Este proyecto se ha llevado a cabo graci de una Accién Especial concedida por el Mi CRISTINA DE LA PUENTE, ed. IDENTIDADES MARGINALES CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTIFICAS "MADRID, 2003,LOVE BETWEEN MEN IN TAIVQ AL-HAMAMA! Camilla ADANG Tel Aviv University IntRoDUCTION “Our aforesaid companion had acquired a perfect mastery ofthe variant readings ofthe Koran, He had digested al-Anbari's treatise “On Intoning the Scriptures”? and made of it fine epitome which won the admiration of ll cantors who looked int it. He was constant in the quest and registration of Traditions; he applied the greater part of his splendid intellect to repeating the information he gathered from the lips of learned Traditionists, to transcribing which he devoted himself with assiduous zeal, But when he was smitten by this affiction—t refer to his association with a boy’—he abandoned all that had been his constant care; he Sold most of his books; he changed his habits completely. May Allah preserve us from a like abandonment!" "Thank Cristina de la Puente for giving me the opportunity t paper at the workshop on dentidades marginales convened by he. the participants inthe workshop forth the forum “ Literature” at Tel Aviv University, in January 2003. Iam especial Ella Almagor for numerous suggestions 0 Kitab ft owagy wa nibsda by Aba Bake b.al-Qasim b. -Anbiri (4. 328/940); see Brockelmann, C., “al-Anbari, Abi 85, ‘grateful to ‘ma’ ba'd al-ghilman. Eater on, ton Hazm calls this “a fouland filthy vice" (ba'da-maashl-gabiha al-wadira) see Ton Hazm, Tang al-bamama f'ulfa wa Lull, ed.Upsin 'AbbIS, Sousse, Tunis, 1992, 266. “Ibn Hazm, Taw, 267, The translation is from Arberry, A. J, The Ring of ‘he Dove (London, 1953, rep. 1994), 243,Camitia ADaNe {ihe above quotation, which sets the tone for the following ion, is from Tawa alshamdma f't-ulfa wa'l-ullaf* by the famous Polymath Ibn Hazm of Cordoba (d. 456/1064).* As is well known, th et whose ttl is commonly translated as “The Ring ofthe Dove’, Ton Hazm’s only extant literary work, written before he de devote himself entirely to the religious in the fact that it gives an ang collapse of the Umayyad caliph do not hear anything about ‘Another caveat concems the term “homosexuality”. When "sed in the following pages, this s for reasons of habit and coavenion "Abbas, published in Tunisia in 1992 (see in ‘Abbas's edition of the Rasa'il of Iba is preceded by a valuable study of the text and the author, Further information on the structure and tas terary merit, may be found in Giffen, L.A, Possession ofthe Oriental Viewed in its ent see Asin Palacios, M,, Abenhizam de Cérdoba y as religiosas, Vol. I. Madrid, 1927; Garcia Gomez, Etcollarde la paloma, Tratado sobre elamory los amantes de [ba ffi de Cordoba, Madrid, 1987, itroduccién; Amaldez, 8, "Ton Hazes” EP » lon Hazm. Chicago, 1982. ‘of Arberry's translation. The earlier Engl The Dove's Neck-Ring (Patis, 193 ‘never became as popular as Arber "See rendering, by ‘LOVE BETWEEN MEN IN TawQat-taniua We should not forg. orbit, homosexus however, that unlike in our own days and cultural ‘was not regarded as proper ionship was not consid ly that any to be exclusively, or they were heterosexual, lese terms. Men might have strong emotional uments fo other men, or boys, not seldom with sexual overtones or is emphasized by Michel Foucaultin The Use Volume2, Translated from the French by falus. La poesia andaluca en drabe rales, sus principales temas y su valor nal. Madrid, 2" ed., 1990, 344-46; as Blamed on Abt Bakr's Naughty Son: ‘Was the Poet Having Fun? (Ibn Queman's Zajal Arabic Literature, ed, Wright Jr, J.W 39. On Hebrew poetry in praise of the Young Man’: Love " Speculum $7 (198 id, igious Hebrew Imagery of poetry", Hebrew Annual Review 8 ‘Two Famous Medieval Poems from Pen and Other Themes", itarse en el ate, sin que los s alosque yan de ser sinceroso ral I-Bajalyawsi (444/1052- rivide a través de la biografia ‘de un ulema polifacético”, 4/-Qantara XXIII (2002), 72us Camitta ADANG What makes Tawg al-hamdma such valuabl student of homosexuality in al-Andalus is the fa only much poetry addi about men being s anecdotes bly describe the love—chaste or sexual man for another man, we also find a large i love-objectis described in neut ab person he loved" (man kina yuhil impossible o decide whether a man or a woman is being referred to. To te Lois A. Giffen: “Itis difficult in some passages to know whether Ibn Hazm) refers toa male ora female beloved due to the language used there, either inclusive or ambiguous. Complicating the choice of rpretation is the knowledge that some poets referred to the female beloved with @ masculine pronoun. Translators have often taken ambiguous or masculine referents in Ibn Hazm for females and so the European language. In doing so they may have been compelled to make an arbitrary choice where there was no clue in the context”, uss the fragments of poe yself to those anecdotes in which Ibn Hiazm ‘attractions and attachments, and which shed ht on the social status of the men involved, as well as on the way in which these men were viewed by Ibn Hazm and his peers. We can then draw some conclusions as 10 i otherwise, of the phenomenor a large number of editions, as well as translations, I refrain from quoting the anecdotes in full, but rather summarise or paraphrase them, the points that are most germane to the present discussion. first chapter, which describes the subject matter of the tract and explains the logic behind the division of his mate ‘emphasizes that he has generally refrained from ment of the protagonists of his anecdotes, and only hinted 4s not to reveal embarrassing things that are b "Giffen, L.A, “Ibn Hazm and the Tamg al-hamama’ myself hereto the aneedotes dealing with Andalusis, The col -Nazzim fora Christian boy is referredto in the 5, SE, Love nerweeN Men y Tang atstauia us to protect a dear friend or @ prominent man. This involved in hetero- and homosexual rel plies to persons ike. Names will be Hazm, or when the fe story is involves to begin ‘We shall see that in the majority nn Hazm does provide the full names of the ived, including his friends and acquaintances, unless these are ir real names: 16s he has mes in order to hide a person’s true identity. The hs are considered off-imi Hazm declares is reason we look in vain for any or alleged paedophilia," of al- Hakam II (ruled 350-366/961-976), 2. THE ANECDOTES 2.1. The indiscretion of Ahmad b. Fath counter appears in ‘of Abmad b. Fath, an acquaintance of Ibn Hazm who was the son of a secretary or @ ‘courtier, in any ease a member ofthe upper classes of Cordoba, He was a very serious, studious and chaste person, interested in seience and ho used to move only in the best eeping company point, fbn Hazm lost sight of him, again after he himself had setled in Jativa, in 122. By this time, Ahmad b. Fath’s reputation had been ruined by his love for a youth (fat), the son of a singer or, Lasewualidad en la Espaita: Roth, N., "A Research Note Handbook of Medieval Sexuality cd. York, London, 1996), 322: “The Andalusian caliph al-Hakam II, and several later rulers ofthe independent :ifa kingdoms... were lovers of boys", fbn Hazm, Tawg, 140f; Arberry,116 CAMILLA ADANG according to another reading, a goldsmith; in any event not someone of his own milieu, The young man’s ni Hazm knew him well enough to know that he was not worthy ofthe love of someone like Ahmad b. Fat who was, after all, of noble family and disposition, and well to do. From what he concluded that his friend Alimad must have lost his head and hs grip on reality, and had thrown wind in pursuing his passion He apparently made no secret of his feelings, and as a result became the topic of much gossip. He lost his good name and became the mship could Gamage a man’s good name: whereas the active partner (alfa ‘ndkik,al-a'la) is not perceived as someone whose manhood by the fact (al-maf'al bi bbe dominated and penet igmatised.' Ton Hazm concludes that if Ahmad had kept his secret to himself, been discreet, he would not have lost his dignity, and would moreover have been able to derive a certain measure of hope and compensation from his contacts wi jour now is by claiming that his mind was troubled and his judgement impaired, a very sorry state indeed. lear that however friendly fn Hazm may once have felt towards Ahmad b. Fath, the latter completely lost his sympathy. He ils to understand how the man could let himself go this way. But midemned here more than anything else, not only by Tbn Hazm. those who hear of Ahmad b. Fath’s undoing, is not that he fell for ahandsome young man, but that he exposed himself to ridicule, thus endangering his status in society as well as his own reputation and that of his beloved. Infatuation with a man, especially a younger man or a The Categorization of Gender and Sexual Iregularity 22 Lists," in Body Guards. The cultural polities of gender J and Straub, K. (New York, London, 1991), passim, “See Rowson, E.K., in Medieval Arabic ambiguity, ed. Epste ‘Love BETWEEN Men IN TaQat-taMasua boy, was no more considered an aberration by the Andalusis than been by the ancient Greeks,"” and was not in itsel marginalisation. However, by acting the way he did, going public with his obsession, Ahmad broke an unwritten code, and ra ‘marginalising both himself and his bel mentioned expli ‘compounded by a lower class, Even though the terminology employed in this anecdote is ion that the relationship hhave saved the cases of Penultimate chapter, in which he nds, Although he cannot be accused of being a prude—and some of 1e risqué the Tawg t on Hazm has very clear ‘ideas about w and extramarital intercou whether heterosexual or homosexual, is definitely not.! This does no ‘mean, however, that one may not have other affections. On the contrary, Ton Hazm had the greatest praise for loving friendships between men, especially men who are cach other's peers, both s intellectually. Sueh re terms like Aubd or wudd (love, affection), Ibn Hazm himself enjoyed many such friendshi bbe seen below, has led more than one scholar ide this is not that Ahmad b. Fath’s crime was at the object of his obsessive love belonged to 2.2. Hit me, just don’t ignore me In our next anee: previous one, we encounter a Person who apparently belongs tothe higher classes and who humiliates himself before a young man not his equal, Here, the protagoni Magaddam b. al-Asfar. Ibn Efazm heard the story from the librarian Aba ula, who had it from the astronomer and mathematician Maslama b, ", see Foucault, M., The Use of Pleasure, Parts Four (“Erotics") and Five (“True Love"), and id, The Care ofthe Self The History ofSesualty, Volume 3. Translated trom the French by Rober Hurley. London, 1990, Part Six ("Boys"). "" Except for relations between a man and his female slave(),18 Cammuta ADaNG ‘Abmad al-Majriti(d. ca, 398/1007).” In his youth, this Mugaddam b.al- AAsfar had been in the habit of spending many hours in one of the mosques of Cordoba because it used to be frequented by ‘Ajib, the Servant (fata) ofthe vizier Abii‘Amr Ahmad b, Muhammad b, Hudayr.* He had given up going to his own local mosque and now used to come by day and by night to the one where ‘Ajib used to pray. The night watchman would often come across him on his rounds in the neighbourhood as he was leaving the house of worship. In the mosque, ‘Mugaddam would just sit and stare at ‘Aji until the later got so that he went over and punched him in the face. Far from being uuraged, Mugaddam declared that his greatest desire had been fulfilled. Apparently, then, Mugqaddam preferred this physica suffering caused by'being ignored, and he continued to fo ‘around. By his behaviour, Mugaddam ran the and de facto ruler, al-Muzaffar b. Abi ‘Amir (ruled 392-399/1002- 1008)," and was much appreciated by the latter's mother and family. It was at Mugaddam’s initiative that many mosques, wells and pious foundations were constructed. The opprobrium that attached to him as a result ofhis obsessive behaviour towards 'Ajib was apparently forgotten, {and people may have made allowances for the fact that he had been young atthe time. Perhaps the general feeling was also that Mugaddam hhad redeemed himself from past sins by the charitable and pious works hhe undertook—and this may have been precisely his motive for Undertaking them to begi However, the narrator, al-Majrti, made ‘point of rehashing the story, even in front of “Ajib, whenever he saw on him TU, 1686; 1B (Ab), I, 889f, no. 1382; Vernet, J, “ale EF, V, 1109. [ have not been able to find further information on Mugaddam b, al-Asfar, nor on AbI Dulaf. 5 Ton Hudayr (4. 327/938) belonged to a family whose members were actively involved in the intellect Tawa, 144, n, 4. See onthe family also datos del Ta ri ‘ulama’ al-Andalus de Ton L. Grenade, 1989), 38. * On al-Mugaffar, the son and succes “Amiri dynasty, see Lévi-Provengal fal-Mansir, the “EPI LOVE BETWEEN Men \ Tuyg4t-tanata ug Mugaddam making an ostentatious display of his newly acquired status In other words: he did not al into oblivion, and would drag it up again any time Mugaddam needed to be humbled. ‘This shows that the story still had the power to embarrass, and that Mugaddam's earlier behaviour was not seen as something to be proud of ‘Ajib’s reputation was apparently not affected, and the fact that he ig his masculinity, may have cleared him. Again, it should be emphasized that “Ajib's entie reputation was at stake, for we have seen how negative the attitudes to passive partners in a homosexual ionship were The context in which this anecdote is told is the chapter on submissiveness((a'a), in which Ibn Hazm discusses the lengths te which lovers are prepared to go in order to attain what they want from their beloved, and the humiliation they are prepared to suffer. tis followed by n Hazm as “even more disgusting which confirms that he thought Mugaddam’s behaviour disgraceful. However, what he objects to is rot Mugaddam's choice of another man as the object of hs infatuation, but the fact that he made an exhibition of himself in a way that threatened to cast suspicion on ‘Ajib, 2.3. Cause of death: love The two following anecdotes are from the Tawg's chapter on death (al-mawt), which deals largely with unrequited or unfulfilled love as the cause ofthe lover's demise. The chapter is introduced by a saying attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, according to which whoever loves and remains chaste and then dies, dies a martyr.” This tradition, ecame quite famous, fist appeared in Kitdb al-zahra, an anthology of love-poetty compiled by Mubammad b. Dawid al-Zahiri (4. 297/909), the son of the founder of the Zahir, or literalist, school of law. to which at * Ibn Hazm, Tawg, 14563 Arben', The Ring, 91 2 This tradition exists in several versions. In one of them, concealing the ing accepted as a martyr, see Ibm Hszm,120 Camitta ADANG {ba Hazm himself ‘converted’ at some point in hs life.* Muhammad b. Dawid allegedly wasted away because of his love for his friend Muhammad b. J8mi al-Saydalan, and in later sources he i said to have uttered the above hadith on his deathbed." Ibn Hazm apparently knew bn Dawid's book, and probably also thes compiler* rst let us look at the case of handsome Aslam who, caused the death of a promising schol copy that he woul readers a favour by deleting parts of poems and anecdotes were too digres: tés religieuses en Islam méditerranéen, e. . 73-87. of the martyr of love, see Giffen, L. A., Theory of Profane the Arabs: The Development of the Genre. New York, London, .J.N,, Love Theory in Later Hanbalite Islam. Albany, 1979, 26 and passim. The anecdotes about bn Dawid's love-death are gathered and translated in Raven, W., bn Dawid al-lgfahani and his Kitab al-Zahra, hed Ph, 1989, 49F. See also Giffen, “Ibn in Tawg, 82; Arberry, The Ring, 23. 338; Koningsveld, PS. van, “De van Ton Hazms Tawa al-hamama,” Shargiyyat 5 (1993), imagor, E., “A Fragmentof the Whole: Reflections inthe Wake ofthe Translation of Yon Hazm’s Tawg al-hamamea into Hebrew’, in The Intertvined Worlds of slam. Essays in Memory of Hava Lazarus-Yafes ed. Ulan, . ea. (Cerusalem, 2002), 75-80 {in Hebrew 3H (Ab), 1, 222-226, 599/1203) has copied the story in its i scholarsbasedon, 249-253. The story Love BeTWeen Mewin Tawa t-Hannar ra this version which is probably the original one.” However, the rather than the copyist, revised the text is not to be rejected out of hand, for he himself was the cause of his friend's su end Ibn Quaman wasted away and died, When Aslam was his friend’s love for him which had caused his death, he was upset that him aboutit earlier, forhad he known, he would not have moved from Ibn Quzmin's bedside ‘After the story of Ibn Quzmin’s love-death, Tbn Hazm provides further information about Aslam, whom he praises as a b cultured man, well-versed in many sciences, and of high moral in addition to being good-looking. Apart from poetry, he wrote a book on the vocal techniques introduced to al-Andalus by Zirylb, the famous Iragi musician and trendsetter.” The point of adding thi apparently to show that Aslam was Ibn Quzman’s peer in every sense, and as such indeed worthy of his love. The longer version ofthe story is presented by al-Humayéi inthe entry on the grammarian Ahmad b. Kulayd in his biographical IV, 108-116, and Ibn al- 0 vols. “Hyderabad, the Longer version is provided by Lévi-Provencal in his 53-368. See also Koningsve ‘i Fragment See also Koningsveld, PS. van, “De oorspronkelifke versie”, 30. Ibn Hazm, Tag, 246f:; Arberry, The Ring, 220f. ® See.on him Farmer, H. G. and Neubauer, E,,“Zity8b”, EP, XI, 16-517,12 ‘Camis ADaNG Ton Hazm, says al-Humaydi, was told the story by his own master Abi Abd Alléh Muhammad b.al-Hasan al-Madhhaji: The latter told him that he used to frequent the lectures of Abi ‘Abd Alléh Muhammad b. Khai," along with a group of other students. Among the ones who attended the grammarian’s classes was AbO'I-Hasan Aslam b. Ahmad b. Sa'id. According to al-Madhhaji, Aslam was one of the most beautiful people the eyes ever beheld. This view was shared by a fellow-student of bn Khaytab, called Ahmad b. Kulayb, who was himself ‘a talented poet and man of letters. His love for Aslam was so strong that n't stop talking about him. Tongues began to wag as his poems about his beloved were circulated everywhere: people recited them at parties, and one eulogy, set to music and performed by the famous musician al-Nakri, became the centrepiece at a wedding ceremony celebrated in one of the streets of Cordoba.” When things got to that stage, Aslam stopped coming to Tbn Khanab’s lectures and kept to his home, venturing no further than his doorstep. Ahmad b. Kulayb now spent his whole day sauntering by Aslam’s house, eager to catch a glimpse of his beloved, so the latter stopped siting on his doorstep inthe daytime altogether. However, after dark he would come out to take some air. One night Ahmad b. Kulayb disguised himself as a peasant, carrying a chicken and a basket of eggs, and awaited the moment that Aslam would come out. When he final did, Ibn Kulayb approached him, kissed his hand, and offered him the aifts. He introduced himself as the tenant of one of Aslam’s estates Aslam thereupon started to query Ibn Kulayb about the affairs of his property, but the latter's replies aroused his suspicion, He took a closer look at his interlocutor, and recognised him. He sternly reproached him for stalking him and effectively confining him to his house like @ prisoner, and swore that he would not leave the enclosure of his house TU, 192; H (Ab), I, 88-90, no. 35; D (Ab), 1, 940, no. 8 1083; DT, VI, 160, no. 428, is grammarian, see i (Ab), 1, 96, no, 47; D (Ab), 1,103, no. Vi, 180, no, 495, ‘NakGri had made a name for himself at the court of the jib ‘Abd ale Rabmin “Sanchuelo”; see Lévi-Provencal, E. second sonofal Love weTWeen Mews Tawgat-ManiMa 123, anymore, either by day or by night. 1bn Kulayb went away, filled with pain and sadness. This story reached his fellow-students, who were highly amused by it and teased their friend. ‘When Ibn Kulayb despaired of ever seeing Aslam again, he became seriously ill. His master, Ibn Khattab, went to visit him, and found him in the worst of states. He urged him to seek a cure, but the reaction he ‘One look at Aslam! If you could get him to visit me, God your reward for it! And by God, Aslam himself will be recompensed as well!” Ton Khattab took pity on him and went to Aslam, who received him with all due honours. The grammarian remi he and fbn Kulayb had spent together at his reminded his master of the fact that Ibn Kulayb had harrassed him and ‘caused him harm by bandying his name about. bn Khattib told him that Ton Kulayb should be forgiven, considering the state he was in, and that it was Aslam’s duty to visit the dying man, After long deliberations, Aslam consented to visit Ibn Kulayb, but postponed the visit day. After having extracted this promise from him, Ibn Khattab went to the house of Ibn Kulayb, and told him of Aslam's impending visit, which cheered the suffering man u next morning, Ibn Khattab led a reluctant and flustered Aslam to fbn Kulaybs house. When they approached the house, Aslam stopped in his tracks and swore he would die on the spot. ton Khattab scolded him: surely he won't tum back now! Aslam, however, tured ‘around and ran away, His master tried to catch up with him, and grabbed hhim by the cloak, but he only managed to tear a piece off the garment ‘without being able to stop the running man. He went back and entered Ibn Kulayb's house. In the meantime, the latter's servant, who had seen the two men arriving, had announced Aslam and Ibn Khattab to his bedridden master, but when he saw Ibn Khattab entering on his own, the servant got confused and worried. He asked about Aslam, and Ibn Khattab was compelled to tell the whole story. He felt profoundly uncomfortable with the situation, and started to leave, without even having seen fbn Kulayb. Before he could leave, however, the servant recited to him a pair of verses by Ibn Kulayb in which the sick man says that more than the compassion of the exalted Creator, he craves union4 CAMILLA ADANG with Aslam.* Tbn Khawtab expressed his horror at these blasphemous verses and as he was walking across the courtyard, he heard people bewailing Ibn Kulayb, who had just passed away. As can be seen immediately, this detailed and dramatic account is completely different from the brief anecdote we encounter in the Tawg. As was mentioned before, it has been assumed Just presented is the original one which was drastically cut by the highhanded copyist. However, the version found inthe Tawg is no mere summary of the longer account, and there are major have yet to be explained satisfactorily, Not only are differences in the plot, but even the name of the tragic hero is different in each version: Ibn Kulayb as opposed to Ib Quzman. Moreover, the Personalities of the suffering fovers are not at all similar. bn Kulayb, Unlike 1bn Quzman, does not gladly accept his suffering; on the contrary, he pursues ways of getting closer to Aslam, and pethaps even to achieve Physical union with him. And if of entering paradise as a marty Aslam in blasphemous verse cert he expresses his love for rethaps we have here the true the end, included in the Tawg: it lovers who was [bn Hazm ir suering patiently, and itis q himself who made the revisions, Aslam, is also presented differe in the shorter accoui brother of the haji Hashim b. “Abd al-‘Aziz,” whereas in the longer one he isthe great-grandson of the Adjb's brother Qa Aslam b. ‘Abd ‘Aziz.™ This is clearly the result of the omission of sev. ‘man’s pedigree: Aslam b. Ahmad b. S Love Berween Mew Tam at-danine as reduced to Aslam b. ‘Abd. differences in behaviot Aslam is sympathetic, unl Ibn Quzman, the tragic he “Aziz,” But less easily accounted for are the the two narratives: in the shorter version, in the second one. This is not surprising, the shorter account, was disereet: Aslam never even knew of his deep attachment o him, whereas Tbn Kulayb, the protagonist of the longer version, cannot stop talking about his beloved {mn the end he becomes an object of ridicule, and Aslam is unable to forgive him for implicating him against his will: he reminds his master Ibn Khattab that Ibn Kulayb bandied his name about. In the second account, a major role is reserved for the tes ‘ot at all mentioned in the first story. He is presented as anything but judgmental: he is not scandalised by his student's obsessiv ‘member of his own sex, of ridicule is comp| from the shorter 1¢ laughter in the second version is elicited not by Ibn ' love for another man, but by his pathetic attempts to get closer Ithough the longer story, even paraphrased, sounds almost too fantastic to be true, Ibn Hazm is eager to convince his readership of genuineness. “This story is famous among us”, he tel adds that both Muhammad b.al-Hasan, i, his own master, ale adh and fbn Khattab are reliable informants. Moreover, when Ibn Ha: the story to the secretary Abi ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. Sa’ Khawlani, the latter said he knew it already. AlsKhawlani was ab add some information of his own: he had been told by a re informant that he had seen Aslam on a very rainy day, when there was hardly anyone about. He had come to Almad b. Kulayb’s grave and was sitting on it, having waited for a moment when people would not be paying attention, The fact that Aslam sneaks out he knew he would not be observed, shows reputation might be damaged: people ! Although itis clear that It remorse at not having visited his former friend when he knew bn Hazm, Tawa, 246, n. |; Lévi-Provengal,E,, “En relisant”, 357126 Camis ADANG such a visit might save him, his fear of scandal outweighed his need to ‘make amends. Whatever Aslam may really have felt for [bn Kulayb, he parently afraid to be stigmatised and held for a ma ‘bin, for he had one pursued while Ibn Kulayb was the pursuer. 2.4, For the love of a soldier ‘The fourth case, death, is about Ibn Hazm’ created in his image. fbn Hazm praises his good looks, along with his s chaste, discreet, courteous, loyal, magnanimous, gallant, patient, intelligent, learned and pious. He knew the Koran by heart and was knowledgeable about Hadith, grammat and lexicography. He was a talented poet and calligrapher, well-versed in rhetoric, and also Possessed some knowledge of theology and dialectics. Ibn Hazm and he hhad been inseparable until the outbreak of the civil war. When the Berbers captured Cordoba in 403/1013, Ibn Hazm was forced to leave the capital whereas Ibn al-Tubni was able to stay. However, even after their Physical separation, they would frequently write to each other, fbn Hazm reassuring the other in poetry of his lasting love inquiring about the state of his friend’ they continued, until they lost touch during lowed upon the death of Sulayman al-Zai ‘and the rise to power of the Hammidids in 407/1016. In the ‘meantime, Ibn Hazm had spent some time in prison in Almeria asa result of his pro-Umayyad activism, but made his way to Valencia after his release in order to join the army of the Umayyad al-Murt «bid forthe caliphate. Once in Valer Thnal-Tubni. Two acquaintances told him how the latter had met his end, having heard this in tum from a mutual friend of fbn Hazm and Ibn Tubni, viz. Abii Bakr al-Mus‘ab, the son of their teacher Ibn al-Faradi | See on him H (Ab), I, 161f, no, 168; D (Ab), I, 187, no. 317; fbn Hazm, Taw, 249, 0,1 On Ibn al-Faradi see Ahmad al-Yazidl, Abi'I-Walid b. al-Faradt al- Qurqub. Hayatuhu wa-deharuhu al-'ibniyya (2 vols., Rabat, 1993). On his son (Gin or after 440/1048), see H (Ab), I, 5636, no. 828; D (Ab), Il, 631f, no. Love serween Mew i Taw at-nauaiea 127 ‘Al-Mus‘ab had met Ibn al-Tubni, and found him to be weak and beautiful face emaciated and without its former freshness, a testimony to his recent sufferings. When he asked him what had caused this, Ibn al. ‘Tubni decided to confide in his friend, and told him that when ‘All b Hammild marched into Cordoba with his army, he had stood at the gate ofhis house, watching, when all ofa sudden he saw among the marching soldiers a young man (fara) of exceptional beauty, who immediately captured his heart and filled his thoughts. He inquired about him, and was told the young man's name and that he was from a faraway and inaccessible place. He made attempts to see him again, but to no avail. Ever since that day, he had not been able to get him out of his mind, and hhe swore that he would not stop loving him until the day the grave would claim him, And so it was, ‘on Hazm adds thet he knows this young man's identity, and that he actually saw him once, but that he will not mention his name for he ready died, and he and Ibn al-Tubni already met before their Maker, In this case, it is less obvious than in the first two accounts that the young ‘man belonged to a lower class; he may well have been an officer from a good family rather than a humble foot soldier; this, at least, is what is suggested by Ibn Hazm’s circumspection. Ibn Hazm comment: this happened despite the fact that bn al-Tubni_ was a paragon of virtue who never overstepped the boundaries of what is proper, and did not walk forbidden paths, nor commit any sins that would have set him apart from his religion, What he seems to be saying here is that there had been no advance warnings that someone like fbn al-Tubni might be susceptible to such a coup de foudre, and that apparently no one is immune when love strikes. The same applies to Ahmad b. Fath and Ibn Kulayb/Ibn Quzmin who, too, had been responsible citizens until the moment they were struck by love, ‘when each of them was reduced to a shadow of his former self. 1385; al-Yazidi, Abi Walid 6, al-Faradi, © This occurred in the year 407/1016. 81-84123 (Camita ADANG 2.5. The vileness of sinning ‘After his chapter on those who die as a result of unrequited or love, Tbn Hazm dedicates a chapter tothe vileness of sinning (quol al-ma’asi), which marks a clear break withthe preceding chapters If these earlier chapters dealt with infatuation and love, even obsessive ve, this one deals with sex, and here the rules are completely different. Ibn Hazm opens the chapter by stating that God has endowed man with {so opposing natures: one tending towards obedience, the other towards pleasure and lust, and we have to make sure that we keep these two in balance, or rather, that we are obedient to God and give expression to our lust only in ways that have been sanctioned by God. As was mentioned before, the only legitimate way of having sexual intercourse is within \edlock, or between a man and the female slaves he owns. Everything and will be punished accordingly, inthis especi the next, for God sees and knows everything. Heterosexual adultery and fornication are therefore sins, but so are sexual contacts between men, although according to Tbn Hazm they do not, strictly into the Koranic category of zind which in his view is sexual contacts between a man and a woman.” Considering the fact that the book deals with virtually all aspects Phenomenon of love, it is surprising that the Tawy does not Contain a single explicit reference to love between women, let alone sexual contacts. However, it may be thatthe phrase “I once saw a woman who had bestowed her affections in ways not pleasing to God” (kinat ‘mawaddatuha fi ghayr dhat Allah refers precisely to such contacts, Ibn Hazm greatly praises the pure quality of this woman's love, until it tumed sour and she became bitter and resentful. But even if this statement does not refer to a woman inclined towards a member of her own sex, this does not mean that Ibn Hazm was unaware of the existence of ions between women, as is else i aréman ma ya'll min ahlihihalélan, © ind = ityan alorajul min al-mar See Ibn Hazm, al-Muhalla bt rathar, ed Abd al-Ghaffial-Bundari(112 vole. Beira, 1408/1988), XII, 405, Discussed in Adang, C, “Ibn Hazm on Homosexuality. A Case-Study of Zahiri Legal Methodology”, 4l-Qanfara XXIV (2003), “Ibn Hazm, Tawg, 271; Atbery, The Ring, 2480 ‘LOVE BETWEEN Men N Tamgat-taniea 129 demonstrated by his discussion of the issu legal code, Kita al- ‘nutaila, Here he argues that such relations, ike sexual contacre between prevented mitedly sinful, but do not incur the hadd punishererr Grscribed for heterosexual fornication oF adultery, but rather Seeretionacy punishment which should not exceed ten lashes.© he the Zant: $00, he states that he adheres tothe view that no more that Ce lashes should be administered, even for behaviour as disgusting as that oF the people of Lot." The fact that even advocates such a elf to be penetrated anally. And lazm, expressed his approval of the ruler who tipped to death a youth who hed allowed another man to kiss him iro pay gtich caused the latter to ejaculate." These extremely. harsh Flnishments are mentioned by tba Hazm as proof ofthe seriussnese of the crime A Nery sirict view was held also by Iba Hazm’s Malikr company ton “Abd al-Barr (4. 463/1070), who states in hig compendium of MAliki law al-Kaji that the kadd punishment for the married cryof the act ofthe people of Lots stoning, whether they are ‘married or not. Both the active and the passive party shal if the passive party is a mere boy (jadi ee tte i tn Hazm, dhl, XI, 403 tn zm states here that nad ion, Homosexuals ought tobe put away for awhile, removed from we Zee hat uring this period they may be reformed, He does oto is tobe brought about. See also ‘Son Haam, Tawg, 281¢; Arberry, Th? Giffen, L. A., “Ibn Hazm”, 428, a Hazm, Taw, 281f; Arberty, The Ring, 2586 The references to bodily are generally omitted by Arbery.130 CAMILLA ADANG although hi a hundred ‘We do not know to what extent the punishment advocated by Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr and others was appl -Andalus, for we seldom hear about people being condemned for homosexual acts, and whenever we do, there seems to be a political background to the co when Tbn Hayyan writes about the imprisonment and flo astronomer Marwan b. Ghazwin, he makes it clear Punished as a result of intrigues at the court: two jealous viziers who Were looking for ways to harm him had denounced Marwa had Iaid their hands on some rather innocent love-poetry t ten many years earlier about who hed apparently been quit furious when he hears about notorious profligate, and has hi have happened had the subject of Marwan's poetry been any other male” is the provess against the supposed zindig ‘ook place during the reign of al-Hakam Il. In an tothe case against him, he is accused, among other of having declared homosexual acts licit, or of having engaged in them himself." According to Fierro, this was standard ‘women, he adds that if stg has been established, hastisement and Beirut, nd, 574, On Ibn ‘Abd al-Bi who was in many ways fbn Hazm's Mal 160. That homosexual practices is may be inferred also from Ibn ida’ (Tratado contra las innovaciones), ed, and transl. Fierro, M., Madrid, 1988, par. XI, 41 and XI, 46a, where both men and women are referred to. On punishments that were prescribed by adherents of different legal schools for homosexual acts, see my “Ion Hazm on Makki and Corriente, 264-266). Lat heterode bs el periodo omeya, |-Andalus: Ways Love Berween Men TawQat-naneiva 131 procedure in such processes, and the fact that the man, who may have , was executed in the end has nothing to do 2.6, Taking a mim in exchange for a ha” That [bn Hazm’s attitude to homosexual acts was a negative one is reflected in several anecdotes from the chapter on sin, The first of an acquaintance of his called "Ubayd Allah b. Yahya al-Az known as Ibn al-Jaziri, who is accused of having neglected his womenfolk and given access to his harem for the ‘seems to mean that he proviso that he himsel topic of Ton Hazm composed a poem—one in Such as Arberry and Gabri tes here, among other things, in exchange for a ha’: ya'khudhu together. fbn taken , denotes the penis, whereas the ha’, whi resembles an open circle, stands for the vagina, In order to demonstrate the depth of the man’s depravity, and to show to what extent he has taken leave of his senses and surrendered to the devil, Ibn Hazm adds that he once heard (bn al-Jaziri praying Great Mosque of Cordoba to be delivered from God's prot (asta’idiw bi'llahi min al-'igma ka-ma yusta'édhu 69. Garcia Gémez’ translation: “Coge un mim a trueque " see El collar, 298 .132 Camus ADANG 2.7, Entrapped in the snares of Satan This article was opened by the description of the irrational behaviour of learned and respected man, a member of Ibn Hazm's own circle, who completely went out of control as a result of his desire for a The above quotation forms part of a longer which Ibn Hazm tells of the man’s undoing. In this case, Ibn ins from men ‘would spend in prayer and followed in the footsteps of the ascetics and early Sufis (al-mutasawwifin al-gudama’). Out of deference ig in his presence. One day, however, im in his grip and he willingly submitted to him. He became notorious for an ugly committed his abominations put Hazm soured after the latter had c : In the end all his former friends came to despise him, and he was shunned by everybody. After citing a poem which he himself composed about this sad case, and in which he hints scholar now prefers to hold the fingertips instead of a pen, Ibn Hazm refers more exp! man’s abomination, We ns did actually take place, ‘explains the strong reactions on the part of the former scholar’s friends, 2.8. Not every prostration is for prayer Our next anecdote, too, describes an apparently consummated ionship between two men.” tbn Hazm relates that he was once ited to a party at which a couple of guests abused their host's spitalty, withdrawing together for periods of time, and behaving in a Wdecorous manner. Its clear from the text that the two offenders * Tn Hazm, Tawa, 269f; Arberry, The Ring, 245°. Love BeTWeen Mew iN Tare au-taaiea 133 are men: Ibn Hazm describes the guests at the party as ikhwéin land. The host either turned a blind eye to the goings-on under his roof, or was genuinely unsuspecting and refused to take started pestering him with al insinuating that some of his in improper beha\ iees had not come for the m however, Not everyone took the ia'rif wa 'I-nahy ‘an al-munkar as seriously as The fact that he saw it as his personal duty to criticise People for unacceptable and immoral behaviour, in the hope of persuading them to mend their ways, may help explain his contemporaries’ strong reactions to him. 2.9. The virtue of continence After having condemned sinful sexual relations in the penultimate chapter, Ibn Hazm closes the Tawg with a discussion of the virtue of chastity or continence (fad al-ta‘afuf), which is bound to bring ‘eternal happiness. Here we find an additional It deals with a son of one of the Umayyad eri by his father who went on a long expedition. The emi terrace of the palace to his son who was ordered to spend all his days and nights there, until his father’s return, Every night one of the viziers or chief guards of the palace would keep him company on the terrace and watch over him. One ni guard, and the eyewi , Who was left at home cated the to be asleep, but remained alert al the night, and was thus able to observe how the prince repeatedly through up, * Although, as was seen, Ibn Hazm explains that the term zind is reserved for ‘heterosexual intercourse, and never for homosexual relations (MMuballa, I, 405), it seems that he could not esit the temptation of a nice rhyme. See also my “Ion Hazm on Homosexual Ibn Hazm, Tawg, 79; Arberry, The Ring, 20. He discusses this issue in his Kitab al-Figal fal (5 parts in 3 vols. 1395/1975), the discussion inmy article refered134 Cawttta ADANG Preparing to get out of bed and approach his guard, Each ti hhe checked himsel 1, however, king refuge with God against the devil's he ordered the young guard to leave the terrace ‘and to stay downstairs. The prince locked the door, and retumed to bed, ‘much to the relief of the eyewitness, who knew then that God was we disposed towards the sovereign’s son. In the above account, the emir who apparently fears for the virtue of his son is identified as ‘Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam (ruled 206- 238/822-852), and his son as the crown prince, Muhammad, who was to rule as emir between 238/852 and 273/886." However, in an earlier version of what is apparently the same aneedote and which is found in Kitab iftitah al-Andalus by Ton al-Qatiyya (d. 367/977), it is the suspicious father who is identified as the emir Muhammad, while his son's name is not given.** According to Garcia Gamez, the v Provided by Ibn al-Qtiyya, who was, afterall, a historian, is more the correct one, since Ibn Hazm is not always well-informed and, 4s @ man of letters, is inclined to adapt the facts when it suits his narrative." However, for Ibn Hazm’s--and our~-purpose, is episode actually took place or not, or what exactly went on at that terrace: either way the anecdote is the perfect illustration of the reward to be gained from avoiding sin. Considering the fact that Ibn Hazm states at the beginning of the Tavg that he will not discuss the matters of the heart of members of the royal house, it is interesting that he does provide this anecdote. The explanation is probably to be found in the fact that the prince bravely ‘resisted the temptation, which is much to his credit. The fact that he was attracted to a man is obviously not perceived as something that might be detrimental to the prince's reputation, and therefore, telling the story does not reflect negatively on him. On the contrary, he is one of the Muhammad is believed to have been an attractive man in his youth, as was seen above. & Ibn al-QUtiyya, Tarikh ifttah al-Andalus, matba'an fh Andalus lion Quiayba wa-dkhbar al fath min a-Risdlaal-sharifiyya, od. “Abd Allah Anis al-Tabba’ and ‘Umar Farliq al-Tabbi’. Beirut, 1994, 123, ® See Garcia Gémez, E., “Una nota al capitulo XXX del ‘Collar de la paloma’ (l infante reluido en la Azotea),” Al-Andalus 18 (1953), 215-217 and El collar, 362. Love BETWEEN MEN i Tag aL-Hamitee 135 ituous, and can therefore count on Ibn Hazm's sympathy, whi always lies with those who, at moments when one’s faith and character are tested, withstand the temptation and show moral fibre. fbn Hazm counts himself among people of that category, for he, too, was at times tempted, but he managed to conquer the temptation: in his discussion of the virtue of continence, Ibn Hazm states that he, personally, has never untied his drawers for illicit intercourse," and the Lord wi to account for the mortal sin of fomication. This statement the only sexual contacts he allowed himself were with his lawful ‘wedded wife, or wives, or with female slaves he may have owned. Nonetheless, as was mentioned earlier, several authors have speculated about ln Hazm’s sexual preferences. In his recent article “Male Love and Islamic Law in Islamic Spain”, Louis Crompton states that “Ibn Hlazm admits to being tempted by the beauty of men. On one occasion he dared not atend a party where he would meet a handsome rman who attracted him, in order to avoid any occasion for sin”.® This passage, however, is singularly unsuitable as proof of any homosexual leanings, for the wording is gender indifferent (ba'du man tastahsinu al- absar siiratahu ~ someone whose shape was pleasing to the eyes), and could either refer to a seductive man or to a woman, ‘Arjona Castro goes even further than Crompton: in his book La sewualidad en la Esparia musulmana he calls tbn Hazm a true, conge homosexual. In his view, he belonged to that small percentage of men ‘who cannot, and will not have sexual relations with women. This does not necessarily mean, though, that they do engage in sexual contacts with ‘men; they are homophiles, nothomosexuals.” Arjona Castro comes back gat. This phrase from the Tawg (p. 261; Arberry, The Ring, 235) echoes astatement allegedly made by Muhammad b, Dawid on his deathbed; ee Raven, Ibn Dawid, 30. In, Islamic Homosexualities. Culture. History, and Literature, ed. Murray, 8.0. and Roscoe, W. (New York, London, 1997), 142-157, at p. 149. The “Homoeroticism and homosexuality in Islam: a review article”, BSOAS 62 (1999), 261-266. © La sexualidad en la Espaiia nana, 336,136 CamiLa ADAG the issue of Ibn Hazm’s sexuality in an article entitled “La infancia y sexualidad de tbn Hazm.” Here ie defines Ibn Hazm’s tendencies as una homosexualidad “ocasional”. This cl izes “homosexuales whose instincts would usually be directed at the opposite sex, and who only frot homosexual encounters. ercame this tendency.” acts Ibn Hazm did male beauty is suggested by the following anecdote from al- aft al-Tib which may or may not have formed part of the sion of Tawg al-kamdma. The account runs as follows: mn Haz says in the Tawg al-hamama that one day he and Aba "Umar b. ‘Abd al-Barr, author of the stab, passed by the street of the woodcutters inthe city of Seville where they encountered a young man a handsome face, and Abii Muhammad said: ‘That is beautiful whereupon Abi "Umar said: ‘All we see is the face, but perhaps ‘what the clothing disguises is not equally pleasing’, at which Ibn Hlazm improvised the following lines: ‘Oh you, who blame me at length and say that beauty Has captivated me, and censure me by say “Will you Wve witha face, without seeing anything but it, not knowing whether the body, too, is lovely?” I said: “Your biame is wrong and excessive, And my retort would be long, if I cared to make i Can't you see Zahir, and therefore {judge by what is apparent, until itis disproved!" La infancia y la sexualidad de lon Hazm”, Al-dndalus-Magreb la9e * His negative views of homosexuality have been referred to earlier. The full le ofthe work referred to here is Kitdbal-isti'4b fi m Iashdb, and deals with the Companions o lable ina number of 995), q the old Provencal troubadour. Baltimore, 1946, 101f. The poem is quoted also in other Arabic sources, but Love aerween MeN Tao at-naneiia Br hough al-Maggari states that the anecdot the Tawg: other sources also quote the verses, but wit the Tawg and without providing the circumstances of the poet impromptu composition. However, it is not inconceivable that far-going interference tba Hae eI re med part the Tang, we wou tt what sage in tis fe fn Haam sched othe abi schoo of aw inthe extant version ofthe tact that he had ‘ews, suchas iting the punishment nt posible, on the evidence of lon, o prove tat he ad aleady become afl: ned above, is presented ‘sa young man whose looks he admiration is based upon a very pection, It suggests that for Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, too, beauty has a footnote ‘our Ibn that ccording fazm but one of he descendants. Tis wo poem ever Genie .qgari and accepted om Ion Haas descendants fin ‘Adang, “The Spread of ‘The evidence from the terature and Islam. Ideas,138 CAMILLA ADANG no gender. 3. COMMENTS AND CONCLUSIONS Themen involved were probably equal and women: homosexual fe even les asa scoop Andalusi society, appre on the part of tbn Hlazm 4s much as on that of his pers, was breaking the code of honous that Bound the over tothe objec of his ov, and excessive eld suit ofthe beloved man or youth, In addition, ass someone from a lower social lass seems fo have Seen set which isnot to say that such cases were ut impression that this actully occured qi ¥¢ common denominator in several ofthe is that the suffering lovers are serious themselves usually very handsome ond well-odo wh prepare fr anything ike il forthe char of men and, smitten, throw all reason overboard an Unimately, however, in beloved who, affaid of scandal, tums away, nor gain the res cases the reactions of the peer group are I laughter and gossip, and tay be assumed fat te ce ieeeeured at all, was temporary. This is demonstrated most clearly by case of Mugaddam b. al-Asfar, who managed to rise toa promixent Postion despite his previous behaviour. However, n those eases where the lover crossed the boundaries of what is proper, and openly and amelessly pursued sexual union withthe object of his passion, the 139 Love Berween MEN n Tawo, reactions were stronger: these men were shunned by their friends and acquaintances. Moreover, as soon as the love was consummated and the passion given physical expression, the legal system could step in. ‘Whether it always did is another question; we may assume that the higher classes were safer from the law than the lower strata of society. In most of the stories, viz. those about Ahmad b. Fath, Mugaddam b. al-Asfar, Ibn al-Tubni, {ba al and the anonymous ‘acquaintance mentioned in the in the love-object These terms seem to be indicative primarily of age: the not possible 10 admirer’s peer as regards in most cases the name of the young man the anecdotes about A! their identity was not relevant and that they were interchangeable as far as Tbn Hazm was concerned. Interestingly enough Ibn Hazm does usually mention the names of his stories’ protagonists, the lovers. This suggests that he felt there was nothing shameful in their behaviour that should be kept hidden, or that the stories about them were already so well known ty that at to apply to the case of Ibn al-Jazirf). But of course the possi least some of the names are false should be taken into account. ‘The author's sympathy is reserved for men who are enamoured ly and intellectually. But however ‘his own sex, hi ‘contacts between two males whatever ce: Tbn Hazm expects love. 0 act on another mat ly, however, bn Hazm applied the same strict standards to heterosexual lovers, and140 (Camis DANG that he advocates chi tead of succumbing to temptation, For although with his peers he seems to have fe no gender, and is to be admired regardless of whether ‘or female form, he strongly believed that not. and continence towards a man. It isa gift from God, and is provided the lover remains chaste. The most is that of brothers in God (rajuldni taka Mahi), who share a common purpose.” From the anecdotes in the Tawa we may infer that in principle ns from another man, except when thi began to take on obsessive dimensions and threatened to affect one's freedom and reputation: it was not in the interest ofthe beloved to be Perceived as the passive partner in a sexual relationship, for this would reflect badly on his masculinity and might result in his marginalisation, Generally speaking the risk of marginalisation seems to have been greater for the younger, less established partner, who was regarded as the passive party. Therefore, ‘Ajib's beating Muqaddam is as much a way of trying of a stalker as @ manner of asserting and confirming his ty. And whereas the servant ‘Ajib becomes violent, the noble Aslam withdraws from society, thus in fact punishing himself atleast in the account transmitted by al-Humaydi. It is not clear whether these different reactions were perceived by Ibn Hazm as reflective of their ‘The fact that so many of the narratives presented here follow a ‘with a literary topos, t that although it contains much autobiographical the Tawa is first and foremost a literary work, and ‘2 good deal of embellishment is only to be expected. We do not know to what extent the stories contained in the Jawg faithfully reflect reality, andcan be taken at face value. Emilio Garcia Gémez, who translated the Tawg into Spanish, isi to believe that Ibn Hazm’s stories go "Tn Hazm, Tawg, 84 and of 288; Arberry, The Ring, 25, 267. Love BETWEEN MEN IN Tawgat-wantiad lai beyond mere facts. 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