting its interests
Explain how currently policy is tilting towards Saudis It is often quoted that while not entirely giving
up the tri-directional framework, New Delhi's West Asian policy is currently tilted more towards the
Saudi camp and Israel. According to Suhasini Haidar, both governments want to add a more positive
and modern gloss to their ties. It is no coincidence that scientific and mathematical collaborations
between Indian and Saudi Arabian researchers have seen the sharpest increase in the past few
years. Today, Saudi Arabia is India’s largest supplier of crude oil. Besides, India is the largest recipient
of foreign remittances from the kingdom. Of the 11 million Indians working in West Asia, nearly
three million are in Saudi Arabia. Bilateral relations have gone beyond the economic realm in recent
years, acquiring a strategic sense and pushing both countries to beef up their security partnership.
Riyadh also extradited several terror suspects to India in a clear departure from its established policy
towards New Delhi. The joint statements with Riyadh, is surprisingly having indirect references to
Pakistan’s dual policy towards terrorism and India’s objective appears to be to build a “counter-
terror narrative” in diplomatic engagements with Pakistan’s close allies which could complicate the
latter’s foreign policy. By skewing its West Asia policy towards the Saudis, even though it might help
meet its short-term goals, New Delhi also runs the risk of antagonising Iran at a time when the
country is emerging a stronger player in West Asia post the removal of sanctions.
Give evidences of balancing done by India However, the mentioned concern is far-fetched as
according to Stanly Johny, historically India’s West Asia policy has been multi-directional. During the
Cold War years, India maintained close economic cooperation with both Saudi Arabia and Iran, the
rival poles in regional geopolitics. Even when New Delhi warmed up to Israel in the 1990s as part of
the country’s efforts to diversify its diplomatic engagement in the post-Soviet world, it was careful
not to jeopardise the traditional relations with Muslim countries. The bi-directional approach has
been expanded to a tri-directional foreign policy to accommodate the three key pillars of West Asia
— Saudi Arabia, Iran and Israel.
According to C Raja Mohan, India’s new approach to the region, under Modi, is fashioned around
three axes. The first is to leverage the Gulf riches to accelerate India’s economic growth. The second
is to tap into the huge potential for strengthening counter-terror cooperation, Delhi’s most
important national security preoccupation. The third is to explore the prospects for deepening
defence cooperation with the Gulf states.
Conclude on following lines West Asia is not an easy diplomatic playground, and in words of Manoj
Joshi, given mutual antipathies and subterranean divides, India has to step carefully to ensure
maximum gain for itself, even while avoiding the numerous political minefields there. New Delhi's
policies are high on potential, but in a region that is equally high on tensions, the Prime Minister will
have to walk a tightrope.

2. How India can and why India must shape Asia's future political
order?

Give the importance of Asia As one of the world’s oldest continuing civilisations, India has always
been enriched by its interaction with other cultures and civilisations around it. As India’s first prime
minister Jawaharlal Nehru told the delegates to the 1947 Asian Relations Conference in Delhi, India
is “so situated to be the meeting point of western and northern and eastern and southeast Asia.
Streams of culture have flowed from India to distant parts of Asia". If the idea of a culturally
interconnected Asia animated the Indian national movement, the hopes of constructing an “Asian
Federation” emerged as an aspiration on the international stage.
According to C Raja Mohan, the fact is that the scale, scope and intensity of its connectivity with Asia
varied over the millennia. There have been periods of expansive engagement with its neighbouring
regions, interspersed by centuries of isolationism. Nehru’s own stewardship of independent India
saw Delhi intensely embrace Asia only to turn its back on it soon after. Today, integrating with Asia
has once again become a major theme of India’s economic and foreign policies.
Explain why India must shape Asia’s future political order Asian nations are now more economically
connected than ever before. They are striving to deepen regional integration through trade
liberalisation agreements at the sub-regional, trans-regional and international levels. In the middle
of the 20th century, regionalism ran into opposition in Asia from those emphasising ‘economic
sovereignty.’ Today Asian nations have the luxury of dealing with competing trade pacts. The region
today is no longer a mere theatre for European colonial powers. It is the motor of global growth and
has agency in shaping the world’s financial and political order. If the reviled Vasco da Gama moment
has ended in Asia, the region is also facing sharp internal divisions. The rapid rise of China relative to
the other powers in Asia has raised big questions about the future strategic order in Asia. China has
overtaken Japan to become the second largest economy in the world and is poised to surpass the US
in the near future. The widespread hopes for Beijing’s peaceful rise have evaporated amidst the
sharpening maritime territorial conflicts between China and its neighbours.
As Asia enters a period of great churning, the question of India’s role in the region has become an
important one. India’s Look East policy came in the wake of its economic reforms initiated at the
turn of the 1990s was not surprising. Reconnecting to Asia, Delhi recognised, was critical for the
modernisation of the Indian economy that had fallen behind the rest of the region and to rejuvenate
its foreign policy in the new era. Since then, India has made considerable advances in connecting
with Asia. It is now part of the major regional institutions, has growing economic and trade links and
has stepped up its security cooperation with most Asian nations. Yet, there is a widespread sense of
disappointment in Asia with India’s recent record in the East. Asia’s regional dynamic—in economic,
political and strategic domains—has moved much faster than Delhi's readiness to adapt.
Tell how India can shape Asia’s future political order In words of C Raja Mohan, Asia today hopes
that the ‘Act East’ policy unveiled by the government of Narendra Modi will bridge the gap between
India’s promise and performance. To meet the regional expectations for leadership, India will need
to accelerate its internal economic reforms, deepen its integration with its South Asian neighbours,
seize the opportunities for strengthening physical connectivity with different parts of Asia, play a
more active role in the regional institutions and intensify its defence diplomacy.
Harsh Pant talks about greater cooperation with likeminded countries in the region and beyond will
give it greater space to emerge as a credible regional interlocutor at a time when Washington’s
policies remain far from clear and Beijing is challenging the foundations of the extant order.
Conclude on following lines Delhi cannot afford to miss the unprecedented opportunity to
accelerate Asia’s march towards prosperity or disavow the historic responsibility to shape its future
political order. Recently held Raisina Dialogue upheld India’s activism where in words of Foreign
Secretary, a lot of our diplomacy over the years has been dedicated to making economic revival of
Asia possible. Our commitment to that approach remains firm. Today, as India’s capabilities and
influence grow, they are naturally on offer to this longstanding endeavour.

3. In the context of current challenges in Afghanistan chart out a

course of action for India to deal with the threats emerging from
Afghanistan.

Start by explaining importance of Afghanistan According to Harsh Pant, India has major strategic
interests in Afghanistan. India has enjoyed friendly and warm relations and deep cultural
connections with the people of Afghanistan since ancient times. Besides historical links, Afghanistan
provides connectivity and a trade corridor for India into the Central Asian region which has been
blocked due to Pakistan’s refusal to grant transit rights. Also, the Islamic fundamentalists and
terrorist groups operating from Pak-Afghan border region—supported by Pakistan Army and Inter-
Services Intelligence (ISI) are operating against the established Government of Afghanistan. These
groups also have links with terrorist groups in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and in India which makes
Afghanistan as crucial to India as its borders itself.
Tell about the current challenges in Afghanistan For Afghanistan, 2016 was another year coupled
with both ups and downs that tested the government, people, and the international community’s
resolve to assist the country. Failures of the National Unity Government of Afghanistan (NUG)
included the Taliban’s temporary re-capture of the strategic provincial capital of Kunduz for a second
time, the reemergence of the Islamic State in eastern Afghanistan, and the government’s inability to
create employment opportunities to stop the exodus of Afghans into Europe. In 2015, Islamic State
activities in the eastern part of the country were at a peak, decreasing after a collective offensive of
both Afghan and coalition forces, which weakened the group without, however, completely
defeating it.
2017 is not going to be an easy year for the Afghan government as it will face challenges at multiple
levels. On the foreign policy front, the Afghan government needs to activate its diplomatic
machinery to convince regional players including Russia, India, China, Pakistan, and Iran that peace
in the region is linked to peace in Afghanistan. The recent Russia-China-Pakistan tripartite
conference about Afghanistan without Kabul’s participation is another signal that the country’s
leadership needs to convince these players that such moves will reap no benefits and will instead
complicate the Afghan quagmire, which can not only deteriorate the situation in the region, but can
also have a negative impact on state-to-state relations. If it fails to convince regional power brokers
such as Russia and China, Afghanistan will be once again pushed toward rivalry and will turn into a
buffer state between Russia and the United States. Afghans have already paid a heavy price for
superpower rivalry during the Cold War.
Write about the course of action for India to deal with threats Pant brings out that India is one of
the important regional powers that has the economic and development capacity to become a major
world power. However, her Afghan policy has often been a ‘supportive one’ to Iran, America and
Russia, and she has mainly applied her ‘soft power’ till now. However, the US has now has realised
that Pakistan is ‘not a solution but the cause’ of turmoil in Afghanistan, as she has failed to reign in
the terror groups operating from her territory against Afghanistan. Thus, America would like India to
play a more dynamic role in securing Afghanistan’s stability.
He adds that New Delhi should not hesitate in meeting requests made by Afghanistan for supply of
military assistance. It is well established that a strong and secure Afghanistan is of strategic interest
to India. India has the economic and military power and she should be bold in projecting her ‘hard
power’ by providing military aid and assistance. This would also enable India to achieve her ambition
to become a world power and enhance her prestige in the region.
C Raja Mohan opines that India should not let Afghan slip back to Pak, but military role is far-fetched
dream. It may lead to collateral damage & may wipeout goodwill & backfire. Though, New Delhi
must appreciate the value of political prudence and a careful balancing of the emerging strategic
opportunities and risks in Afghanistan.
Conclude on following lines In conclusion, New Delhi has so far shown an unusual tenacity in its
dealings with Afghanistan. It now needs to move beyond the binary of economic cooperation and
military engagement and evolve a comprehensive policy which involves all dimensions of power.
Afghanistan is a tough country. Only those who are willing to fight on multiple fronts will be able to
preserve their leverage.

4. Do you find any change in the policy of the present government

of India with respect to Palestinian issue?

Give the historical stand of India on Palestine India’s solidarity with Palestinian people and its
attitude towards Palestinian cause was taken shape during our freedom struggle against British
colonialism. In 1938, on the proposal to create a homeland for Jews in Palestine, Mahatma Gandhi
wrote, “my sympathy for the Jews does not blind me to the requirements of Justice. It is wrong and
inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs’. In 1947, having been the victim of Partition and going
through its horrific scenes, India voted against the partition of Palestine at the United Nations
General Assembly Resolution 181. It should be noted that India was the only non-Arab and Non-
Muslim country to do so.
Post-Independence also, empathy with Palestine became the essential part of our foreign policy.
India supported UNGA Resolution 194 which called for Right to return of Refugee, and UNGA
Resolution 242 to return territories back to Palestine. India also appealed to Israel to return
territory, and called it Land of Peace. India has always played a proactive role in garnering support
for the Palestinian cause at multilateral forums. And in 1974, India became the first non-Arab
country to recognise Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) as the sole representative of the
Palestinian. India was one of the first countries to recognise the state of Palestine in 1988. India
voted in favour for accepting Palestine as a full member of UNESCO in 2011. India voted in favour of
upgrading the status of Palestine to a ‘non-member state’ in UN in 2012. Recently in 2014, India
supported a UNHRC resolution to launch probe into the Israel offensive in Gaza.
Tell incidents of change happening India traditionally believes in the 2-state solution and supports
the establishment of a sovereign independent and a viable state of Palestine. However, over the
years, the Indian government has diluted its reaction to Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. In
2014 India favoured a UN resolution which established a Commission of Inquiry to investigate a
violation of international humanitarian and human rights law in the ‘Occupied Territories’ during ‘
Operation Protective Edge’. (Please refer article on Israel-Palestine Conflict). But our Government
was reluctant to pass a resolution in Parliament condemning the Israeli action deviating from its
earlier practice. In 2015 India abstained at the UN Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) on a
resolution welcoming the report of the same Commission of Inquiry. It was the first time India
refused to vote against Israel.
Palestinian Authority’s ambassador to India, Adnan Abu Alhaija said that the Palestinian people were
“shocked” by the Indian vote – based on the UNHRC’s investigative committee that censured both
Israel and Hamas, but especially Israel, for last year’s war in Gaza – and that Indian the vote
detracted from the “happiness” they felt at the adoption of the resolution. “India is a very special
country for us, and its abstention from voting can be termed as a departure from India’s traditional
position on Palestine that has remained unwavering since the last seven decades,” Alhaija said.
Explain that no real change is happening However, as Harsh Pant says the hallmark of Modi's
foreign policy has been a self-confident assertion of Indian interests. This is reflected in his
government's moves vis-à-vis Israel, marking a distinct break from unnecessary and
counterproductive diffidence of the past. There seems no real change in India's policy towards
Palestine as India traditionally believes in the 2-state solution and supports the establishment of a
sovereign independent and a viable state of Palestine. India’s support for Palestine has not deterred
its growing relationship with Israel. The Narendra Modi government has brought the relationship out
of the bag again, and public re-engagement on strategic areas has re-started.
Harsh Pant adds that when it comes to India's Israel policy, hypocrisy has been the norm. In contrast
to the backchannel security ties that existed before the normalisation of bilateral relations, India has
been more willing in recent years to carve out a mutually beneficial bilateral relationship with Israel,
including deepening military ties and countering the threat terrorism poses to the two societies. If
Arab nations, such as Jordan, have been able to keep their traditional ties with Palestine intact while
building a new relationship with Israel, there is no reason for India not to take a similar route. Israel
has been a good friend of India but Delhi continues to be shy of demonstrating its friendship. At
crucial times, when India needed Israeli help, it got it unreservedly.
Conclude on following lines As C Raja Mohan says NDA government has brought India’s partnership
with Israel out of the closet. President Mukherjee’s visit to Israel at the end of 2015 was the first by
an Indian president. In doing so, Modi has also ended Delhi’s obsession of viewing the region solely
through the prism of Arab-Israeli conflict. Hence, there seems to be greater sense of pragmatism
with no fundamental change in uncertain geopolitical times. Perhaps India is moving away from
being “more Arab than Arab themselves” on Palestinian issue.

5. What are the institutional weaknesses in the Ministry of external

affairs? Give suggestions to reform the ministry.

Write briefly about MEA Ministry of External Affairs of India is the government agency responsible
for the conduct of foreign relations of India. The Ministry comes under Government of India and is
responsible for the country's representation in the United Nations. It also advises other Ministries
and State Governments when the latter have dealings with foreign governments or institutions.
Give the institutional weaknesses MEA has a little over 900 diplomats, far fewer than Brazil (1,200),
the UK (6,000) and the US’ State Department, which has over 20,000 diplomats. Pallavi Raghvan
adds that the ministry can at best handle a couple of major challenges at a time. It handles crises
well whereby it concentrates resources for urgent issues like nuclear negotiations, a consular
problem or a major summit — but other areas like Africa or Southeast Asia then slip down in
priority. Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs (2014-2015) recommended: “The
Ministry must engage with the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) and impress upon
them about the urgency of providing more staff, including through recruitment from other cadres
and the academic and private sector, as per the specialized needs of the Ministry. Recruitment on
contract basis from individuals with academic or private sector experience that is directly relevant to
urgent needs should be permitted.” The report recognises in equal measure that simply being fluent
in English is not enough. It notes that among the 770 IFS officers in service, only 569 are fluent in a
foreign language — a factor that can be detrimental to diplomacy in countries where language can
be a major barrier, as in China. Recently, Commerce Ministry’s proposal to create a separate cadre
of commercial counsellors in key Indian missions shows ineffectiveness of MEA.
Give suggestions to reform the ministry Shashi Tharoor-helmed Parliamentary Standing Committee
on External Affairs's latest report gave several recommendations like more eminent persons who
have excelled in the field of community affairs, diaspora issues, foreign policy, area studies,
literature, journalism etc should be considered for appointments as ambassadors/high
commissioners. Report suggests that the long-overdue cadre review be conducted immediately.
Also, experts from academia and the private sector should be enlisted and deployed across
important divisions. Their role as consultants or advisors, it is believed, will not only add expertise,
but also boost numbers. A policy must be implemented that aligns at least half of all foreign postings
with the language in which officers are fluent. Additionally, a month's training in terms of language,
culture, society and customs must be provided before anyone is posted overseas. Another
suggestion is to add a course of mid-career training to equip officers with expertise that builds on
their existing knowledge bases. The aim of this endeavour is to create a certain amount of
"specialised domain knowledge instead of exclusive specialisations". Conclude on following lines
The implementation of these recommendations will certainly boost India's diplomatic strength and
its global standing in lieu with the energetic programme of foreign outreach New Delhi is
undertaking.

6. Discuss the current trend in India- Israel relations.

Briefly write about historical India-Israel relations India and Israel established full diplomatic
relations in 1992 and since then the bilateral relationship between the two countries has blossomed
at the economic, military, agricultural and political levels. Both countries see themselves as isolated
democracies threatened by neighbors that train, finance and encourage terrorism, therefore both
countries also view their cooperative relationship as a strategic imperative.
Relations between Jerusalem and New Delhi were not always warm. Although both countries gained
their independence from the United Kingdom within months of each other, they found themselves
headed in pointedly different directions for nearly four decades - India as a leader in the Non-
Aligned Movement that maintained close relations to the Arab world and the Soviet Union; Israel
which linked its future to close ties with the United States and Western Europe. India's large Muslim
population was another major obstacle to building a relationship with Israel, as India feared that
close relations with the Jewish State might somehow radicalize its Muslim citizens - numbering more
than 100 million - and hurt its relations with the Arab world.
Although India publicly kept a distance from Israel until the late 1980's, there was in fact a great deal
of bilateral activities between the two countries in the preceding years. India extended de-jure
recognition to Israel in 1950 and allowed Israel to maintain a consulate in Mumbai (Bombay) to
facilitate the voluntary immigration of thousands of Indian Jews to Israel. Thousands of Indians have
also traveled to Israel for special courses and training in agricultural technology and community
development.
Talk about the current change in India-Israel relations India-Israel visible cooperation increased
dramatically in 2014 since the election of India's new Prime Minister Narendra Modi. India abstained
from a vote at the UNHRC that approved their Gaza Commission of Inquiry report, in July 2015.
Fourty-one countries voted in favor of adopting the findings of the biased report, and India was one
of only five others who abstained. This marked the first time that India had ever voted against
Palestinian interests at the UNHRC, signalling a significant shift in India-Israel relations. President
Mukherjee in October 2015 delivered a speech at the Knesset, and officials from both countries
discussed cooperation in science, technology, agriculture, medicine, and economics.
C Raja Mohan says NDA government has brought India’s partnership with Israel out of the closet.
President Mukherjee’s visit to Israel at the end of 2015 was the first by an Indian president. In doing
so, Modi has also ended Delhi’s obsession of viewing the region solely through the prism of Arab-
Israeli conflict.
Harsh Pant adds that Modi Government has brought the relationship out of the bag again, and
public re-engagement on strategic areas has re-started. In contrast to the backchannel security ties
that existed before the normalisation of bilateral relations, India has been more willing in recent
years to carve out a mutually beneficial bilateral relationship with Israel, including deepening
military ties and countering the threat terrorism poses to the two societies. If Arab nations, such as
Jordan, have been able to keep their traditional ties with Palestine intact while building a new
relationship with Israel, there is no reason for India not to take a similar route.
Nicholas Blarel in her work "Evolution of India's Israel Policy: Continuity, Change & Compromise
since 1992" says that New Delhi no longer sees the India-Israel relationship in zero-sum manner
Conclude on following lines PM Modi is also expected to visit Israel in early 2017 to mark Diplomatic
Anniversary milestone (25 years of ties between India and Israel). C Raja Mohan adds that for the
record, Arab states rediscovered their respect for India only when India established formal ties with
Israel. The Middle East long ceased to be defined by the Arab-Israeli conflict. There are new
faultlines and raging conflicts and the new partnership is about surviving the coming storms

7. Critically evaluate the relevance of the institution of NSA?

Talk about the Institution of NSA & its work National Security Advisor (NSA) is the chief executive of
the National Security Council (NSC), and the primary advisor to the Prime Minister of India on
national and international security. It is the National Security Advisor to whom intelligence agencies
such as the Research and Analysis Wing and Intelligence Bureau report, rather than directly to the
Prime Minister. Due to such vested powers, NSA is a prominent and powerful office in the
bureaucracy in existence since 1998.
Explain the importance of NSA National Security Advisor (NSA) is tasked with regularly advising the
Prime Minister on all matters relating to internal and external threats to the country, and oversees
strategic issues. The NSA of India also serves as the Prime Minister's Special Interlocutor on border
issues with China, and frequently accompanies the Prime Minister on Foreign State visits. The
directors of R&AW and IB technically report to the NSA rather than the Prime Minister directly. The
NSA receives all intelligence reports and co-ordinates them to present before the Prime Minister.
NSA is assisted by a Deputy NSA. NSA is the prime mover of multi-tiered planning structure,
coordinator of complex Foreign Policy initiatives and interlocutor with big powers on strategic
issues.
Glenn George claims that aggressive approach recently adopted by India especially in terms to
Pakistan and China is the brainchild of none other than National Security Adviser's "Offensive
Defense" strategy.
Currently, Doval is in charge of talks with Pakistan. Reportedly, he visits arms manufacturers to
discuss strategic capabilities, and orchestrates the response to militant attacks, liaising daily with
Foreign SSecretary. Shortly after taking office, Modi sent Doval as his special envoy to Afghanistan
and brought him on his first foreign trip to Bhutan. He's also special representative in charge of talks
with China over a disputed border, a task made more difficult as China plans to invest millions into
transportation links through Kashmir. Sameer Patil, who served in the National Security Council
secretariat under the previous Congress government claims that Doval wields more influence than
previous national security advisers in part because of his credibility and experience in intelligence
and security matters.
Discuss the concerns of NSA NSA in India has not been without criticisms. Former Union Home
Secretary Dhirendra Gupta writes that India is falling prey to the US model, where the president acts
through advisers answerable only to him. But though there is all manner of congressional oversight
over them, no such safeguards are adopted by India in the ersatz model. The key to good
governance lies in creating structures where both the deliberative and operational aspects are
attempted separately but yet are connected by an umbilical cord. Both aspects take into
consideration the nature of the polity and citizenry they serve. These must be guided by
constitutional provisions. For our purposes it is the council of ministers with the prime minister as
the primus inter pares which is of relevance. And coursing through all these structures is the basic
principle of debate and discussion. There is exercise of power with responsibility, with identified
chains of command. In the case of the council of ministers, accountability is to Parliament, whereas
in NSA model the accountability is to none.
Dhirendra Singh adds that the discomfort stems from the fact that such advisory offices do not
always use the formal procedures, including notings on file which become permanent records. In the
long run, it often happens that change in political leadership and governments results in
downgrading even substantive work, because of the suspicion that incumbents of such offices have
links to political masters under the spoils system.
Conclude on following lines Hence, the solution lies in bringing about legitimacy through legislation
(as in the case of regulatory bodies), or better still by presidential orders under Article 77 of the
Constitution. The powers, duties and responsibilities of the office of the NSA should be articulated in
greater detail. At present, a very bland phrase describes the role of the PMO in the presidential
orders. The deliberative and conceptual role of the NSA’s office needs to be given prominence and
its operational role, which steps on too many toes, needs to be eliminated. The long-term benefits of
such a deliberative role which will adopt debate, discussion and inclusive interaction as its working
credo will have far greater impact than at present.

8. Suggest how India can leverage its diaspora to meet its foreign
policy objectives?

Write about relevance of diaspora Indian Diaspora, comprising an estimated 30 million people of
Indian origin and non-resident Indians, spread across over 110 countries, are a huge asset for the
country. Indian diaspora settled in countries far away from India, since long have been contributing
significantly to the development of India, especially of late in terms of investment, foreign trade,
transfer of technology and skills, development of cultural linkages with foreign countries etc.
Besides, they have also been fighting very hard for
safeguarding India’s interests in foreign countries. Blocking the Burton amendment, support for
India during Kargil, nuclear tests and the agreement between India and the US on civil nuclear
cooperation are examples where the Diaspora community in the US, for example, acted positively as
lobbying or pressure group to promote India’s interests.
However former Ambassador JC Sharma notes that the fact that India’s policy approach towards this
community so far has remained largely inconsistent and a victim of poor implementation.
Briefly tell about foreign policy objectives India's foreign policy objectives as per Meena Singh Roy,
IDSA include the maintenance of national interest, national independence and sovereignty, keeping
of the economic interest of the state to increase its power, prestige in the international field, and to
ultimately shape an international system befitting the state’s dream and ideology.
Suggest measures how India can leverage its diaspora to meet its foreign policy objectives
According to C Raja Mohan and Rishika Chauhan in article "Focus on the diaspora" Indian diaspora
boast of considerable wealth and are enthusiastic to contribute to the welfare of their motherland.
Events like New York’s Madison Square Garden to London’s Wembley Stadium should be promoted
as they help cultivate soft power among those of Indian heritage such that diaspora members can
act as “informal ambassadors for India in their own country". Exhorting diaspora members to invest
in social projects such as improving rural sanitation by easing the rules of investment, concerns
about poor infrastructure, red tape, and labor market regulations. In addition to investment, the
way Chinese government has also actively recruited academics and entrepreneurs to return to
support economic growth and innovation, Indian engineers and tech entrepreneurs working outside
the country can atleast share knowledge rapidly and efficiently with firms in India, and these
relationships have helped build the country’s large IT industry. Rescue efforts in Iraq, Libya have
created sense of entitlement among Indians living abroad. Such pro-activeness should be further
promoted for gaining soft power & global repute in world arena.
Conclude on following lines However, TP Sreenivasan recently noted that merger of the Ministry of
Overseas Indian Affairs with the Ministry of External Affairs, though pragmatic, has been construed
as a negative step. Such steps should be pursued with further deliberations. Modi’s central theme in
his outreach in various parts of globe to Indian diaspora has been along the lines that India is poised
to rise and reach its full potential under his leadership and the diaspora is central to his new vision of
India. Modi Doctrine consists of diaspora and delivery, and this reinvigorated program should be
expanded multi-dimensionally.

9. Is Asian century over before it has begun?-Comment.

Answer:

Explain what is meant by Asian century Asian Century is the projected 21st-century dominance of
Asian politics and culture, assuming certain demographic and economic trends persist. The belief in a
future Asian Century parallels the characterization of the 20th century as the American Century, and
the 19th century as the British Century. Ever since Japan began to be viewed as an economic
juggernaut in the 1970s, the world has anticipated the “Asian Century.” Predictions of America and
Europe’s inevitable decline and Asia’s inexorable rise have been staples of books, newspaper and
magazine articles, and news shows for decades. In a tectonic shift in global power similar to the one
that took place in the early 20th century, it is often said, the countries of the Indo-Pacific will begin
to dominate global economics, politics and security.
Explain why it is said that 21st century is Asian century Some observers, including Kishore
Mahbubani, believe in the “irresistible shift of global power to the East.” Concept of Asian century
has been emphasized in the past as over three billion people live in the great geographic arc from
India to Japan, and one in every three persons on our planet is either Chinese or Indian. The formerly
war-ravaged and impoverished countries of the Indo-Pacific now export forty percent of the goods
bought by consumers around the world. The world’s most populous countries and largest militaries
are in the Indo-Pacific, and millions of Asian immigrants are changing the societies to which they
have moved. Asian art, cuisine and pop culture have spread throughout the world.
The region has not seen a real war since the Sino-Vietnamese clash of 1979. Since the mid-1980s,
democracy has spread to Taiwan, South Korea, the Philippines, Mongolia, Indonesia and elsewhere.
Hundreds of millions of Chinese, Indians, Vietnamese and others have been lifted out of poverty.
Lifespans throughout the region have increased, and the standard of living in Asia’s major cities now
rivals (sometimes exceeds) that of the West. Scientists and scholars from Asian countries play
leading roles in research institutes, laboratories and universities around the globe. Some of the
world’s most advanced industrial factories are in countries like Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.
Perhaps because much of Asia has been peaceful for a few decades, many outside the region—and
inside it as well—seem to take for granted that it will always be so. Most global consumers can
hardly imagine a world without Asia as its workshop. China and Japan are two of the world’s three
largest economies, and the majority of clothing, textiles and consumer electronics are produced in
Asia.
Tell the dangers over emergence of Asian century Michael R. Austin in his book "The End of The
Asian Century" says that the rapid transformation of Asia’s security environment threatens to undo
the work of decades. After decades of hearing about double-digit economic growth in Japan and
China, and impressive growth in the Four Tigers, the pace of GDP growth has slowed dramatically.
Japan’s generation-long stagnation is perhaps the best known example, but when China’s stock
market crashed in the summer of 2015, many observers for the first time appeared to recognise that
the problems in the region were widespread and endemic. And because Asian economies are
increasingly interlinked, problems in one country spill over to others. Even if Asia’s economies
manage to muddle through, the world must ask what will happen to global trade and investment if
growth in Asia simply cools off.
Most of Asia’s developed countries, including Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, are facing
or will soon face unprecedented demographic drops. Another enormous area of risk is Asia’s
unfinished political revolutions, in both democracies and autocracies. How political leaders respond
to economic and social challenges will ensure domestic tranquility or produce civil unrest. An Asia
whose political systems fail to provide stability, legitimacy and growth is an Asia that will become
increasingly troubled. The gains of democracy continue to be put at risk by corruption, cliques,
protest, cynicism and fear of instability. The spread of democracy, which has succeeded so well in
recent decades, may be reaching a limit—how temporary is impossible to say. Even mature
democracies, like Japan, face a crisis of political confidence, and a “political arthritis” that leaves vital
problems unsolved.
The immediate cause of rising insecurity is simple: as China has grown stronger, it has become more
assertive, even coercive. Beijing has embraced the role of a revisionist power, seeking to define new
regional rules of behaviour and confronting those neighbors with which it has disagreements. In
addition, an increasingly nuclear capable North Korea has moved from bizarre annoyance to deadly
threat, while numerous territorial disputes between countries both large and small are helping fuel
the arms race. Even without an ongoing war, the region now spends more than Europe on military
budgets
Gary Shilling adds that the ‘Asian century’ might never come as most institutions that support
domestic economies are largely lacking in developing Asian lands
Conclude on following lines Despite such apprehensions, as European countries did in the first
decade of the 20th century, many observers today argue that the great volume of trade, the
unhindered movement of people and the bevy of regional political organisations have made war in
Asia impossible. Perhaps most importantly, when compared with the strife-torn Middle East, aging
Europe or crisis-beset Africa, the Asia-Pacific region looks like the one major area of the world where
opportunity, economic growth and political development are still possible. In short, the global future
looks increasingly Asian but as Dan Steinbock says real test of the so-called Asian Century will be
whether living standards in the region's emerging economies can continue to improve, whatever the
GDP numbers.

10. "India needs some creative diplomacy to address the changing

environment of the relations between China and Sri Lanka."-Comment.
Answer :
Give India’s relations with respect to Sri Lanka In words of Sri Lankan scholar Rajasingham
Jayadevan, the relationship between India and Sri Lanka is an inter twined historical bond. The
underlying commonalities between the two nations and their geographical positioning, even after
the historical geological drifts of which Sri Lanka is of miniscule part, have not changed the intrinsic
relationship. India as a successful and tolerant democracy, and Sri Lanka at the cross roads to kick
start its accountable democratic values are working towards promoting the principle of ‘India for Sri
Lanka and Sri Lanka for India’.
Tell the emerging China-Sri Lanka relations After a prudent beginning by Sirisena government, and
delicate balancing with India-China for past two years, recent changes made a shift towards such
balancing. Sri Lanka has decided to sell 80% of the $1.5-billion Hambantota Port to a Chinese
company. China has also been offered an investment zone in the same region, in another bid to cut
the country’s debt burden.
Between 2009 and 2014, Sri Lanka’s debt tripled. The current total debt stands at around $65 billion.
Sri Lanka spends over 90% of all Government revenue to service its debts. China has now virtually
taken over the Hambantota Port, its surrounding areas and adjacent industrial park, despite
widespread local protests. Reports indicate that this ‘investment zone’ will be used by China to
manufacture a wide range of products for export to India. China will thus, in effect, be seeking to
export its products from Sri Lanka, making use of the free-trade advantages that Sri Lanka enjoys in
trade with India.
Give ideas of creative diplomacy Creative diplomacy can be pursued in ways like G Parthasarathy
suggesting that a vast majority of Sri Lankans are devout Buddhists. India could act much more
imaginatively in not only cultivating the Buddhist clergy, but also in focusing on its shared spiritual
heritage with countries in the Bay of Bengal rim including Bhutan, Myanmar and Thailand.
Suhasini Haidar suggests that India-Sri Lanka relationship historically comprises five different
dialogues: between New Delhi and Colombo, but also Delhi-Jaffna, Delhi-Chennai, Colombo-Jaffna
and Colombo-Chennai. The only way forward, from the vexed problem of fishing rights to the larger
question India’s strategic goals in the region is to promote each of those dialogues and knit them
together for a stronger comprehensive relationship.
Reports suggest that Lankan PM wants India and Singapore to collaborate in the development of a
port in Trincomalee-Batticaloa on Sri Lanka’s eastern seaboard. Familiar with the Japanese role in
the economic modernisation of South East Asia, India could contribute to the rapid economic
transformation of the Bay of Bengal littoral.
Conclude on following lines Hence as C Raja Mohan says India will have to move with considerable
political finesse and in taking up the Tamil question afresh with the new government. New Delhi
can't be seen as either abandoning the issue or trying to impose its will on Colombo. For the Modi
government, the challenge lies in finding ways to deepen its own economic and military cooperation
with Sri Lanka, and accelerate the implementation of a variety of projects with Colombo

11. What is the current state of relations between India and Latin America?
Answer :
Give historical relations of India- Latin America & why Latin America matters India’s relations with
Latin America and the Caribbean are more recent than with any other region of the world, for
geographical and historic reasons, without carrying any political baggage. It is a region often
described as the last frontier for India’s diplomacy, which is open for greater business with India.
During the Cold War era, the world tended to look at Latin American countries in the context of the
United States, and many countries based their policies towards the region on that perspective. India-
Latin America relations remained lackluster throughout most of India’s post-independence history
primarily for two reasons: 1) the immense geographical distance separating the two regions, and 2)
competing domestic and international priorities.
After the 2008 financial crisis, though, the resilience shown by emerging Latin America economies
such as Brazil forced a rethink, and Latin America became increasingly viewed as a rising regional
and economic power in a multipolar world.
Latin America is important for India as the region boasts a combined GDP of $4.9 trillion and is home
to 600 million inhabitants, nearly half the population of India, but with a landmass five times that of
India. The region’s economic resurgence is an unfolding story, which has made it a powerful magnet
for foreign investment from near and far. Latin America, according to a report by Economic
Commission for Latin America and Caribbean of the United Nations, netted 179 billion dollars of FDI
in 2013, the highest record for any region in the world. Apart from trade and investment, ties with
Latin America have much to offer India, in areas such as energy, knowledge sharing, and cooperation
in multilateral forums on issues such as climate change and the environment.
Tell current state of relations In words of Deepak Bhojwani, political ties between India and LAC
have experienced an inflexion point from their limited levels during the Cold War. The emergence of
a democratic LAC and a liberalising India in an increasingly multipolar world interconnected like
never before through the communication revolution has removed key constraints that hampered
ties in the past. India and LAC are now free to entirely own their relationship with each other.
Currently Indian investment in Latin America is about 12 billion dollars. There is scope for further
investment in Latin America in sectors such as oilfields, shale fields, solar and wind energy,
agribusiness, mining, commercial forestry, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, auto parts, plastics, pumps
etc. Many Indian companies are having their developmental centres in the countries of the region.
Besides commercial activities which have provided gainful employment to the people of Latin
America, Indian companies are also involved in IT, Education. Indian IT/BPO/KPO companies operate
in most countries of the region employing over 25000 young Latin Americans.
India exports about a billion dollar worth pharmaceuticals to Latin America. The less-expensive
Indian generics have helped Latin American consumers and governments to reduce cost of
healthcare. Entertainment has become the new business between India and Latin America. Indian
film and TV show makers have shot scenes in Rio, Buenos Aires and Machu Pichu.
India has traditionally engaged LAC chiefly through state-to-state bilateral ties, and this remains true
currently, though regional engagements are on an upswing. Community of Latin American and
Caribbean States, known by its Spanish-language acronym CELAC is unique in that it is the first
regional grouping to include every single one of the 33 sovereign states within the LAC. Significantly,
the CELAC Troika picked India to be the first country for engagement, followed by China. Besides
CELAC, India has engaged with Mercosur, another key LAC regional organisation Mercosur is
primarily an economic bloc, which is why the PTA it signed with India is the cornerstone of the
relationship.
Conclude on following lines Hence as R Vishwanathan says India and Latin America are on course for
a sustainable long term business partnership. India can count on Latin America as a reliable long
term contributor to its energy security and also for agro products such as vegetable oil and pulses.
The Latin Americans are excited about India as a large and growing market for their exports. More
and more new complementarities and synergies are being discovered and explored by the business
on both the sides.

12. Discuss the current developments in Myanmar? What are the

implications on India?
Answer : Give importance of Myanmar for India Myanmar is strategically important to India as it is
the only ASEAN country that shares a border with India. It is also the only country that can act as a
link between India and ASEAN. Myanmar is India’s gateway to Southeast Asia and could be the
required impetus to realize India’s Look East Policy. India and Myanmar have traditionally had much
in common, with cultural, historical, ethnic and religious ties, in addition to sharing a long
geographical land border and maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal. India has recently focused on
assisting Myanmar with institution and capacity building, helping the country with English-language
training, IT and agriculture.
Tell the current developments Current developments include two major events: After more than
half a century, the first democratic nationwide multiparty elections were held in Myanmar in
November 2015 which led to the victory of the National League for Democracy which secured an
absolute majority in both chambers of the national parliament. The other one include Rohingya
Migrant Crisis where tens of thousands of Muslim Rohingya have fled Myanmar, many crossing by
land into Bangladesh, while others take to the sea to reach Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. The
latest surge in refugees was prompted by a long-building crisis: the discriminatory policies of the
Myanmar government in Rakhine state, which have caused hundreds of thousands of Rohingya to
flee since the late 1970s.
Explain implications for India Regarding implications for Rohingya Migrant crisis for India, the
fallouts can be multiple and severe. Crisis has geopolitical implications for India as it shares a border
with Myanmar and has vested economic interests in the country owing to trade and investment ties.
Rohingya crisis could also rejuvenate various transnational militant actors. The Rohingya conflict and
Buddhist-Muslim strife has the potential to radicalize the youth and fill the ranks of organizations
like Jemaah Islamiya, Al Qaeda, and TTP. It could even provide an opening for Daesh into the Asia
Pacific. There are an estimated 36,000 Rohingya Muslims in India today, concentrated in the seven
states of Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Assam, Jammu and Kashmir and
Delhi. They live in tin-roof shanties and struggle for basic conditions like clean drinking water.
Regarding implications for emergence of democracy in Myanmar, in words of Harsh Pant it has given
India more strategic space to manoeuvre. Indian diplomacy has a tough job at hand as all major
powers are now wooing Myanmar. C Raja Mohan says that new dynamic of international position of
Myanmar offers both challenges and opportunities for the Modi government. For one, India no
longer has a privileged access to the markets in Myanmar. It has to compete with global businesses
in the country. At the same time, as Thein Sein told the PM, Myanmar wants to take full advantage
of India’s prospects for rapid economic growth under Modi. As it diversifies its international
relations, India remains an important political partner for Myanmar. Ashok Sajjanhar says transition
to a civilian government in Myanmar has given greater strategic space to India. Myanmar is looked
upon by India as a buffer between it and China.
Conclude on following lines Hence as Sridhar Ramaswamy says that while the basic foundation for
the relationship between India and Myanmar has been laid by previous governments, the onus is on
the present Indian administration to demonstrate that it can take the relationship to a higher level.
It can also become a strong regional player through a more proactive approach, cement India’s place
in the region and grow into a powerful, global country. This partnership could transform India into a
much stronger player in the region.

13. What are the geo economic and geo strategic influences of CPEC on India?
Answer :
Write about CPEC in brief China–Pakistan Economic Corridor s a collection of infrastructure projects
currently under construction throughout Pakistan. Originally valued at $46 billion, the value of CPEC
projects is now worth $62 billion. A vast network of highways and railways are to be built under the
aegis of CPEC that will span the length and breadth of Pakistan. Modern transportation networks
built under CPEC will link seaports in Gwadar and Karachi with northern Pakistan, as well as points
further north in western China and Central Asia
Tell the geo-economic influences on India Looking at the CPEC corridor from an economic
perspective, CPEC offers a huge potential in terms of leveraging connectivity due to India’s unique
geographical position. India can use CPEC to increase its access to the Middle Eastern as well as the
Central Asian countries. The Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline could be constructed under the aegis of
CPEC, which can provide it with the requisite funds and geo-political support. China’s Iran railway
project is one project which will increase connectivity between India and Iran, an initiative which
India has been unable to pursue on its own due to resistance from Pakistan. Connecting CPEC with
the International North South Transport Corridor can further gravitate an economic power shift from
the US-EU axis to an Asia-EU axis, which will immensely benefit India.
Tell the geo-strategic influences on India Strategically, India needs to be cautious about joining
CPEC as it passes through the China-annexed parts of Jammu and Kashmir, and joining it can weaken
India’s claim over these territories. India does not have the option to sit in isolation because that will
further increase Chinese influence in Pakistan as well as in the Middle East and Central Asia.
Increased cooperation between Russia and China, under the auspices of CPEC, can further distance
Russia away from India and bring it closer to Pakistan, which is a potentially troubling scenario for
India.
New Delhi sees Gwadar - a deep-sea port located in Balochistan province - as part of China's "String
of Pearls" bases, that extends from its eastern coast to the Arabian Sea. China is also developing
ports in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh that are considered a potential military challenge to India. The
Gwadar port, overlooking one of the world's busiest shipping lanes in the Arabian Sea, has been
leased to Beijing for 40 years. New Delhi fears that the port might become a Chinese naval outpost,
thereby threatening India's energy and economic security, as more than two thirds of India's
petroleum imports pass through the area.
Conclude on following lines Hence as C Raja Mohan claims that is a deeper issue, one that has
hitherto underpinned India’s long-term Pakistan strategy. The very fundamentals of that strategy are
now under question. Indeed, CPEC is rewriting the economic geography and regional integrity of the
subcontinent in a manner that will require more than a tactical, episodic response.

14. Write Short notes on India's Africa policy.

Answer :
Write about importance of Africa to India India and Africa share a long and rich history of
interaction that dates back to ancient civilisations. India’s attitude towards its general relations with
Africa in the post–World War II era has been informed by principles of South–South cooperation,
such as respect for state sovereignty, non-interference, mutual benefit and equality. Originally
adopted in 1955 at the Bandung Conference, this approach was reaffirmed in the New Asian-African
Strategic Partnership of 2005. India’s shared colonial heritage with many African countries has
significantly contributed to this connection, as has the migration of many Indian workers to Southern
and Eastern Africa, establishing large diasporas in these areas.
Tell India’s Africa policy India considers itself a ‘development partner’ of Africa and has placed a
growing emphasis on this and other tools of economic diplomacy to ensure it continues to develop
and grow in a sustainable manner. Harsh Pant adds India is making a renewed push to regain
relevance in a rapidly evolving African strategic landscape. This sustained and systematic outreach to
all parts of Africa is a welcome move after years of only intermittent attention to a continent where
some of the world’s 10 fastest growing economies are located, and with which India shares old
historical ties. India is becoming an increasingly important economic partner for African countries. Its
ties with Africa can be traced to a strong, shared history based on the principles of South–South
cooperation, people-to-people linkages and common development challenges.
Describe positives of India’s Africa Policy Rajiv Bhatia says that India has a reasonably successful
policy towards the African continent, one that reflects a balance between our values and interests. It
takes into account the diversity of Africa as well as the policies of other key players — the United
States, the European Union, China and Japan. On international fora, India played a leading role in
assisting and expediting Africa's de-colonisation process. The help it extended to the African
countries in gaining independence and to South Africa in its struggle against apartheid was
recognised widely and often. Later, when parts of Africa were torn by conflict, and restoring and
maintaining peace became a priority, India came forward to help in the United Nations
peacekeeping missions in Congo, Somalia, Liberia, Burundi and Sudan, among others. Development
has been a pressing need in sub-Saharan Africa. The Indian government has been generous in
extending assistance, giving African students access to higher education, mainly under the auspices
of the Indian Council of Cultural Relations, and in offering technical cooperation under Indian
Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) and related programmes.
An important element of Africa policy relates to defence cooperation with select countries such as
Nigeria, Zambia, Lesotho and Botswana in order to assist their forces through training programmes
and exposure to the best practices and professionalism of India's armed forces. Cooperation in the
IT, health care, agriculture, mining, small industry, infrastructure and hydrocarbon sectors have been
promoted. Another significant aspect has been to cultivate good relations with the Indian diaspora in
view of their role as a bridge between host countries and India. Our Africa policy has laid emphasis,
especially in recent years, on expansion and diversification of trade, investment and economic
relations.
Michelle DeFreese adds that Modi’s foreign policy strategy has aimed to increase assistance to
developing countries and vie for linkages with the African continent for increased trade, access to
agricultural land, and cooperation on maritime security, in part to buffer China’s influence in the
region. Both China and India have established roles as increasingly important powers in sub-Saharan
African trade and development. While India’s trade with Africa has increased from $25 billion in
2006 to $70 billion; China-Africa trade was valued at an estimated $222 billion in 2014.
Elaborate negatives of India’s Africa policy India lacks a African Doctrine or Pan-African policy unlike
Western nations who have holistic picture on how to go ahead with initiatives in Africa. Sanjaya Baru
says India’s attitude towards Africa cannot remain imprisoned in the ‘dark continent’ stereotype.
Neither can it be defined solely by the legacy of the colonial era. Our language of engagement needs
to create a new edifice defined by an aspirational Africa’s quest for a good life. India lacks diplomatic
missions in Africa which number around 30 as compared to around 50 for USA and China. Trade has
been getting stagnated in past 3 years at around $70billion unlike double digit growth seen earlier. It
is also pertinent to recall that recent attacks on African nationals have maligned India’s image with
some in the region questioning India’s openness to outsiders. This also underscores that despite
government’s efforts to build ties with Africa, this relationship has suffered because of a perception
of Africa being a far-off land for ordinary Indians. Unless the larger populace and the Indian private
sector decide to take Africa seriously, the Modi government’s outreach is unlikely to yield the results
it is perhaps hoping for. And Indo-Africa relations will struggle to reach their full potential. Indian
companies should follow a path different from that of European and Chinese firms who have been
accused of using fraudious means. They would do well to adhere to the basic canons of corporate
social responsibility (CSR) and to a partnership-oriented business culture.
Conclude on following lines Developments in Africa are fascinating, besides having a bearing on our
national interests. This exciting story is waiting to be told to audiences in India. As Rajiv Bhatia says,
a powerful triad of the Government of India, India Inc., and civil society can take the India-Africa
relationship to a new level of strength and vitality. India is viewed as a more productive partner by
many in Africa because Indian companies are much better integrated into African society and
encourage technology transfers to their African partners. New Delhi will have to leverage its own
strengths in making a lasting compact with Africa and regain its lost presence on the continent. What
Mr. Modi’s sojourn to the continent can do is to embed India in the futuristic minds, pocketbooks
and dreams of Africa.

15. Do you think Latin America is the last frontier of India's foreign policy?
Answer :
Briefly tell about importance of Latin America for India India’s relations with Latin America and the
Caribbean are more recent than with any other region of the world, for geographical and historic
reasons, without carrying any political baggage. During the Cold War era, the world tended to look at
Latin American countries in the context of the United States, and many countries based their policies
towards the region on that perspective. India-Latin America relations remained lackluster
throughout most of India’s post-independence history primarily for two reasons: 1) the immense
geographical distance separating the two regions, and 2) competing domestic and international
priorities. After the 2008 financial crisis, though, the resilience shown by emerging Latin America
economies such as Brazil forced a rethink, and Latin America became increasingly viewed as a rising
regional and economic power in a multipolar world.
Explain whether it is last frontier of India’s Foreign Policy Calling Latin America as a region which is
the last frontier for India’s diplomacy is largely true as AN Roy claims that for long, the outside world
looked at Latin America with US-centric eyes and it was argued that unlike India whose culture was
defined millennia ago, Latin America did not have a grand narrative of cultural heritage as US
cartoon strips and Hollywood movies sought to portray Latin America very deridingly. Due to the
economic aid by US, Latin American regimes displayed what may be called pilot-fish behaviour—
staying close to the shark to avoid being eaten. Ash Narain Roy adds that the reasons for India’s
limited engagements with Latin America in the 1950s through the 1980s are not far to seek. Latin
America has been rightly described as the ‘Achilles heel’ of the Third World movement. Latin
American states showed a proclivity to break ranks with the Third World when their perceived self-
interest and Third World solidarity posed conflicting demands. Latin American countries remained
largely marginal players except for a few countries in the NAM and other Third World forums. It was
perhaps the result of a perception among the ruling elite that Latin America had very little in
common with the newly decolonized Asian and African states. It was also perhaps the result of a
realization among many countries that their economic integration with the US was the surest route
of upward mobility from the Third World to the First World. Latin America’s interest in NAM and
other Third World initiatives waxed and waned according to the political character of the different
regimes as also their domestic and foreign policy imperatives
Indira Gandhi visit in 1968 to the region was a voyage of discovery. She described her visit as an
effort to establish a ‘concord with people who are strangers to us’. Until the 1980s, the attitude of
the Indian government and private entrepreneurs was, ‘Latin America? Where is that?’
Unfortunately, the question was the same in Latin America if one substitutes India for Latin America.
Geographical distance, information gap and the lack of air and shipping links were often cited as
factors that came in the way of greater economic interaction between India and Latin America.
However, today Latin America is ready to play ball with India. It has real leeway to develop and
diversify its ties with countries such as China, Japan and India. The end of the Cold War, the decline
of US hegemony and the democratization of the region have given it the leverage to search for
partners and collaborative mechanisms far beyond North America and Europe. The decline of US
influence in Latin America has allowed the region to search for partnerships even with Washington’s
global rivals. The US can no longer dictate decisions that were once considered solely to be within its
purview. The spread of democracy has increased the political legitimacy of governments, including
those that dislike the US.
Conclude on following lines In the past few years, both Indian and Latin American economies have
undergone a paradigm shift. If India has emerged as a global player with its impressive economic
performance, Latin America too has come out of the boom and bust cycles in its economy and the
pendulum swings in power between civilian and military regimes. Ironically, a country that was until
recently hyphenated with Pakistan by Western analysts, is now bracketed with China in terms of its
rise and power projection. ‘Chindia’ seems to have become international flavour. In a way, India is
moving into Latin America because China has moved in a big way. India’s growing global footprints
now find place in Latin America’s policy discussions as well. That says a lot for the future of India’s
engagement with the region. Good foreign policy requires prudence. But it also requires boldness
and imagination. That moment is knocking at India’s doors.

16. Discuss the flaws of India's Nepal policy and how Madhesi factor has
impacted India-Nepal relations?
Answer :
Write importance of Nepal for India Jayant Prasad calls India-Nepal relations as people centric, and
more multi-faceted than others. India- Nepal share common terrain, common culture, bound by
languages, cuisines, marriage, mythologies, civilizational contact from Lumbini to Bodhgaya,
Pashupaninath to Kashivishwanath, Muktinath to Tirupati. As close neighbours, India and Nepal
share a unique relationship of friendship and cooperation characterized by open borders and deep-
rooted people-to-people contacts of kinship and culture. There has been a long tradition of free
movement of people across the borders.
Discuss India’s Nepal policy SD Muni says that India's Nepal policy has revolved around sponsoring a
pliant political class who could become puppet of India which is the reason why India's hasn't
supported grassroot level leaders. India-Nepal have witnessed see-saw of relations where India's
policy towards Nepal is often called excessively security driven policy
Deb Mukherjee says that difference to be made between cultural connectivity & sovereign relations.
This is area where both countries mix up. Nepal is dealt like family affair, top policy makers have
direct family links, who are often accused of getting carried away. Moreover, there is a lack of
professionalism from MEA as ambassadors in Kathmandu have family relations there.
Tell the flaws in India-Nepal policy The fault lies in the historical understanding that treats Nepal
more as bu er state to protect Indian security concern in the Himalayan region.
Kanak Mani Dixit says that there is a lack of Nepal studies in India which is a result of overwhelming
preoccupation with geopolitics. India’s focus seems exclusively geo-strategic, to do with ‘controlling’
Nepal and its natural resources and countenancing China across the Himalayan range. India’s
diplomacy includes not only disapproval of the new constitution and expressions of open support for
Madhesi, but also a calculated restrictive movement of essential good to Nepal. New Delhi does not
believe Kathmandu’s attempt to mobilise China is a viable and long-term option. It hopes, therefore,
that eventually Kathmandu will be forced to see reason and seek ways to accommodate the
Madhesi. India also hopes that international pressure from elsewhere – particularly from the US,
Japan and the European Union – will come into play to discourage Nepal from using the China option
and persisting with its aggressive policy towards the Madhesi.
Explain how Madhesi factor has impacted India-Nepal relations Madhesis, who are inhabitants of
the Terai region, are opposed to the new Constitution that divides their ancestral homeland under
the seven-province structure and have led an ongoing blockade of key border trade points with
India. During the time of the promulgation of the constitution, New Delhi had felt vindicated not
only on its modalities, which it feels are not inclusive, but also on the way in which it was
promulgated, i.e. amid protests, disturbances and curfews imposed.
India is of opinion that Nepal should move new constitutional amendments in the near future to
address Madhesi grievances. Due to India’s reaction to the constitutional crisis in Nepal, it was
pushed towards China. It is said to have a filled the vacuum left by India. This will be a significant
step forward for China trying to make inroads into South Asia, led by the attraction of its OBOR
initiative. While it is true that the Nepali constitution did ignore some of the genuine concerns of
Madhesi people, resulting in tension in the border areas, the Indian mistake was to believe that it
still holds a position of privilege in political matters of Nepal. The inability of the Indian state to
understand its role and limitations in Nepal has affected bilateral ties.
Conclude on following lines For future as Rakesh Sood suggests the long-term objective should be to
address the changing political narrative in Nepal, our present challenge is to recover lost political
ground so that we can play the role of the trusted and irreplaceable interlocutor between the two
sides, but without resorting to micro-management. Nepali politicians have taken the description of
Nepal as a “yam between two boulders” too seriously. Instead, many economists and businessmen
who have been looking at investment opportunities in Nepal rather focus on “connectivity” and the
advantages that could accrue to Nepal from its “bridge dipIomacy” without making it a barrier.

17. How domestic politics in Bangladesh has been a determinant for Indo-
Bangladesh relations?
Answer :
Briefly talk about India-Bangladesh history In words of Sheikh Hasina the friendship between
Bangladesh and India is like a flowing river and full with generosity. India was the first country to
recognize Bangladesh as a separate and independent state and established diplomatic relations with
the country immediately after its independence in December 1971. India's links with Bangladesh are
civilisational, cultural, social and economic. There is much that unites the two countries – a shared
history and common heritage, linguistic and cultural ties, passion for music, literature and the arts.
This commonality is reflected in our multi-dimensional and expanding relations. India and
Bangladesh’s geographical locations complement each other and present an opportunity for both to
further develop their connectivity links and economies.
Tell recent India-Bangladesh relations In the last more than four decades, the two countries have
continued to consolidate their political, economic, trade and cultural relations and have built a
comprehensive institutional framework to promote bilateral cooperation. Both countries share 54
rivers, out of which, a treaty is already in existence for sharing of the Ganges water and both sides
are working for early finalisation of agreements for sharing of water of other common rivers. Both
countries are also cooperating in the conservation of the entire Sunderbans ecosystem, which is a
common biodiversity heritage. Bangladesh is an important trading partner for India & largest
recepient of line-of-credit from India. Scholarships and training programmes under ITEC, TCS of
Colombo Plan, ICCR, AYUSH, Commonwealth, SAARC and IOR-ARC scholarships/ fellowship schemes
are being offered to Bangladesh nationals.
Explain how domestic politics has been a determinant for Indo-Bangladesh relations According to
Anand Kumar the foreign policy of a country generally changes incrementally but in the case of
Bangladesh it changes dramatically towards India depending upon which political party or alliance is
in power. The ideological cleavage prevailing in the country affects not only its domestic politics but
also its relationship with its neighbour India. Bangladesh polity is more or less equally divided in
terms of national identity, some emphasising the Islamic character of the polity, others secularism.
Awami League's ideological position is one of the most important facilitating factors for Hasina
government’s adoption of an India-positive foreign policy. The AL represents the views of the latter
group, which brings the party closer to India, which has a similar ideological orientation. As history
reveals, when the Indian National Congress and AL are in power at the same time in India and
Bangladesh respectively, the relationship between Dhaka and New Delhi tends to be closer
On the other hand, those who emphasise Islamic identity position themselves on the other side of
the scale; that is, if the secularists see India as a 'natural' friend, the Islamists see that country
primarily through the opposite lens. Revival of Islamic identity in Bangladesh politics after 1975 had
an anti-India tone. Several major political parties, including the BNP, represent this view. The division
within the Bangladesh polity on identity makes India an important factor in the political dynamics of
the country, particularly election politics. The implication of this factor for the AL government's India
policy is that it constrains Sheikh Hasina's and her government's freedom of action in pursuing an
India positive foreign policy. The scope and continuity of the Dhaka’s India policy is greatly affected
by the country’s domestic politics
Conclude on following lines Hence as Partha Ghosh says at present India-Bangladesh relations are
on even keel largely because Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed has been able to sideline the
Islamists and stands strongly in the way of her country being used as a hideout for India’s north-
eastern insurgents. Though an agreement over the sharing of the Teesta water remains problematic,
several bilateral irritants like land border and maritime boundary disputes have been solved. Even
on the connectivity and energy cooperation issues, significant progress has been registered.

18. What is the relevance of Non Alignment in contemporary world scenario?

Answer : Define NAM Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is a group of states which are not formally
aligned with or against any major power bloc viz-a-viz USA or erstwhile USSR. As of 2016, the
movement has 120 members. The organization was founded in Belgrade in 1961, and was largely
conceived by India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru; Indonesia's first president, Sukarno;
Egypt's second president, Gamal Abdel Nasser; Ghana's first president Kwame Nkrumah; and
Yugoslavia's President, Josip Broz Tito.
Discuss the contemporary world scenario Shashi Tharoor in his article "Is the Non-Aligned
Movement relevant today?" says that born half a century ago in the middle of a world riven by
antagonism between the USA and the USSR and the alliances they led, Nam had been the vehicle for
developing countries to assert their independence from the competing claims of the two
superpowers. But with the end of the Cold War, there are no longer two rival blocs to be non-aligned
between, and many have questioned the relevance of a movement whose very name signifies the
negation of a choice that is no longer on the world's geopolitical table.
Give relevance of NAM NAM relevance has been in question after end of Cold War as S Jaishankar
said that in contemporary global politics, block & alliances are less relevant today as we are moving
towards largely loose arrangement. Harsh Pant added that NAM was okay when India wasn’t
economic or military power, now India has to compete with China which is increasingly taking lead
over India's leadership status. There is need to pursue new goals & policies, no point sticking to old
shibboleths. G Parthasarathy says that Non Alignment gave India flexibility, but NAM never been a
forum of any consequence. C Raja Mohan says that NAM was irrelevant even before end of Cold
War. It didn’t have any concrete achievement; as it was extremely idealist to harmonize interest of
so many countries which have collective interest. It never acted as platform for advancement of
collective interest of 3rd world. One of the most attractive components for media was India-Pak
meet.
However, Shashi Tharoor says that with the passing of the binary superpower-led world, Nam has
redefined itself as a movement for countries that are not aligned with any major power. Nam has
been shaping a persona that is increasingly vocal about resisting the hegemony of the sole
superpower, the US, and in asserting the independence of its members - overwhelmingly former
colonies in the developing world - from the dominance of "Western imperialism". TP Sreenivasan
says that the word "Non-Alignment" gave wrong notion that end-all of NAM was to remain Non
Aligned, but quintessence of Non Alignment was freedom of judgement & action, and hence NAM
remained valid whether there was one block or two. C Raja Mohan says that India's NAM has always
been “Tabula Rasa” with capacity to accommodate any idea, supported India's economic
pragmatism & muscular geo-politics.
Conclude on following lines Hence, to end the debate one can agree to MK Narayanan who says
that with non-alignment giving way to strategic alignment, organisations such as NAM may seem
anachronistic, but it should not be lost sight of that it still resonates with many Third World
countries. It also offers an alternative platform for putting forward a different viewpoint. It would,
hence, be premature to pronounce the death of NAM. The Indian Prime Minister’s decision to skip
the NAM Summit in Venezuela may well hasten its end, but does not take away from the fact that
NAM still has some relevance and India could still utilise NAM — perhaps less ideological but more
purposive than in the past — to counter newer challenges such as China’s not so ‘peaceful rise’.

19. Critically analyse India's case for permanent membership in UNSC.

Answer : Describe permanent membership of UNSC UN Security Council (UNSC) is a group of up to
15 nations, of which there are 5 nations based on the great powers that were the victors of World
War II, who are double veto-wielding permanent members; plus 10 elected non-permanent
members with two-year terms, who don't have the veto power. A permanent seat in UNSC would
elevate India to the status of USA, UK, France, China and Russia in the diplomatic sphere and warrant
India a critical say in all global matters that matter globally.
Write about the points in favor of India’s case India believes that the UNSC, which was constituted
in 1945 after the World War II, does not reflect the geopolitical realities—the emergence of a
multipolar world order largely thanks to the rise of developing economies like China, Brazil and India.
Also, India is the largest contributor to the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), with nearly
180,000 troops serving in 44 missions since it was established. India is also among the highest
financial contributors to the UN, with the country making regular donations to several UN organs
like the United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF). India commands three distinct characteristics
which make its case for a permanent seat compelling. Currently having a population of 1.28 billion,
India will become the most populous country in the world by 2022. Such a large portion of the
planet's population cannot be altogether ignored or kept at a distance from the decision making
table of UNSC which brings with itself the "veto" power. Secondly, India happens to be the second
fastest growing economy in the world making it an ideal destination for foreign investment and
future growth. Thirdly, India is ruled by a democratic, secular government which has never been
upstaged by an army coup and can be labelled as a "responsible" nuclear power. India’s candidature
as a potential permanent UNSC member has received support from a vast majority of nations. At
several public occasions, four of the five permanent members have supported India’s bid. China is
the only permanent member that has been ambiguous in its support for India, owing to its close ties
with Pakistan. Other member states, like the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Singapore, Malaysia and
the whole of the African Union have also endorsed India’s bid. Prof Ramesh Thakur says that it is
time for India and the G4 to adopt a strategy of non-cooperation towards the UNSC and the United
Nations as a whole
Write about the points against India’s case Kishore Mahbubani says that like Sisyphus’s motion of
pushing a rock uphill, India's candidature in UNSC's permanent membership is destined to fail. He
adds that Latin America and Africa feel excluded from permanent membership of the UNSC and
have, like India, equally strong claims to have at least one permanent member on the UNSC.
Moreover, any reform of the UNSC will be a package deal. Despite India’s growing weight in the
world, there will be no reform just to let India in.
In acknowledgement of the fact that any reform will have to be a package deal, India decided to
form an alliance with three other aspirant states — Brazil, Germany and Japan — to mount its
campaign for a permanent seat on the UNSC. These four states (G4) mounted a determined push to
get permanent membership (without veto power for at least 15 years) through a UNGA resolution in
2005. While this push did gain some momentum, it ultimately failed. Relations between China and
Japan remain troubled and unsettled; China cannot acquiesce to Japan’s quest for permanent
membership. UK and France already taking up two permanent seats on the UNSC, Europe is already
over-represented in permanent membership which reduces Germany's chances.
India’s nuclear-armed rival Pakistan has been leading the opposition to its inclusion in the UNSC’s list
of permanent members. Other countries, part of an interest group called the “Uniting for
Consensus” (UfC), also curiously called “The Coffee Club”, formed in 1995, are opposed to India (and
the G4’s bid) for permanent seats. Italy, Pakistan, Mexico and Egypt were founder members of the
UfC. The list also includes Argentina, South Korea, Spain, Turkey and Indonesia.
Conclude on following lines Kofi Annan recently said that UN Security council should be reformed: it
cannot continue as it is. The world has changed and the UN should change and adapt. If we don’t
change the council, we risk a situation where the primacy of the council may be challenged by some
of the new emerging countries. India does have a strong case lined up, but expecting an early
favourable outcome is too far-fetched dream.
20. Suggest major reforms in UN system to make UN relevant.
Answer:

Describe United Nations United Nations System consists of the United Nations, its subsidiary organs
(including the separately-administered funds and programmes), the specialized agencies, and
affiliated organizations. The principal organ of the UN System was the United Nations itself. It
consists of the six principal organs established by the Charter of the United Nations: UN General
Assembly, UN Secretariat, International Court of Justice, UN Security Council, UN Economic and
Social Council, UN Trusteeship Council.
Briefly tell the problems of UN system Brahma Chellaney says that the world has changed
dramatically since the United Nations was established after World War II, but the organization has
not adapted to reflect the 21st century. While the U.N. has had its share of successes, its aging
structure has struggled with new threats like Ebola and terrorist groups that control large areas of its
member countries. U.N. members have been discussing change for decades, but agreement has
proven impossible because of competing interests.
UN has outdated structure as same five countries — the victors of World War II — have been the
power players since 1945: the United States, Russia, China, Britain and France. They are the only
permanent members of the powerful, 15-seat Security Council. Each has veto power, which has led
to near-paralysis at the council on some major crises like Syria and Ukraine. U.N. has become a
sprawling system with 15 autonomous agencies, 11 semi-autonomous funds and programs, and
numerous other bodies. There is no central entity to oversee them all. The cumbersome structure
was recently blamed for the World Health Organization’s delay in recognizing the Ebola epidemic.
U.N. is almost constantly asking its member states to contribute troops for its far-flung peacekeeping
missions, currently numbering 16. The number of peacekeepers has risen to a record 130,000 —
compared to 11,000 at the end of the Cold War — but the system is under severe strain. More than
100 peacekeepers have died this year and dozens have been taken captive. Raising money is a
constant problem with so many crises vying for the world’s attention. Many U.N. agencies and
humanitarian operations are funded by voluntary contributions, and appeals aren’t getting enough
donations. All 193 member states contribute to the U.N.’s regular budget and a separate
peacekeeping budget, but some countries are chronically behind on their payments. There is
widespread behind-the-scenes jockeying for top jobs in the U.N. Secretariat and U.N. agencies, not
to mention seats on key bodies like the Human Rights Council and the Security Council. Every
country belongs to a regional group that lobbies to ensure it is well represented. There is often
criticism that those who get the seats are not the best qualified, such as dictatorships elected to the
rights council.
Tell the major reforms needed in UN Jeffrey D. Sachs in his study presented at World Economic
Forum suggests an increase in funding, with high-income countries contributing at least $40 per
capita annually, upper middle-income countries giving $8, lower-middle-income countries $2, and
low-income countries $1. With these contributions – which amount to roughly 0.1% of the group’s
average per capita income – the UN would have about $75 billion annually with which to strengthen
the quality and reach of vital programs, beginning with those needed to achieve the SDGs. Once the
world is on a robust path to achieve the SDGs, the need for, say, peacekeeping and emergency-relief
operations should decline as conflicts diminish in number and scale, and natural disasters are better
prevented or anticipated. Sachs then suggests that UN needs to strengthen its expertise in areas
such as ocean health, renewable energy systems, urban design, disease control, technological
innovation, public-private partnerships, and peaceful cultural cooperation. Some UN programs
should be merged or closed, while other new SDG-related UN programs should be created. UN
Security council simply doesn’t represent the world today. At its inception, the U.N. had 51 member
states. It now has 193, many of them clamoring for more clout. All countries are represented in the
General Assembly, but that body can only pass nonbinding resolutions. Often mentioned as
countries deserving of permanent Security Council seats are Germany, Japan, India, South Africa,
Nigeria and Brazil. There is a need to review the relevance of trusteeship council and give a new
mandate. There is a need to amend UN Charter to include responsibility to protect, delete enemy
state clause and to clear UN role in domestic conflicts.
Conclude on following lines As the UN enters its eighth decade, it continues to inspire humanity.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights remains the world’s moral charter, and the SDGs promise
to provide new guideposts for global development cooperation. Yet the UN’s ability to continue to
fulfill its vast potential in a new and challenging century requires its member states to commit to
support the organization with the resources, political backing, and reforms that this new era
demands.

21. Discuss the elements of continuity and change in India's foreign policy.
Answer:

Explain foreign policy of a country A country's foreign policy consists of self-interest strategies
chosen by the state to safeguard its national interests and to achieve its own goals through relations
with other countries. The approaches are strategically employed to interact with other countries.
Indian foreign policy has been centered on the ideas of power culture, and cultural heritage due to
civilizational history of State. India's Foreign Policy is not just to secure National Interest, but also to
shape world order based on toleration, non-violence, cosmopolitanism. India's world view has never
been entirely realist, always there is strong ideational element.
Arvind Virmani in his article "Recalibrating India’s foreign policy" says that every country’s foreign
policy has elements of continuity and change following a change in government. India’s policy under
Mr. Modi is no different. The changes have not necessarily been explicitly articulated, but are
implicit in the government’s actions and view of the world.
Discuss the elements of change in India’s foreign policy S Jaishankar termed changes as “decisive
conclusions to an otherwise unfinished national agenda” that the bigger shifts were in how India was
conducting itself on the world stage and the tools of statecraft it was using in this process. In terms
of conduct, Jaishankar seemed to suggest that India’s added confidence and larger footprint was
indicative of a new proactive foreign policy in the works focused on actively shaping and driving
events as opposed to just reacting to them; on being active and nimble rather than neutral and risk-
averse. S Jaishankar talks of five “innovations” in the way India was using the tools of statecraft to
further this proactive foreign policy – narratives; lexicon and imagery; soft power; the Indian
diaspora; and the link between foreign policy and national development.
First, the Modi government was developing a narrative as part of a transition to making India a
leading power. Second, the creation of a new lexicon and imagery – whether it is from a “Look East”
to “Act East” policy or the image of a “first responder” in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief
– has been critical in signaling and driving foreign policy change. Third, the Modi government has
emphasized the use of soft power in Indian foreign policy, as evidenced by the International Day of
Yoga and its links with the country’s culture and heritage. The fourth “innovation” is related to the
Indian diaspora. While their achievements have long been broadly appreciated, the Modi
government has been more direct thus far in engaging with overseas Indians, as evidenced by the
turnout at Madison Square Garden during his visit to the United States earlier this year. Fifth and
finally, there has also been a more explicit link made between diplomacy and national development
efforts, with India working hard to leverage its international relationships to bring resources,
technology and best practices to further its own development such as through the Make in India
initiative.
Discuss the elements of continuity in India’s foreign policy Shashi Tharoor claims that India’s
economic and political engagement with the Southeast Asian countries and forms an integral part of
India’s Look-East Policy is a continuity of previous decades. Uttara Sahasrabuddhe says that the
policy on China, however, reflects more continuity. In case of multilateral fora, whether it is
acceptance of Shanghai as the headquarters of the proposed Brics Development Bank in exchange
for the first presidency of the bank; or negotiations in the World Trade Organization (WTO),
particularly over the issue of food subsidy; the Modi government has not made any significant
departure from the previous government’s policies.
S Jaishankar recently noted that among other things, a reasonable but at times firm neighborhood
first policy, the forward momentum on the nuclear deal with the United States, and a coherent
Indian Ocean strategy now in the works were all examples of changes from the previous government
led by Manmohan Singh.
Conclude on following lines However, as Teresita Schaffer in her book "India at the Global High
Table" says that between Modiji and Jawahar Lal Nehru, only ends have remained same but means
have changed. Earlier Non-Alignment, 3rd world solidarity and soft power were the key essentials.
Now strategic autonomy, alignment with USA and Russia, use of smart power has become the key
pillars of India’s foreign policy. It can be concluded that Nehru’s foreign policies were inspired by
Buddhism and Ashoka whereas PM Modi’s foreign policies are inspired from Kautilya and Chandra
Gupta Maurya.

22. Discuss how culture acts as determinant of foreign policy with suitable
example in case of India.
Answer:

Briefly talk about foreign policy of a country A country's foreign policy consists of self-interest
strategies chosen by the state to safeguard its national interests and to achieve its own goals
through relations with other countries. The approaches are strategically employed to interact with
other countries. Indian foreign policy has been centered on the ideas of power culture, and cultural
heritage due to civilizational history of State. India's Foreign Policy is not just to secure National
Interest, but also to shape world order based on toleration, non-violence, cosmopolitanism. India's
world view has never been entirely realist, always there is strong ideational element.

Discuss how culture acts as determinant of foreign policy The cultural and historical traditions of a
country deeply influence the foreign policy. Generally people possessing a unified common culture
and historical experience can pursue an effective foreign policy because of the support of all sections
of society who share the same values and memories. During the process of interpreting and
formulating the objectives of national interest, the decision makers are always governed by their
cultural links, historical traditions and experiences. Strong cultural unity of the people is always a
source of strength for them. It materially influences their ability to secure the objectives of national
interest during the course of international bargaining.
Cultural diplomacy can be defined as a track II, non-conventional diplomatic practice, aimed at
identifying cultural patterns of behaviour as well as the commonalities of two or more competing
groups in order to find a common ground of dialogue, while preserving culturally sensitive aspects

Explain in context of India Pratap Bhanu Mehta says India has been the seat of a hoary civilisation
and a meeting place of great cultures. A deeper study of India's policy of non-alignment clearly
reveals its cultural foundation. As KS Murthy points out, "ancient Hindu foreign policy was one of
isolationism. There was a kind of Munroe Doctrine towards states outside India because Hindu
thinkers expressly forbade aggressive wars on other cultures and on states outside India". But there
was also the individualistic cultural philosophy of Sankhya and Advaita Vedanta, which exhort us to
recognise our true nature and to pass through this world as detached spectators. India developed in
the past an elaborate and carefully planned administrative system with well-defined rules and
maxims for diplomatic and interstate relations.
India's culture, recognises values as being more important than power. For centuries, India has
proclaimed the ideal of tolerance, the philosophy that truth has many facets, and has shown that
common endeavour can thrive in diversity. The close cultural links of Nepal with India gives strength
to the case for the development of friendship and co-operation with India. Myanmar was a part of
India and as such there existed strong cultural and historical ties which provide a strong basis for the
growth of Indo-Burmese friendship and co-operation. India had long-standing, traditional, cultural
and regional ties with Tibet. When the Chinese military occupied Tibet, India offered shelter to the
exiled Tibetans including Dalai Lama. Ministries of External Affairs and Culture share the
responsibility for promoting cultural diplomacy. India has signed over 126 bilateral cultural
agreements and is currently implementing about 58 Cultural Exchange Programmes with other
countries. India set up a nodal body, called the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) in 1950.
Since its creation, ICCR has used a number of instrumentalities, like Cultural Centres, Festivals of
India, Chairs of Indian Studies, etc. in promoting not only cultural but broader linkages. Recently
launched Know India Program – to help familiarize Indian Diaspora youth, in the age group of 18-26
years, with developments and achievements made by the country and bringing them closer to the
land of their ancestors. The Annual “Pravasi Divas” – to connect India to its vast Indian Diaspora and
bring their knowledge, expertise and skills on a common platform. The ICWA organizes events,
including organization of Academic Conferences, specifically in relation to International Affairs &
Relations.
Conclude on following lines Recently 21 June was adopted as International Yoga Day by United
Nations which added another feather in the cap of India's growing soft power around the globe. C
Raja Mohan considers an intensive outreach to the diaspora and promoting India’s religious and
cultural links with the neighbours in addition to an equally important emphasis on the projection of
Indian culture abroad to be a special feature of Modi’s diplomacy.

23. "India should reconsider its stated position of shared interest with China
in view of China's repeated rebuffs in international fora"-Comment.
Answer:

Talk about India-China relationship & India’s stated position Ashley Tellis says China and India’s
emergence as global powers is unprecedented in modern history. Sino-Indian bilateral relations are
defined by a complex balance of competition and cooperation that Ashley Tellis characterized as co-
engagement. Traditionally, China has oriented itself toward North East Asia and the Pacific, while
India has focused on the South Asian subcontinent. However, their remarkable economic growth
and military expansions have led to more frequent and sustained political interactions. This
engagement has elements of both rivalry and cooperation. India has avoided military, political or
rhetorical confrontation with Beijing since the Sino-Indian War of 1962. In addition, Delhi seeks to
improve relations with China in the areas like trade. At the same time, Delhi has intensified relations
with other global players and, just like China, is focused on increasing its national power.
C Raja Mohan says India has long insisted that Delhi has shared global interests with Beijing and
must build on them despite enduring differences on the bilateral level.
Tell the repeated rebuffs of China in International for India Three multilateral developments during
2016 where first was Beijing’s ferocious opposition to Delhi’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group
that regulates international nuclear commerce. The second was China’s unyielding determination to
block Indian efforts to get the UN Security Council to designate Masood Azhar of the Jaish-e-
Mohammed a terrorist. In the third, China has dredged up a long forgotten UN Security Council
resolution to declare India’s nuclear deterrent illegitimate; in the same breath, it warned that it will
boost Pakistan’s atomic weapons programme.
Answer whether India should reconsider this position C Raja Mohan says that on the face of it, the
proposition that nations with serious differences in one area must find ways to cooperate in others
is a sensible one. India’s problem with China is that Delhi’s ideas of shared global interest in the
multilateral domain have run into Beijing’s calculus on the regional balance of power in the
Subcontinent. If India has let idealism shape its thinking on China, Beijing never stopped seeing Delhi
through the lens of realism. It was a deep conviction about shared Asian identity and a common
agenda to counter western hegemony and build a multipolar world that has driven India to extend
unflinching support to China in the global arena. It received little in return. The three developments
in 2016 suggest Delhi should not be expecting any in the near future.
Conclude on following lines India’s experience in 2016 should remind Delhi that China's rebuffs in
multilateral forums only reflect underlying power politics in the international system; they can’t
transcend this. Hence, as C Raja Mohan suggests Delhi needs is a more purposeful strategy to
change the balance with China. It can no longer afford to mask the problem with rhetoric on shared
global interests.

24. How does the agenda of NAM and IBSA differ from each other? Do you
think IBSA is new NAM?
Answer:

Briefly tell about IBSA & NAM IBSA is a unique Forum which brings together India, Brazil and South
Africa, three large democracies and major economies from three different continents, facing similar
challenges. All three countries are developing, pluralistic, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual
and multi-religious nations. Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is a group of states which are not
formally aligned with or against any major power bloc viz-a-viz USA or erstwhile USSR. As of 2016,
the movement has 120 members. The organization was founded in Belgrade in 1961, and was largely
conceived by India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru; Indonesia's first president, Sukarno;
Egypt's second president, Gamal Abdel Nasser; Ghana's first president Kwame Nkrumah; and
Yugoslavia's President, Josip Broz Tito.

Explain how the agenda of NAM & IBSA differ from each other According to Sandra Sequiera, one
of the main differences between IBSA and the NAM is that, while the NAM emphasised
independence from the superpowers, the IBSA members want to promote South-south cooperation
without directly opposing the developed world. In fact, they are integral to North-South relations,
and are regarded as playing a bridging role in this regard. After the first IBSA ministerial meeting,
Brazilian foreign minister Amorim made it clear that the group is “not against anyone”. The group’s
continued commitment to working with the North was again underlined in the 2011 Tshwane
Declaration, where the leaders “affirmed that South-South cooperation is complementary to, and
not a substitute for, North-South Cooperation’. This is illustrative of the fact that IBSA reflects the
position of its member states as reformist rather than transformative states.

Tell whether IBSA is new NAM Declaring IBSA as new NAM is far-fetched as IBSA’s soft balancing
strategy is a case unique in point. Rather than a strategy of counterhegemonic confrontation, IBSA
employs institutional strategies to delay and undermine the USA’s policies. These states do not
challenge the current world order in the way that states like Iran or Venezuela do in NAM, and
instead take the existing international order as a given. This approach is entrenched in the groupings
founding document, the Brasilia Declaration, in statements like “respecting the rule of International
Law, strengthening the United Nations and the Security Council”. IBSA started off with a very specific
aim in mind: to present a united front in the WTO, and in particular, to modify the TRIPS rules that
affect the international trade of antiretroviral drugs, and to pressure the USA and EU to scrap
agricultural subsidies unlike NAM which in initial days had very vast & broad agenda.
However, there is also similarities with NAM as all the IBSA states still regard themselves as part of
the global South. All three have a strong history of involvement in the struggle of the global South,
and their shared identity is rooted in a common historical experience of colonialism, shared
principles and shared status as emerging powers of the global South. But whilst focusing on concrete
areas of collaboration, with their functional leadership most evident in WTO negotiations, the IBSA
states also present themselves as campaigners for the development of the countries of the South
through a more equitable international economic system unlike NAM which is gradually losing all its
agendas.
Conclude on following lines Hence as South African scholar Karen Smith says in the context of
potential global change, Brazil, India, and South Africa have therefore donned the mantle of
spokesmen for the interests of developing countries in general, claiming to be committed to
securing a redistribution of power, wealth, and privilege in the global economy. IBSA is characterised
by ambivalence: a populist thread, on the one hand, woven into a global pragmatism that embraces
market orthodoxy, on the other which makes it different from NAM.

25. Is joining issue with the hands of Japan in its territorial dispute with China
is a wise strategic step by India?
Answer:

Write about the territorial dispute of India with China Sino-Indian relations have always bordered
on mistrust because of outstanding border disputes, an unfortunate historical legacy. India, after the
debacle of a brief war with China in 1962, has been cautious when dealing with its neighbor. India
has always approached the “China threat” with timidity. McMahon and McDonald / Johnson Line
boundary dispute is at the heart of relations between China and India. China has land and sea
boundary issues with 14 neighbors, mostly for historical reasons. The Chinese have two major claims
on what India deems its own territory. One claim, in the western sector, is on Aksai Chin in the
northeastern section of Ladakh District in Jammu and Kashmir. The other claim is in the eastern
sector over a region included in the British-designated North-East Frontier Agency, the disputed part
of which India renamed Arunachal Pradesh and made a state. Japan and China are also Traditional
rivals, Japan has disputes on islands. Explain how India-Japan are coming together C Raja Mohan
says Japan and India share an interest in shoring up ties with each other to balance off China and
both are seeking to maximise their gains, something fairly normal in international relations.
India and Japan are creating a “Special Strategic and Global Partnership”, even as the Sino-Indian
“Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity,” deepens. Harsh Pant says the
relationship between India and Japan is perhaps the best it has ever been, largely because both
countries have Prime Ministers who view the region and the world in very similar terms. Abe, a long
standing admirer of India, has been a strong advocate of strategic ties between New Delhi and
Tokyo. He was one of the first Asian leaders to envision a “broader Asia”, linking the Pacific and
Indian Oceans to form the Indo-Pacific. And as he has gone about reconstituting Japan’s role as a
security provider in the region and beyond, India seems most willing to acknowledge Tokyo’s
centrality in shaping the evolving security architecture in the Indo-Pacific.
Tell whether this is a wise strategic step by India Alignment with Japan largely looks to compliment
India’s original strategy to cooperate and compete with cooperate and contain. Sanjaya Baru says
both Japan and India have come to understand the strategic importance for themselves of their
bilateral partnership in a world in which China looms larger and the United States and Europe
remain preoccupied with their own problems. Kanchi Gupta agrees that rising convergences in the
economic, political and security realms make New Delhi and Tokyo natural partners in linking the
scope of their cooperation to securing common interests in the Persian Gulf. Beyond the economic
imperatives of trade and infrastructure, India-Japan cooperation could be a game-changer in the
power dynamics of Asia. C Raja Mohan argues that India-Japan relationship can actively shape the
outcomes in US-China relations and promote a stable Asian balance of power. Malabar exercises
reflect convergence of India’s Act East policy, Japan’s growing focus on freedom of navigation in the
South China Sea and the Obama administration’s “strategic rebalance” towards the Indo-Pacific.
Other trilateral configurations are also emerging with Japan, Australia and India interacting at a
regional level. There is a growing convergence in the region now that the strategic framework of the
Indo-Pacific is seen as the best way forward to manage the rapidly shifting contours of Asia.
Conclude on following lines Hence as Sanjaya Baru says all present signals point to a new level of
partnership between Asia’s two great democracies, imparting new self-confidence to both nations at
a particularly critical moment in Asia’s emerging power structure. As the two Asian rivals to China,
India and Japan might need the partnership even more in the days to come, as the U.S. President-
elect has indicated a lower level of interest in playing policemen in the region.

26. India needs a sound and sustainable policy towards Russia. Suggest
measures in this regard.
Answer:

Briefly describe India’s relation with Russia According to Nilova Roy Chaudhury, relations with
Russia are a key pillar of India's foreign policy. Under the special and privileged partnership the two
countries share, several institutionalized dialogue mechanisms operate at both political and official
levels to ensure regular interaction and follow up on cooperation activities. The two countries have
established substantial trust and understanding, a convergent worldview, and a stake in preserving a
relationship that few countries can claim to have. However, the issue of Russia’s increasing ties with
Pakistan has the potential to strain bilateral relations. After the first ever joint military exercises, the
first ever foreign office consultations were held between them in December 2016. Pakistan recently
approved Russia’s request to use the strategic Gwadar Port for its exports which has brought long
standing relationship to a downturn.
Suggests measure to have sound & sustainable policy C Raja Mohan suggests Russian actions would
nudge some sort of realism to India atleast. India has been dealing with Russia with idealism, it must
come out of Soviet nostalgia, and India shouldn’t get hurt as Russia isn't Soviet. For creation of any
sound & sustainable policy, two countries should communicate with each other as China is common
threat for both Russia, India. Ashok Sajjanhar suggests that India-Russia are natural allies and Modi-
Putin need to give much greater personal attention to building and strengthening the India-Russia
partnership. This task cannot be delegated to Foreign Ministers or Foreign Offices. In the current
scenario also, it would devolve upon Modi to take charge of bilateral ties with Russia, as he has done
with several other significant partners. He further adds that there is an urgent need to train and
raise a new generation of Indologists in Russia. Scholars and academics have always played a critical
role in promoting cooperation between the two countries and India's participation in EEU to be
encouraged. Russia feels that India is virtually entering into a military alliance with USA, which will
severely restrict Russia's ability to share sophisticated defence technology such as for India’s nuclear
submarine programme with it. India must assure Russians India’s expanding ties with USA are
neither at the expense of Russia nor are they in any way directed against Russia or detrimental to its
interests. Strategically they are designed to provide greater political space as well as maneuverability
for healthy relations with China.
Harsh Pant says that there is attitude problem in both nations, Russia has started looking all
relationships thru prism of zero-sum games whereas problem with India that it fails to accept "new
normal" of India-Russia relationship.
Conclude on following lines Hence, as Dr. Subhash Kapila points out that whether India goes close to
USA or not, Russia will go close to Pakistan due to its geo-political importance. Russia has previously
also supplied weapons to Pak but India need not look into relationship with sentimentalism, &
nostalgia. India needs to remind Russia of its disintegration due to Pakistan and the fact that there is
no other country which has genuine interest in Russian rise with no reason to oppose Russia. Russia
needs to take calculated risk, and India need not worry too much.
27. Discuss the evolution of India- US relations since the election of Trump as
president of USA.
Answer:

Briefly write about India-US relations India-U.S. bilateral relations have developed into a "global
strategic partnership", based on shared democratic values and increasing convergence of interests
on bilateral, regional and global issues. In words of Ashley Tellis, Indo-US Partnership has reached
Plateau and the partnership has been one of the few areas that have been non-controversial and a
bright spot for the USA on the foreign policy front in recent years. It can be confidently asserted that
India-US relations enjoy bipartisan support in the US Congress and across the board among the US
citizens. Starting with Bill Clinton’s visit to India in March, 2000, the state of partnership today is the
highest ever between the two countries.
Discuss how things seem to change since election of Trump as President Since election of President
Trump has taken place merely 3 months before, a lot is still to be unfolded on how relations will
proceed. However, till now the signs look varied with multitude of possibilities. Donald Trump has
hence inherited a vigorous and vibrant relationship between India and the USA.
Recent visit of US National Security Advisor Gen McMaster and subsequent meetings with PM Modi,
NSA Doval points toward cordial continuation of Indo-US relationship. The two sides discussed a
range of bilateral and regional issues, including their shared interest in increasing defense and
counter-terrorism cooperation. NSA McMaster emphasized the importance of the US-India strategic
relationship and reaffirmed India’s designation as a Major Defence Partner,” it added while noting
that the meetings were “productive”.
According to a White House statement, Trump emphasised that Washington considers India a “true
friend and partner in addressing challenges around the world.” Both leaders were said to have
discussed opportunities to strengthen their partnership on the economy and defence. Several visits
by Foreign Secretary, National Security Advisor after the coming of new dispensation have
reportedly discussed contentious issues like H1B visa, safety of Indians, and a wide range of bilateral
security issues related to the defence relationship. Recent killings of Indian origin people in America
have been flagging concerns in both the countries, and If Trump acts on his promise of bringing
down the corporate tax in the USA from 35% to 15% & policy of “Buy American, Hire American”, it
could encourage and tempt some US companies currently based in India to relocate to USA. This
could have an adverse impact on the Make in India initiative of the Indian government if some
companies leave the country.
As Manoj Joshi writes, a perusal of statements made by Trump during his campaigning would
demonstrate that he did not make any sharply critical comments about India as he did for many
other countries. On the contrary, he by and large made positive and laudatory references to India.
He said that if he got elected, India will have a true friend in the White House. He showered
encomiums on Prime Minister Modi saying that he is very energetic and that he (Trump) was looking
forward to working with him.
Conclude on following lines In conclusion, As Manoj Joshi writes it appears highly likely that in
strategic, political, security, defence and economic terms, relations between India and the USA will
continue their upward trajectory under President Trump. Impact of USA’s relations with Pakistan on
India is likely to be beneficial and positive. As far as implications for India with respect to USA’s
evolving relations with China and Russia are concerned, it will be better to wait for further
denouements to unfold. It is too early to speculate how they will evolve and what ramifications they
might entail for India.
28. Do you think IORA is a credible institution? Is it a talking shop? Can it be a
game changer? Substantiate your views.
Answer:

Briefly tell what IORA is Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), is an international organisation
consisting of coastal states bordering the Indian Ocean. The IORA is a regional forum, tripartite in
nature, bringing together representatives of Government, Business and Academia, for promoting co-
operation and closer interaction among them. It is based on the principles of Open Regionalism for
strengthening Economic Cooperation particularly on Trade Facilitation and Investment, Promotion as
well as Social Development of the region.
Address whether IORA can be game changer C Raja Mohan says that for the pessimists, the IORA is
a talking shop that is unlikely to turn the diverse littoral into a coherent region. Realists will concede
that IORA is not yet a credible regional institution. However, such viewpoints represent
oversimplification of futuristic discourse as IORA's existence is a reminder of the untapped potential
of Indian Ocean regionalism. Today, the IORA underlines the region’s agency in shaping its own
future.
C Raja Mohan further adds that IORA can be a game-changer as New Delhi, Canberra seems to
reinvest in Indian Ocean regionalism lately but it's success would depend, to a large extent, upon
what the middle powers of the Indian Ocean littoral, like Indonesia, Australia and India, can do.
Together the three countries have already breathed new life into an organisation that few had heard
of. Those who did had taken IORA for dead. Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) celebrated its 20th
Anniversary when Indonesia, as the current Chair of IORA, hosted the first ever IORA Leaders'
Summit on 7 March 2017 in Jakarta under the theme "Strengthening Maritime Cooperation for a
Peaceful, Stable, and Prosperous Indian Ocean". In a historic first, the Summit brought together the
Leaders of the 21 IORA Member States and its 7 Dialogue Partners as well as other special invitees
including the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. Member States issued the Jakarta Concord -
Promoting Regional Cooperation for a Peaceful, Stable and Prosperous Indian Ocean - which sets out
a vision for a revitalized and sustainable regional architecture. Conclude on following lines However,
IORA has a challenging task ahead. The ideas of regional and global integration that held sway since
the turn of the 1990s has taken some beating amidst the resurgence of the dark forces of de-
globalisation in the West. While Indonesia, Australia and other middle powers are important players
in the Indian Ocean, their regionalist priorities are elsewhere. As the largest economy and biggest
military power, it is largely up to India to shape the future of Indian Ocean regionalism.

29. Analyze Russia's current engagement in South Asia. What are the
implications over India?
Answer:

Write about Russia-India engagement American scholar Lavina Lee says India-Russia story is one of
consistent engagement from the late 1960s, which over time has resulted in a relationship based on
a deep level of trust unsurpassed in their relations with any other state. Despite the end of the Cold
War, Indian-Russian relations have, if anything deepened in many sectors. Traditionally, the Indo-
Russian strategic partnership has been built on five major components: politics, defence, civil
nuclear energy, anti-terrorism co-operation and space. Russian PM Dmitry Medvedev says that
India-Russia mutual ties of friendship are filled with sympathy, and trust, and openness.
Briefly talk about Russia’s current engagement in South Asia According to Harsh V Pant, there
seems to be a reversal in Russia’s South Asia policy, with New Delhi and Moscow drifting apart.
Russia is looking the region through the prism of its larger geopolitical struggle with the West and
seems ready to join the China-Pakistan axis. Harsh Pant adds that China seems found a new ally in
Russia, which is keen to join with China, even as a junior partner, to scuttle Western interests.
Jettisoning its traditional antipathy to the Taliban, Russia is now indicating that it is ready to
negotiate with the militant group against the backdrop of the growing threat of the Islamic State
(ISIS) in Afghanistan. Pakistan has emerged an important player in this context, where China and
Russia are now converging to challenge a number of Western objectives. Moscow and Islamabad
held their first-ever joint military exercise in September 2016 and their first-ever bilateral
consultation on regional issues in December. In September 2016, China and Russia conducted joint
naval exercises in the South China Sea, where China has grandiose territorial claims.
Analyze Russia’s current engagement Vinay Kaura writes that Russia's diplomatic efforts to
accommodate the Taliban as an instrument against the ISIS, in tandem with Pakistan and China, may
also have unexpected ramifications for Indo-Russian ties. The Indian leadership, both publicly and
behind diplomatic corridors, has been trying to convince Russia that Pakistan is the fountainhead of
terrorism in the region. But India's traditional ally Russia seems not convinced. Moscow's diplomatic
outreach toward the Taliban has provided legitimacy to the Taliban insurgency and frustrated the
efforts of the Afghan government to militarily defeat the Taliban. Moreover, after initially denying
Pakistani media reports that Russia would join the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and
acquire access to the Gwadar port, Russia's ambassador to Pakistan has now clarified that Moscow
and Islamabad have held discussions to merge the China-backed CPEC with Russia-backed Eurasian
Economic Union.
Although Russia continues to insist that its ties with Pakistan will not come at the cost of its ties with
India, Moscow's tilt towards Islamabad has certainly injected growing uncertainty in the direction of
the India-Russia relationship.
Tell about their implications over India Vinay Kaura adds that Russia's engagement with the Taliban,
its military cooperation with Pakistan and possible support for the CPEC have the potential to harm
India's vital strategic interests. Even as Russia is more worried about the ISIS than about losing
India's friendship, Pakistani policymakers are making all-out efforts to be seen as acting in Russian
interests. Islamabad does not want to miss the historic opportunity of exploiting Russia's sense of
vulnerability arising from the ISIS threat. Russia's major strategic partners in the region Iran and
China have also increased their engagement with the Taliban. Strategically, these circumstances
have put Pakistan in a more advantageous position than India.
After officially lifting an arms embargo against Pakistan in 2014, Pakistan’s military will be receiving
four Russian-made Mi-35M attack helicopters this year. This could bring concerns in India regarding
this new found love between Moscow and Islamabad. India’s policy vis-à-vis Afghanistan will also
have to evolve with these changing ground realities. New Delhi has been demanding dismantling of
safe havens and terror sanctuaries in the region, besides pressing for deeper engagement of various
stakeholders for Kabul’s stability and security.
Conclude on following lines Although there may be uneasy times ahead for India's relationship with
Russia, the Indian diplomacy will have to be both dynamic and imaginative to secure New Delhi's
security interests in Afghanistan. As Harsh Pant says that with a pro-Russia Donald Trump assuming
office in Washington, New Delhi will be hoping that a rapprochement between the U.S. and Russia
might realign Indian and Russian priorities on Afghanistan. How India addresses this challenge will in
all likelihood determine the final size of India’s footprint in its neighborhood.

30. Do you think Japan is India's natural ally or India-Japan relations are sub
set of India-US relations?
Answer:

Define India’s relations with Japan Former Foreign Secretary Kanwal Sibbal defines Indo-Japanese
partnership passing through "cherry blossom" times. Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, used
the label “transformational” to describe India’s relations with only two countries – the US and Japan,
and the relationship with both these countries have been phenomenally becoming the pillar of New
Delhi’s Foreign policy.
Explain why India-Japan relations are said to be sub-set of India-US relations Manoj Joshi says that
relations with Japan are a subset of ties with the US, and again, serve mutual needs—India wants
Japanese investment and technology, while Tokyo seeks India’s participation in the East Asian
coalition. He adds that India-Japan relations thrive not because we have an identity of interests, but
a congruence of needs that the other can fulfill. India needs the world’s foremost military power to
maintain a balance against China, while the US needs India because it is the only credible partner it
has in building a coalition in East Asia including Japan to confront China. This makes India-US-Japan a
formidable alliance where India-Japan relations are pursued as per the entire scheme of East Asian
security balance theme.
Explain why Japan is India’s natural ally However, Japan as India’s natural ally is rather true till a
large extent as Shyam Saran says that friendship between India and Japan has a long history rooted
in spiritual affinity and strong cultural and civilizational ties. The modern nation states have carried
on the positive legacy of the old association which has been strengthened by shared values of belief
in democracy, individual freedom and the rule of law. Over the years, the two countries have built
upon these values and created a partnership based on both principle and pragmatism. Today, India
is the largest democracy in Asia and Japan the most prosperous. Moreover, India’s growing strategic
alignment with USA, and ambivalence with Chinese have cemented partnership with Japan further.
In 2007, Abe wrote it would “not be a surprise if in another decade, Japan-India relations overtake
Japan-US and Japan-China ties”. Abe wants Japan to become a “normal” country in diplomacy and
defence which makes him aligned towards partnership with India. When PM Modi went to Japan last
year, this two-way domestic tie-up was tightened with Tokyo agreeing to help his flagship projects
such as Digital India and Skill India. Japan through successes such as the Delhi Metro and Maruti
Suzuki, has helped India expand its mindset. Recent Nuclear deal of Japan with India despite being
Non-NPT signatory was a marked exception from Japanese principle position and prove that
relationship with India is no more a mere sub-set of India-USA relationship.
Hence, India and Japan are creating a “Special Strategic and Global Partnership”, even as the Sino-
Indian “Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity,” deepens.
Conclude on following lines Harsh Pant says the relationship between India and Japan is perhaps the
best it has ever been, largely because both countries have Prime Ministers who view the region and
the world in very similar terms. Abe, a long standing admirer of India, has been a strong advocate of
strategic ties between New Delhi and Tokyo. He was one of the first Asian leaders to envision a
“broader Asia”, linking the Pacific and Indian Oceans to form the Indo-Pacific. And as he has gone
about reconstituting Japan’s role as a security provider in the region and beyond, India seems most
willing to acknowledge Tokyo’s centrality in shaping the evolving security architecture in the Indo-
Pacific which reflect relations to be independently managed as per India’s National Interest.

31. Discuss the implications of BREXIT on India.

Answer:

Define Brexit Brexit is a commonly used term for the United Kingdom's planned withdrawal from the
European Union.
Brexit took place on 23 June 2016 in the United Kingdom (UK) and Gibraltar to gauge support for the
country either remaining a member of, or leaving, the European Union (EU). The referendum
resulted in 51.9% of voters voting in favour of leaving the EU.
While capital markets across the globe were quick to react and bounce back, long-term ramifications
of this verdict on geopolitics and geo-economics will unfold in the months to come. The decision
certainly does not bode well for the world economy that is still grappling in the clutches of recession
and austerity. However, this verdict may have positive implications for India, especially in economic
and trade ties, according to experts.
Give positive implications for India Brexit could potentially open up new trading opportunities with
Britain and EU. With Britain freed of strict EU regulations, one can only hope that it will be easier for
India to engage in business with the fifth-largest economy in the world.
Moreover, now is the time for India to enter into an FTA with the UK. A depreciating pound also
means cheaper British imports into India, especially in the field of food, technology, fine liquor and
capital machinery. Also, in the longer run, Brexit could help strengthen India-UK economic
relationship as the UK seeks to compensate for loss of preferential access to EU markets.
Give negative implications for India The immediate, short-term effect must be negative, with its
severity depending on the extent to which the major economies in Europe are affected. If Brexit
results in a sharp contraction in these economies, then their demand for Indian exports will shrink.
This process will be faster for those Indian companies which compete with British manufacturers in
European markets since the British companies can no longer treat continental Europe as a “home
market” in so far as import taxes are concerned. Moreover, the devaluation of the pound implies
that imports will be costlier in Britain and this will be another source of decrease in imports over and
above that caused by a shrinking economy. Since Britain is an important destination for Indian
exporters, this will also have a non-negligible impact on Indian exports. Indian firms which use
Britain as a base for their European operations will now experience an increase in trading costs since
they will face increased tariff barriers once Britain formally leaves the EU.
Brexit may have the potential to affect immigration negatively, through "work and study routes"
from non-EU nations, as the nation has done in a move expected to make it difficult for British firms
to hire professionals from countries like India. The most worrying issue is that this exit might prompt
other nations to go ahead with shifting the power back to national governments in areas like
immigration, while maintaining the trading union. Impact of Brexit on higher education
opportunities for Indian students appears beneficial. A cheaper pound will benefit Indian students
seeking education in the UK.
Conclude on following lines Following the 2016 referendum vote to leave, the UK government
started the withdrawal process on 29 March 2017 invoking Article 50 of Lisbon Treaty, putting the
UK on course to leave by April 2019. These stormy developments in Europe should be a wake-up call
for India to fine-tune its negotiating strategy with Brussels now, and the UK in future. Situation of
the Indian economy is also such that it is calibrating and making assessment of the situation. India is
resilient to any financial shocks that may arise due to a credit crunch in the global market. With
comfortable foreign exchange reserves, inflation coming down and structural reforms on path, India
will be able to deal with all eventualities, as it did after stocks markets and rupee dropped on results
from UK referendum on EU membership showed the “leave” camp doing better.
Hence, as C Raja Mohan says New Delhi must immediately signal strong solidarity with Britain and
Europe, both of whom are likely to be weakened in the near term. Finding ways to rejuvenate the
economic and political ties to both should now be at the top of India’s diplomatic agenda.