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Journal of Immigrant Health PP251-344759 August 29, 2001 9:34 Style file version Oct. 20, 2000

Journal of Immigrant Health, Vol. 3, No. 4, October 2001 (°

c 2001)

Development of a New Scale for Measuring Acculturation:

The East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM)

Declan T. Barry1

Given the paucity of appropriate measures to assess the acculturation patterns of East Asian
immigrants in the United States, a new acculturation instrument was developed and evalu-
ated. One-hundred and fifty nonclinical East Asian immigrants (75 males and 75 females)
were administered the East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM) and provided demo-
graphic information concerning length of stay in the United States and gender. Satisfactory
reliability is reported for the four acculturation scales: assimilation, separation, integration,
and marginalization. Length of stay was not associated with separation but was significantly
positively associated with assimilation and integration and significantly negatively associated
with marginalization. Gender was not associated with any of the acculturation scales. The find-
ings suggest that the EAAM may be a useful tool for researchers and clinicians to investigate
the acculturation patterns of East Asian immigrants.
KEY WORDS: acculturation; East Asian; immigrant.

INTRODUCTION somewhat surprising given that East Asian Americans

Acculturation may be defined as social interac-
tion and communication response styles (both com-
petency and ease/comfort in communicating) that in-
dividuals adopt when interacting with individuals and
groups from another culture (1). The assessment of
acculturation is an important component in the deliv-
ery of culturally sensitive clinical services (2, 3). Com-
munication difficulty resulting from cultural differ-
ences between English-proficient Asian Americans
and their American treaters has been associated with
underutilization of health care services (4). The pro-
cess and outcome of acculturation may also influence
how symptoms are expressed and, in turn, subsequent
entry into or use of the health care system (5). How-
ever, there has been a relative dearth of research that
examines the acculturation patterns of East Asian
(i.e., Chinese, Japanese, and Korean) and other Asian
ethnic groups in the United States (4). This paucity is
1 Department of Psychiatry, Yale University School of Medicine,
P.O. Box 208098, New Haven, Connecticut 06520-8098; e-mail:
declan.barry@yale.edu.
comprise many foreign-born individuals (6) whose
host and native cultures differ significantly.
The Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Accultura-
tion scale (SL-ASIA; 7) is the most widely used
measure of acculturation among Asian Americans. It
assesses language, identity, friendship choice, behav-
iors, generation status, and attitudes, and is premised
on the assumption that acculturation is a unidimen-
sional construct that ranges from “low acculturation,”
indicating an Asian identification, to “high accultura-
tion,” indicating a Western identification, and includes
a midpoint, which represents a “bicultural” identifi-
cation. Although the SL-ASIA has garnered increas-
ing empirical attention (e.g., 8, 9) and shows much
promise as a research instrument, it has been criti-
cized because it does not distinguish between differ-
ent Asian ethnic groups and does not assess a range of
acculturation behaviors and situations (8, 10). More-
over, it does not adequately recognize that individuals
may display varying patterns of acculturation in dif-
ferent situations (11). Acculturation may be better
described as a composite profile rather than a uni-
tary phenomenon or single-scale score (12). From a

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194
clinical perspective, the SL-ASIA may be limited be-
cause it does not flag marginalized immigrant or eth-
nic minority individuals (i.e., individuals who have
difficulty fitting into host and native cultures) who
may be particularly vulnerable to psychological dis-
tress because of an absence of social supports.
In contrast to the unidimensional nature of the
SL-ASIA (7), Berry (13) argued that immigrants in
multicultural societies, such as the United States, tend
to utilize one of four acculturation strategies: assim-
ilation, separation, integration, or marginalization.
Assimilation involves giving up one’s cultural iden-
tity and moving into the larger society. Separation
constitutes maintenance of ethnic identity and tradi-
tions and a simultaneous absence of relations with
the larger society. Integration involves the mainte-
nance of a group’s “cultural integrity” while simul-
taneously becoming an integral part of the larger so-
ciety. Marginalization occurs when individuals have
no cultural or psychological contact with their tra-
ditional culture or the larger society. While Berry’s
model is conceptually rich, his measures appear to
have only limited utility with East Asian immigrants.
None of his measures specifically assess East Asian
acculturation. Although Berry reports on accultur-
ation measures employed with Chinese and Korean
students living in Canada (14, 15), small sample sizes
were used, communication response styles were not
adequately assessed, and many of the items violated
standard guidelines for clear measure item construc-
tion (16). For example, one assimilation item reads:
“Most of my friends are Canadians because they are
enjoyable and I feel comfortable around them but I
don’t feel the same way with Koreans!”
Given the paucity of adequate empirical mea-
sures to assess East Asian acculturation, the East
Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM) was devel-
oped and evaluated. This study examined whether
the EAAM was associated with length of residence
in the United States, which was previously noted to
be conceptually and empirically associated with accul-
turation (2, 7). Possible relationships between gender
and acculturation were explored.
METHODS
Instrument
The EAAM is a 29-item self-report inventory,
which measures four dimensions of acculturation out-
lined by Berry (13): assimilation (8 items), separation
Barry
(7 items), integration (5 items), and marginalization
(9 items) (see Table I). Attitudinal and behavioral
facets of social interaction and communication styles
(both competency and ease/comfort in communicat-
ing) in various settings were assessed (1). Items are
scored using a 7-point Likert-type scale (strongly dis-
agree, disagree, disagree somewhat, neutral, agree
somewhat, agree, agree strongly). The total score
is derived by summing reverse- and positive-scored
items.
Items for the EAAM were generated from indi-
vidual in-depth semistructured interviews carried out
by the author (17) with 18 East Asian students and
faculty at a midwestern state university: six Chinese
(3 male and 3 female), six Japanese (3 male and
3 female), and six Korean (3 male and 3 female).
Participants were asked about their social interaction
and communication styles with Americans and ethnic
peers, in a variety of different settings. After generat-
ing the EAAM items, the author met with pilot study
participants in two groups of nine to ascertain feed-
back and to check the draft EAAM items for meaning
and clarity, which resulted in further modifications.
Subjects
Subjects in this study participated in an empirical
investigation of the relationships between ethnic iden-
tity, self-construal, acculturation patterns, and mental
health in East Asian immigrants in the United States
(17). The study described here utilized acculturation
data from 150 East Asian immigrants (mean age 28.7,
SD 6.40) who participated in the measure evaluation
investigations: 50 Chinese (25 males and 25 females),
50 Japanese (25 males and 25 females), and 50 Korean
(25 males and 25 females). Participants had lived, on
average, 7.4 years (SD = 6.4) in the United States. A
sample of convenience was self-selected in response
to widespread advertisement through electronic me-
dia, fliers, assistance from the international student
office at the University of Toledo, networking, and
personal contacts. The first 25 male and female re-
spondents from each ethnic subgroup were used in
the study.
The subjects were well educated. Approximately
one-third of the participants had completed or were
currently enrolled in undergraduate education; the
remaining two-thirds had completed or were cur-
rently enrolled in postgraduate programs. All subjects
reported average or fluent English and native lan-
guage levels. Eleven percent of the sample described
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East Asian Immigrant Acculturation 195

Table I. Means and Standard Deviations of the East Asian Ethnic Acculturation Measure Items
Acculturation item M SD

Scale 1: Assimilation
1 I write better in English than in my native language (for example, Chinese, Japanese, Korean) 2.74 1.78
5 When I am in my apartment/house, I typically speak English 3.25 1.98
9 If I were asked to write poetry, I would prefer to write it in English 2.81 1.78
13 I get along better with Americans than Asiansa 3.14 1.38
17 I feel that Americans understand me better than Asians do 2.74 1.22
21 I find it easier to communicate my feelings to Americans than to Asians 2.83 1.32
24 I feel more comfortable socializing with Americans than I do with Asians 3.09 1.12
27 Most of my friends at work/school are American 3.46 1.80
Scale 2: Separation
2 Most of the music I listen to is Asian 2.87 1.58
6 My closest friends are Asian 5.53 1.74
10 I prefer going to social gatherings where most of the people are Asian 4.22 1.47
14 I feel that Asians treat me as an equal more so than Americans do 4.09 1.51
18 I would prefer to go out on a date with an Asian than with an American 4.44 1.57
22 I feel more relaxed when I am with an Asian than when I am with an American 4.60 1.49
25 Asians should not date non-Asians 1.69 1.05
Scale 3: Integration
3 I tell jokes both in English and in my native language (for example, Chinese, Japanese, Korean) 4.63 1.72
7 I think as well in English as I do in my native language (for example, Chinese, Japanese, Korean) 4.19 1.79
11 I have both American and Asian friends 5.55 1.32
15 I feel that both Asians and Americans value me 5.13 1.22
19 I feel very comfortable around both Americans and Asians 4.88 1.34
Scale 4: Marginalization
4 Generally, I find it difficult to socialize with anybody, Asian or American 2.31 1.34
8 I sometimes feel that neither Americans nor Asians like me 2.16 1.32
12 There are times when I think no one understands me 3.73 1.84
16 I sometimes find it hard to communicate with people 4.07 1.62
20 I sometimes find it hard to make friends 3.64 1.21
23 Sometimes I feel that Asians and Americans do not accept me 2.38 1.21
26 Sometimes I find it hard to trust both Americans and Asians 3.17 1.48
28 I find that both Asians and Americans often have difficulty understanding me 3.26 1.55
29 I find that I do not feel comfortable when I am with other people 2.81 1.52
Note. n = 150 East Asian immigrants. M = mean, SD = standard deviation.
a Participants
were informed that for the purpose of this study ‘Asian’ pertained to people from China, Japan, and Korea.

themselves as Buddhist, 20% as Atheist, 33% as The average item-total correlation was 0.57. These
Christian, and the remainder (36%) endorsed the alpha coefficients demonstrated adequate interitem
“other” category. consistency for each of the four scales.
The interscale correlations between the four
EAAM scales are shown in Table II. Significant nega-
RESULTS tive correlations were found between assimilation and
separation (r = −0.39, p = 0.000) and integration
Reliability was calculated using Cronbach’s al-
pha, which led to coefficients of 0.77, 0.76, 0.74,
and 0.85 for assimilation, separation, integration, Table II. Correlations Between East Asian Acculturation
and marginalization scales, respectively. Assimilation Subscales
item-total correlations ranged from 0.41 to 0.62. The EAAM subscales (2) (3) (4)
average item-total correlation was 0.49. Separation Assimilation −0.39∗ 0.46∗ −0.06
item-total correlations ranged from 0.34 to 0.63. The Separation — −0.48∗ 0.11
average item-total correlation was 0.48. Integration Integration — — −0.40∗
item-total correlations ranged from 0.42 to 0.59. The Marginalization — — —
average item-total correlation was 0.51. Marginaliza- Note. n = 150 East Asian immigrants.
∗ p = 0.000.
tion item-total correlations ranged from 0.49 to 0.63.
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196
and marginalization (r = −0.40, p = 0.000). While
marginalization was not associated with assimilation
or separation, integration was significantly positively
correlated with assimilation (r = 0.46, p = 0.000).
Length of stay in the United States was not as-
sociated with separation. In contrast, length of stay in
the United States was significantly positively corre-
lated with assimilation (r = 0.50, p < 0.001) and in-
tegration (r = 0.29, p < 0.05) but significantly neg-
atively correlated with marginalization (r = −0.19,
p < 0.05). Thus, the longer participants remained in
the United States, the more likely they were to assim-
ilate and integrate, and the less likely they were to
become marginalized. Gender was not significantly
correlated with assimilation, separation, integration,
or marginalization.
DISCUSSION
The goal of this study was to develop and eval-
uate a new empirical self-report instrument, which
examined the acculturation patterns of East Asian
immigrants in the United States. The EAAM scales
were based on the four dimensions of acculturation
outlined by Berry (13), namely, assimilation, sepa-
ration, integration, and marginalization. Specifically,
the scales view acculturation as social interaction
and communication response styles (both compe-
tency and ease/comfort in communicating) that in-
dividuals adopt when interacting with individuals and
groups from another culture (1). Unlike the SL-ASIA
(7) the EAAM conceptualizes acculturation as a mul-
tidimensional phenomenon, which occurs at different
levels, and assesses attitudes and behaviors in a variety
of situations (8, 11). Each EAAM item probes a dis-
creet idea; scales do not include any double-barreled
or triple-barreled items (14).
The internal reliability levels for the four EAAM
scales, which ranged from 0.74 to 0.85, appear to pro-
vide content validation for the EAAM. A Cronbach’s
alpha of 0.65 is generally considered to be an adequate
cutoff level. The patterns of significant negative as-
sociations between assimilation and separation, and
integration and marginalization were consistent con-
ceptually with Berry’s (13) model and appear to pro-
vide construct validity for the EAAM.
East Asians who had elevated assimilation scores
also tended to have elevated integration scores. Thus,
assimilation and integration scales were not indepen-
dent. This is an interesting theoretical finding. Ac-
cording to Berry et al. (18), empirical relationships
Barry
between acculturation scales vary as a function of the
immigrant or ethnic group’s social standing within the
wider population and their opportunity to enter into
the majority culture. Perhaps, given their ethnic dis-
tinctiveness and relatively low social standing in the
United States (19), integration for East Asian par-
ticipants may be characterized by a desire to fit in
rather than an attempt to socialize and communicate
as much with East Asians as with Americans. This
finding needs to be replicated with other East Asian
immigrants.
Separation was not associated with length of stay
in the United States. In contrast, the longer partici-
pants remained in the United States, the more likely
they were to assimilate and integrate, and the less
likely they were to be marginalized. The finding that
assimilation and length of stay in the United States
were positively associated replicate those previously
reported by Suinn et al. (7). Since most studies of East
Asian acculturation have not employed multidimen-
sional scales, the finding that length of stay was asso-
ciated with decreased marginalization and increased
integration may be important in understanding the
complex process of acculturation (11) and highlights
the need for researchers and clinicians to employ mul-
tidimensional rather than unidimensional accultura-
tion scales.
In terms of gender, men and women did not dif-
fer on current levels of assimilation, separation, inte-
gration, or marginalization. These findings replicate
those previously reported by Anderson et al. (20) with
Southeast Asians.
Effective health care interventions with immi-
grants should address acculturation. Patients’ views of
mental and physical illness and associated health prac-
tices should help inform clinical interventions. Tradi-
tional psychotherapy, which is predicated on Western
cultural values, including individuality (21) may not
be an effective tool with separated or marginalized
Asian immigrant patients. Similarly, the application
of Western medicine to immigrant patients from non-
Western cultural backgrounds, accompanied by the
assumption that they will change their ways and ad-
here to a treatment plan, may have a deleterious im-
pact on their health (22). Information about Asian
immigrant patients’ communication and socialization
patterns with ethnic and non-Asian American peers
may allow the clinician to gain a better insight into
their world and minimize potential ethnocentrism
and therapeutic ruptures (23). An assessment of ac-
culturation may provide information about impor-
tant within-group differences and potentially reduce
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Journal of Immigrant Health PP251-344759 August 29, 2001 9:34
East Asian Immigrant Acculturation
schematic thinking, which contributes to stereotyp-
ing (24). Thus, clinical interventions with East Asian
immigrants should be tailored to their acculturation
status, which in turn may be assessed by the EAAM.
Several potential limitations should be noted.
The sample size of 150, given a 40-item questionnaire,
is below that generally recommended for factor anal-
ysis. A cross-validation study with a larger sample is
needed. However, given the difficulties recruiting ad-
equate numbers from this population, the theoreti-
cal coherence of the four scales, and the relationship
between assimilation and length of residence in the
United States, the EAAM may be theoretically and
clinically useful. Participants were well educated. Al-
though many East Asian immigrants are well edu-
cated, some are not. Indeed, there appears to be a
bimodal distribution, comprising well-educated and
poorly educated individuals (25). Consequently, the
sample may not be representative of the overall East
Asian immigrant population in the United States. The
use of the electronic media to solicit participants is
still somewhat unorthodox. The Internet was used be-
cause of the small number of East Asians completing
the questionnaires in the Northwest Ohio area. How-
ever, the Northwest Ohio and Internet samples were
comparable on all measures. Moreover, the use of the
Internet may afford participants a greater sense of
anonymity than traditional survey methods and thus
may be a useful data collection (26).
Overall, as an initial investigation of the EAAM,
the results were encouraging. Although further re-
search is required with a larger sample of varying
socioeconomic backgrounds and ages, initial findings
suggest that the EAAM may demonstrate adequate
validity and reliability, and shows promise as a useful
tool for clinicians and researchers working with East
Asian immigrants in the United States.
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