Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Miloš Blagojeviã
8 Q. K o v a å e v i ã, n. d., 351.
9 I. B o ÿ i ã, Neverstvo Vuka Brankoviãa, O knezu Lazaru, Beograd 1975, 223—242.
10 Mihailo Diniã je odavno konstatovao kako: „svi do sada poznati izvori iz same
godine boja na Kosovu, izazvani samim dogaðajem, ili sasvim otvoreno slave hrišãanski
triumf, ili su priliåno neodreðeni i o turskoj pobedi ne govori izriåito ni jedan"
(M. D i n i ã, Dva savremenika o kosovskom boju, Glas SKA 182 (1940) 138). O turskoj pobe-
di ne govore ni izvori koji su nastali ubrzo posle bitke na Kosovu. Za prevode najstari-
jih, pa i nešto mlaðih, izvora vidi: Bitka na Kosovu 1389. godine, Galerija SANU, 65.
sveska, Beograd 1989, 167—198 (S. Ãirkoviã).
11 I. B o ÿ i ã, Neverstvo Vuka Brankoviãa, 225.
12 I. B o ÿ i ã, n. d., 231.
13 I. B o ÿ i ã, n. d., 228, 229.
10
14 I. B o ÿ i ã, n. d., 228.
15 I. B o ÿ i ã, n. d., 230.
16 Q. K o v a å e v i ã, Vuk Brankoviã, Boj na Kosovu, 309.
17 K. J i r e å e k, Istorija Srba ¡, Beograd 1952, 322. Za odnose izmeðu kneza Lazara
i wegovih zetova Vuka Brankoviãa i Ðurða ¡¡ Stracimiroviãa Balšiãa, R. Mihaqåiã
kaÿe: „Rekli bismo da je on samo najugledniji ålan meðu politiåki ravnopravnim part-
nerima" (R. M i h a q å i ã, Knez Lazar i obnova srpske drÿave, O knezu Lazaru, 9). Nešto
kasnije R. Mihaqåiã, donekle, koriguje i dopuwuje svoje tumaåewe. Vidi: Istorija srp-
skog naroda ¡¡, Beograd 1982, 42 (R. Mihaqåiã).
18 I. R u v a r a c, O knezu Lazaru, Boj na Kosovu, 158.
11
25 Istorija Crne Gore, kwiga druga, tom drugi, Titograd 1970, 34—36 (S. Ãirko-
viã); S. M i š i ã i Tatjana S u b o t i n - G o l u b o v i ã, Svetoarhanðelovska hrisovuqa,
Beograd 2003, 27—29.
26 M. D i n i ã, Rastislaliãi. Prilog istoriji raspadawa srpskog carstva, ZRVI ¡¡
(1953) 139—144.
27 Patrijarh Jefrem odrekao se patrijaršijskog trona 1379. godine, umro je 1400.
godine, što znaåi da „starost" nije bila razlog wegovog povlaåewa. Vidi i nap. 24.
28 Peãki episkop Marko opisuje kako: „Hristoqubivi knez Lazar i sabor… postave
Spiridona na patrijaršijski presto. A Jefrem ode u manastir cara Stefana svetih Ar-
histratiga… O spokojstvu wegovu veoma su se starali gospodin knez Lazar i hristoqubi-
vi mu zet Vuk" (Šest pisaca H¡¢ veka, Beograd 1986, 168). U navedenom citatu jasno se
saopštava da knez Lazar i „sabor postavqaju patrijarha, pa iz toga sledi zakquåak da je
jedino knez Lazar od oblasnih gospodara imao pravo da saziva sabor i da utiåe na izbor
novog patrijarha. Navedeni citat je zanimqiv i zbog „starawa" kneza Lazara o Spirido-
nu koji boravi u manastiru Sv. arhanðela kod Prizrena, odnosno na teritoriji Vuka
Brankoviãa koji se takoðe „stara" o Jefremu, pa posle pogibije kneza Lazara na Kosovu,
briga o Jefremu prelazi u nadleÿnost iskquåivo Vuka Brankoviãa. O patrijarhu Spiri-
donu vidi: M. P u r k o v i ã, Srpski patrijarsi, 116—122.
13
49 Q. S t o j a n o v i ã, n. d., 137—139.
50 Q. K o v a å e v i ã, Vuk Brankoviã, Boj na Kosovu, 305.
51 S. N o v a k o v i ã, Zakonski spomenici, 451, 452.
52 M. B l a g o j e v i ã, Knez Lazar ktitor Hilandara, Sveti knez Lazar, spomenica o
šestoj stogodišwici kosovskog boja, Beograd 1989, 47—61; Isti, Knez Lazar i wegovi na-
slednici kao ktitori Hilandara, Jefimija 10, Trstenik 2000, 75—98.
19
„drÿavu" ÿupu Lab. Åelnik Musa drÿao je Zveåan do 1363, a kao gospo-
dar Brvenika i „ÿupe" ovog grada bio je i najbliÿi sused „ÿupe" Zve-
åana. Uz sve to Musiãi su bili neprijateqi ÿupana Nikole i ratovali
su protiv wega na kneÿevoj strani. Posle pobede nad Nikolom Altoma-
noviãem, knezu Lazaru su pripali svi krajevi severozapadno, zapadno i
jugozapadno od Zveåana, pa prema sredwem toku Lima, a izgleda i do re-
ke Tare, kao i znaåajniji gradovi i trgovi: Zveåan, Trepåa, Jeleå, Glu-
havica, Sjenica, Brodarevo, pa i Brskovo. U wegovoj drÿavi nalazio se
i najveãi deo doline Uvca, pa su kneÿevi sluÿbenici bili prisutni u
nasequ Rado(h)iwa na levoj obali Uvca,69 kao i u Sjenici. Sima Ãir-
koviã je skrenuo paÿwu kako je knez Lazar, posredstvom svojih qudi,
1388: „uzeo tkanine dubrovaåkim trgovcima" na Sjenici.70 Sada se više
ne moÿe ni sumwati kome je pripadala Sjenica, a pošto su se dolina
Uvca i Sjenica nalazili u drÿavi kneza Lazara, onda se sa sigurnošãu
moÿe reãi da Vuk Brankoviã nije drÿao nijedan kraj, do 1389, na pro-
storu izmeðu Zveåana i Brodareva na Limu. Koliko je sve ovo taåno,
moÿe se proveriti i uz pomoã drugih izvora.
Opisujuãi granice oblasti Vuka Brankoviãa, Mihailo Diniã je
skrenuo paÿwu kako su knez Lazar, wegovi naslednici i wihova vlaste-
la poklawali: crkve, naseqa i druge posede na severu današwe Metohi-
je svetogorskom manastiru Sv. Pantelejmona.71 Knez Lazar je (1380/81)
potåinio pomenutom manastiru: „crkvu Spasovu u Hvosnu kod Mitro-
polije hvostanske… sa selima… i s qudima i s vinogradima i s voãka-
ma i s vodenicama i s brdom i s poqem i sa livadama".72 Geografski
poloÿaj Hvostanske episkopije, a kasnije Mitropolije, dobro je poznat
i obiåno se vezuje za selo Studenicu koje je udaqeno oko 10 km severoi-
stoåno od Peãi. Pravo i moguãnost kneza Lazara, 1380. ili 1381, da
potåiwava „Spasovu crkvu" sa selima i drugim zemqoposedima, pred-
stavqa neosporan dokaz da su se „Spasova crkva", crkvena sela i Mi-
tropolija hvostanska nalazili u wegovoj drÿavi, a ne na teritoriji ne-
kog drugog oblasnog gospodara. Sada se ne treba mnogo domišqati pa da
se zakquåi, kako su u to vreme i grad Peã i Peãka patrijaršija, takoðe,
bili u drÿavi kneza Lazara. Na to ukazuje mala razdaqina izmeðu Mi-
tropolije hvostanske i Peãke patrijaršije od svega desetak kilometara,
a postoje i drugi dokazi.
ma. Na turskoj strani poginuo je wihov vladar emir Murat, zatim we-
gov sin Jakub, kao i veliki broj turskih ratnika, dok je meðu Srbima
izgubio ÿivot knez Lazar, kao i znatan broj wegove vlastele i ostalih
ratnika. Ÿrtava je bilo i u bosanskoj vojsci, a verovatno i u vojsci
Vuka Brankoviãa, ali su zapovednici ovih odreda, bosanski vojvoda
Vlatko Vukoviã i Vuk Brankoviã izneli ÿive glave iz boja na Kosovu,
kao i znatan deo wihovih ratnika.87 No, i pored toga što srpska vojska,
posmatrana kao celina, nije pretrpela poraz u klasiånom smislu te re-
åi, Srbi su na Kosovu izgubili rat protiv Turaka. U narodnom preda-
wu je izgubqeni rat okvalifikovan kao propast „Srpskog carstva" na
Kosovu, a do toga je došlo zbog navodne izdaje Vuka Brankoviãa. U veã
pomiwanim izvorima nema nijedne reåi o Vukovoj izdaji, pa se s raz-
logom postavqa pitawe zbog åega ga je narodno predewe tako teško op-
tuÿilo i prikazalo kao najveãeg izdajnika srpskog naroda i srpske dr-
ÿave.
Odgovor na postavqeno pitawe mogao bi se potraÿiti i pronaãi u
drÿawu Vuka Brankoviãa posle boja na Kosovu, a konkretnije u wegovom
stavu prema naslednicima kneza Lazara: knegiwi Milici i wenim si-
novima, knezu Stefanu i Vuku Lazareviãu.88 Odmah posle pogibije kneza
Lazara, sva tri wegova naslednika našla su se u veoma teškom poloÿa-
ju. Nasledili su otvoreni rat protiv Turaka, a sa severa zapretila je
opasnost od napada ugarske vojske. Tadašwi ugarski kraq Ÿigmund zah-
tevao je od Lazareviãa da mu predaju Maåvu, a verovatno i „onostrani
Srem". On je smatrao da ove oblasti pripadaju ugarskoj kruni i da po-
sle smrti kneza Lazara treba da se vrate kraqu, zbog toga što je knez
Lazar bio u labavim vazalnim obavezama prema kraqu Ludvigu ¡, pa i
kraqu Ÿigmundu.89 Zahtev je ispostavqen u najteÿem trenutku za Lazare-
viãe, koji nisu imali dovoqno ni vojnika ni materijalnih sredstava da
bi ratovali istovremeno i protiv Turaka i protiv Ugarske. Na ovom
mestu treba samo podsetiti kako je u boju na Kosovu, pored kneza Laza-
ra, izginuo veliki broj wegove verne i velike vlastele. Poginuli su
pored ostalih i dva kneÿeva sestriãa, braãa Stefan i Lazar Musiã,
koji su dobili na upravu ili u „drÿavu" ÿupu Lab, zatim tvrðavu Brve-
nik sa „ÿupom", a verovatno i tvrðavu Zveåan, takoðe sa „ÿupom". Bio
98 V. T r p k o v i ã, n. d., 101—107.
99 Na celokupnu problematiku vezanu za zaloÿeni pojas knegiwe Milice nedavno
je skrenuo paÿwu: S. Ã i r k o v i ã, Poveqe i pisma Stefana Lazareviãa, Stari srpski
arhiv, kw. 7 (2008), 237, 238.
100 N. L o n z a i Z. Š u n d r i c a, Odluke dubrovaåkih vijeãa 1390—1392, Zagreb — Du-
brovnik 2005, 166, 167.
101 I. B o ÿ i ã, Neverstvo Vuka Brankoviãa, 229—240; M. S p r e m i ã, Vuk Branko-
viã i Kosovska bitka, 99—106.
102 M. P u r k o v i ã, Srpski patrijarsi sredwega veka, 123—126.
103 Marko P e ã k i, Ÿitije patrijarha Jefrema, Šest pisaca H¡¢ veka, 168. Obja-
šwewe episkopa Marka ne izgleda uverqivo. Poznati su sluåajevi da je Srpska crkva i u
redovnim prilikama bila po nekoliko meseci „udova", pa åak i godinu dana za vreme
vladavine kraqa Milutina, pa se sa dovoðewem i izborom patrijarha nije moralo ÿuri-
32
Vuka, verovatno do avgusta 1392.130 Vuk Brankoviã nije dugo bio veran
Bajazitu, pa nije ni prisustvovao sastanku Bajazitovih vazala u Seru, u
jesen 1393.131 On je veã aprila 1394. postao mletaåki graðanin, pa se
wegov izaslanik u ime svog gospodara zakleo na vernost Veneciji, su-
parniku Turske.132 Vukov poloÿaj u zemqi postajao je sve nesigurniji,
zbog toga je u oktobru 1394. zatraÿio i dobio odobrewe od dubrovaåkih
vlasti da skloni u wihov grad svoje dragocenosti, a pre svega da preda,
na åuvawe veliku koliåinu srebra.133 On je veã u januaru 1395. poslao
397 litara srebra, a u maju iste godine poslao u Dubrovnik na åuvawe
još 693 litre srebra.134 Ovo su vidqivi znaci o otkazivawu poslušno-
sti Bajazitu, pa je razumqivo što Vuk nije uåestvovao kao turski vazal
u boju na Rovinama 17. maja. Na odmazdu Turaka nije trebalo dugo åeka-
ti. Izgleda da je Vuku oduzet jedan deo wegove oblasti, ubrzo posle bit-
ke na Rovinama. Na takav zakquåak ili pretpostavku upuãuje poveqe
knegiwe Milice, odnosno monahiwe Jevgenije, koja je izdata manastiru
Sv. Pantelejmona na Svetoj gori 8. juna 1395. u Novom Brdu.135 Prema
by
Miloš Blagojeviã
Summary
The name of Vuk Brankoviã, the regional master of Kosovo and the surrounding
areas, became a synonym for the greatest traitor of the Serbian nation and Serbian state.
According to the folk tradition, and specially according to the epic folk poems, Vuk be-
trayed the Serbian ruler and his father-in-law, Prince Lazar, in the decisive battle at Ko-
sovo which was fought between the Serbs and the Turks on June 15, 1389. The be-
trayal relates to the fact that Vuk, allegedly, agreed with the Turks to withdraw with his
soldiers before the beginning of the battle. Giving up the fight against the infidel, ac-
cording to the folk tradition, represents the main cause of the heavy Serbian defeat at
Kosovo in 1389. The Serbian Prince Lazar was killed then, as well as his bravest war-
riors. Along with the defeat at Kosovo, again according to the folk tradition, the Ser-
bian medieval state, that is the Serbian Empire, fell apart, too. In reality, it all happened
much later, because the Turks finally conquered Serbia in 1459.
The representatives of the critical school in the Serbian historiography, in the last
decades of the 19th century, challenged the presentation of great historical events on
the basis of folk tradition; relying on historical facts, they absolved Vuk Brankoviã
from accusations for high treason. In the oldest historical sources originating from the
first or the second decade after the battle at Kosovo, Vuk was not mentioned anywhere
as a traitor nor as a participant in the battle, which does not mean that he did not fight
against the Turks. It has been reliably established that he opposed the Turks till 1392,
but in spite of that, some sources call the battle at Kosovo shortly as „the Prince's bat-
tle". The name is only conditionally acceptable, because of Prince Lazar's death, but it
is not precise because on the side of Prince Lazar against the Turks there also fought
Vuk Brankoviã with his soldiers and the military leader Vlatko Vukoviã with his war-
riors, who were sent as help by the Bosnian King Tvrtko I Kotromaniã. They both sur-
vived the battle at Kosovo, as well as a part of their soldiers, so there is a legitimate
question why the folk tradition accused of treason only Vuk Brankoviã, and not Vlatko
Vukoviã. Historiography has not given a satisfactory answer to that raised question, so
our paper made an attempt to reach such an answer.
Prince Lazar and Vuk Brankoviã cooperated for almost two decades, between
1371 and 1389. Friendly and ally relations were strengthened at the very beginning
42
when Vuk married Lazar's daughter Mara (1371). The marriage set for political reasons
was stable and lasted as long as Vuk lived. Available historical sources represent the
master of Kosovo as Lazar's son-in-law and at the same time as a vassal who ewoyed
great independence in his region. Thanks to the support of his powerful father-in-law,
Vuk Brankoviã extended the borders of his region whenever he could. He used a diffi-
cult position of King Vukašin's sons after the battle at the Marica in 1371, so he took
from them the city of Skopqe with its surroundings. He also did a similar thing when
the regional masters, the Balšiães, faced crisis after 1378, so he conquered a part of
their former region, the southern part of the present Metochia and the city of Prizren.
Vuk Brankoviã also used the death at Kosovo of his father-in-law and his senior,
so he extended his region at the expense of his state and his heirs, not taking into ac-
count that the Serbian Church and the majority of the nation recognized Prince Lazar
as the ruler of the Serbs and as a worthy heir of the glorious and extinct Nemanjiã
dynasty. In a short time, probably in the second half of 1389, Vuk occupied the larger
settlement of Peã, where one of the two seats of the Serbian Patriarchate was located,
as well as northern Metochia. The entire Metochian Podgor was taken, as well as the
regions lying to the north and west of the described area, more precisely the broader
area surrounding Sjenica, the upper flow of the river Uvac, as well as the regions
around the river Lim lyng more to the south from Prijepolje towards Plav. That way,
Vuk's ruling region became three times larger at the expense of the territories be-
longing to Prince Lazar and his heirs: Princess Ljubica and their under-age sons, Prince
Stefan and his brother Vuk Lazareviã.
The heirs of Prince Lazar did not have enough strength to resist Vuk Brankoviã's
expansion, because they inherited the war with the Turks, and on their northern borders
there started attacts of the Hungarian army led by King Zsigmond. Being in a difficult
position, Princess Milica, the Serbian Patriarch Spiridon, high clergy and noblemen
which were loyal to the Lazareviães, made a decision at the state council to recognize
the supreme authority of the Turks and that Lazar's sons, Prince Stefan and Vuk should
become the vassals of the Turkish emir Bayezid. That way peace with the Turks was
established. Turkish troops helped the Lazareviães (1390) to resist Hungarian attacks
and supress expansion of Vuk Brankoviã who tried to take the place belonging to
Prince Lazar in the Serbian lands. To that end, he tried to realize a direct influence on
the top of the Serbian Church, so in the autumn 1389 he brought the former Patriarch
Spiridon to the Patriarchate throne, and also started to use the ruler's name „Strefan"
bore by he crowned rulers from the Nemawiã dynasty as well as by Prince Lazar.
Vuk's success was temporary and short-lived. The Lazareviães with the loyal noblemen
and the Serbian Church headed by the Patriarch Danilo subdued him at the end of 1390
or beginning of 1391. Under the pressure of the Turks, Vuk had to become the vassal
of the emir Bayezid whom he also betrayed, so the Turks captured him and destroyed
his region (1396).
Political and military activity of Vuk Brankoviã started after the battle at Kosovo
represented a direct attack to the entire heritage of the canonized Serbian Prince Stefan
Lazar. Vuk conquered Lazar's territories, threatened the position of his legitimate heir
and son, young Prince Stefan, and also temporarily brought under his influence the top
of the official Serbian Church. For the Serbian spiritual elite of that time, Vuk's aggres-
sion represented betrayal of the entire achievement of Prince Lazar, Serbian Church and
Serbian nation; folk tradition interpreted that act and expressed it in a simple way, in
the best way it could — as betrayal or unfaithfulness of Vuk Brankoviã at Kosovo.