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MODEL ANSWERS
CHAPTER 23: THE AGE OF NATIONALISM, 1850-1914
The following are answer guidelines for questions located in A History of Western Society,
Twelfth Edition.

Chapter Preview (p. 755) / Review & Explore (p. 790)


1. How did Napoleon III seek to reconcile popular and conservative forces in an authoritarian
nation-state?

 Elected president of France in 1848 and then named emperor in 1852, Napoleon III
combined authoritarian rule with economic growth and positive measures for the poor.
Believing that corrupt parliaments and political bickering got in the way of reform and
progress, Napoleon III seized power and led a government that promoted investment and
public works, including the rebuilding of Paris. He maintained widespread support
among urban workers by supporting better housing and giving workers the right to form
unions and to strike. Faced with criticism by middle-class liberals who disliked his
authoritarian regime, he reinstated some of the National Assembly’s powers. In 1870, he
granted France a new constitution that combined a parliament with a hereditary emperor,
moving the nation-state in a more democratic direction.

2. How did conflict and war lead to the construction of strong nation-states in Italy, Germany,
and the United States?

 In Italy, Cavour joined diplomacy and war against Austria with nationalist uprisings in
central Italy to expand the constitutional monarchy of Sardinia-Piedmont. Cavour then
enlisted Garibaldi’s revolutionary patriotism to kindle peasant revolt in southern Italy and
succeeded in merging the south and the north in the new kingdom of Italy, a conservative
parliamentary monarchy under Victor Emmanuel II. In Prussia, Bismarck also combined
statecraft with nationalism.
 Collecting taxes without the consent of parliament, reorganizing the army, and then
engaging in war against Denmark and Austria, Bismarck succeeded in making Prussia the
dominant German state and in driving Austria out of German affairs. War with France
completed the unification process, expanding the power of Prussia and its king in a new
German empire and instilling in all Germans a strong sense of national pride. The
question of slavery divided the northern and southern U.S. states for both economic and
political reasons. With war against Mexico and westward expansion in the mid-nineteenth
century, tensions over slavery came to the fore. Eleven of the southern states seceded,
provoking a civil war. The northern states prevailed, and the Union was preserved. In the

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postwar years, national characteristics emerged and seemed to confirm America’s


“manifest destiny” as a great world power.
3. What steps did Russia and the Ottoman Turks take toward modernization, and how
successful were they?

 Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War posed a regime-threatening crisis, which led Tsar
Alexander II to emancipate the serfs and to promote economic modernization featuring
railroad building, military improvements, and industrialization. Political reform was
limited, however, and even after the revolution of 1905 led to a Duma elected by
universal male suffrage, the tsar retained a great deal of power and Russia remained a
peasant-based nation with a partially industrialized economy. The Ottoman Empire also
sought to modernize to protect the state, but it was considerably less successful. The
Tanzimat called for equality regardless of religious faith, administrative and military
modernization, and private ownership of land. These reforms brought partial recovery;
however, resistance from Christian nationalists and religious conservatives, as well as
Western imperialism, hampered the modernization effort.
4. What general domestic trends emerged after 1871?

 After 1871, the nation-state, mass politics, and nationalism—popular loyalty to the
nation— emerged as domestic political trends in Europe. The major states in western
Europe enacted constitutions, universal male suffrage, and an electoral system with
political parties that competed to provide citizens benefits and instill in them a greater
sense of belonging. Germany pioneered social welfare programs that won popular support
and defused the appeal of socialism. France legalized trade unions and established a
system of state schools that undercut the power of the Catholic Church. Great Britain
gradually extended the franchise to more and more men and established national health
insurance and other social measures. In contrast, the Austro-Hungarian Empire could not
defuse national antagonisms, and the state weakened.

5. How did popular nationalism evolve in the last decades of the nineteenth century?

 After 1870, nationalism became more popular because most ordinary people accepted
and even embraced the nation-state. Many nations had instituted universal military
conscription, which exposed young men to patriotic values, and established public
schools that taught children patriotic stories and national traditions. Railroads and better
roads linked the nation and created national markets. New symbols, rituals, holidays, and
monuments brought citizens together to celebrate the nation and important events in its
history. At the same time, nationalist ideology was moving in a different direction.
Bolstered by a scientific racism that categorized and excluded rather than incorporated
peoples, nationalism began to appeal to more people on the right wing of the political
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spectrum. Scientific racism made claims about supposedly inferior and superior races,
while Social Darwinism popularized such claims; together they provided a justification
for imperialist expansion and domestic discrimination and persecution. A violent anti-
Semitism reappeared in central and eastern Europe in response to the lifting of
restriction on Jews and their subsequent improved economic and social position. In
Vienna, anti- Semites established nationalistic political parties that appealed to the
lower-middle classes, while in Russia, the growth of anti-Semitism inspired the Zionist
movement and advocacy of a Jewish homeland in Palestine.

6. Why did the socialist movement grow, and how revolutionary was it?

 The socialist movement grew because socialist parties began to focus more on achieving
gradual, steady improvements for the working classes, such as better wages, hours, and
working conditions, and less on revolution. Although socialist leaders in many countries
supported international revolutionary Marxism in theory, in practice they usually
concentrated on basic gains for union members. Thus, pre-1914 socialism, combining
radical rhetoric with sober action, was militantly moderate and not very revolutionary.

Make Connections (p. 789)


1. By 1900, most countries in Europe and North America had established modern nation-states,
but the road to nation building varied dramatically from place to place. Which countries
were most successful in building viable nation-states? What accounts for the variation?

 France, Italy, Prussia, and the United States all built viable nation-states. In France,
Louis Napoleon combined nationalist sentiments with authoritarian rule, economic
growth, and measures that brought urban workers better housing and the right to
organize unions and to strike. Italy’s Cavour used nationalist feelings and war against
Austria to expand the constitutional monarchy of Sardinia-Piedmont, and then allied
with Giuseppe Garibaldi to join the south and the north in the new kingdom of Italy. In
Prussia, Otto von Bismarck also combined war against Denmark, Austria, and France
with domestic political maneuvers to establish a new German empire. In the United
States, war erupted between northern and southern regions over slavery and its
extension into newly acquired western territories. Following the North’s victory and
preservation of the Union, the idea of America’s “manifest destiny” became part of a
new national identity. By contrast, nation building in Ireland was not successful and
broke down along religious lines, with the southern Catholics favoring home rule and
the Protestant Ulsterites opposing it. Nation building was also less successful in
Austria-Hungary, where national antagonisms could not be overcome. Governments
that successfully created viable nation-states effectively channeled nationalist feelings
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into patriotic feelings toward the nation. Many such governments made concessions to
the working and middle classes at the same time that they made war on other nations
and presented the war and acquisition of new territory as a great, patriotic national
campaign.

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2. How and why did the relationship between the state and its citizens change in the last decades
of the nineteenth century?

 As nation-states made concessions to the population, granting voting rights and welfare
benefits to more people, nationalism became popular. Yet class, regional, and ethnic
differences still divided peoples, and governments had to find ways to foster national unity
and instill loyalty in their citizens. Universal military conscription trained young men in
patriotism, and free, compulsory education taught children common languages and
instructed them in the nation’s history and traditions. Governments in Italy and Germany
introduced a common currency and standard weights and measures, established a national
post office, and built railroad and communication networks, all of which broke down
barriers among ethnic groups and regions. New symbols and rituals, including flags,
national anthems and holidays, and commemorative statues and monuments, celebrated
the nation. Intellectuals and politicians championed the genius of the dominant ethnic
group, and scholars conducted research to reveal the roots of national identity in folklore,
religion, and territory. By the end of the nineteenth century, Italians, Germans, Americans,
and other citizens who felt pride in and an allegiance to their nations had been “made.” Yet
some extremist nationalists stirred up racism and resentment toward ethnic minorities,
targeting them for assimilation or persecution and labeling them a threat to national purity
and the nation-state.

3. Liberalism, socialism, and nationalism first emerged as coherent ideologies in the decades
around 1800 (Chapter 21). How had they changed by 1900?

 By 1900, liberalism had become more democratic in some places. By 1884 in Britain, most
men, including working and lower-class men had won the right to vote. British liberalism
also became more responsive to the needs of citizens, with the introduction of a range of
social welfare measures that included national health insurance and pensions. Likewise, in
France, the National Assembly legalized trade unions and established free, compulsory
elementary education. Nationalism became more popular among ordinary people, and
nation-states sought to instill loyalty in their citizens by establishing compulsory
education; building railroad and communications networks; and introducing new rituals,
symbols, and holidays that celebrated the nation and united diverse peoples in common
ideals and values. Socialist parties grew at a phenomenal rate after 1871, becoming mass
parties rather than small, radical revolutionary movements. Socialists remained dedicated
to the Marxist ideal of an international workers’ revolution, but in practice most worked
through the parliamentary process for the steady but gradual improvement in the position
of workers.

Evaluate the Evidence 23.1: The Struggle for the Italian Nation (p. 760)
1. What, according to Mazzini, are the sources of national belonging? What role does religion
play in his account? Would you label Mazzini a liberal nationalist?
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 Divine design: Mazzini believed that God created nations by dividing humans into
distinct groups and demarcating the boundaries of nations with rivers and mountains. In
essence, he believed that nations were natural and obvious entities, a gift of the Creator.
 Reunion and progress: Mazzini argued that the “People will rise” to replace the arbitrary
borders imposed by conquering states with the divinely inspired “Natural divisions,”
bringing harmony and brotherhood that would facilitate “peaceful and progressive
development.” In his vision, the liberal program of progress is based on a spiritual
association of men who share a language, education, and historic traditions.

2. How do Mazzini’s ideas on nationhood compare to those of Ernest Renan (see page777)?

 Creation versus shared human will: In contrast to Mazzini, who believed that nations
were based on God’s division of people into groups who share common characteristics,
Renan believed that nations were created by humans who share a past and future will.
Mazzini explained existing boundaries as the result of the conquests of evil governments
that had distorted God’s divinely inspired design, while Renan maintained that humans
established borders by affirming or rejecting their inclusion in the nation on a regular
basis.

Mapping the Past (p. 763)


Map 23.2: The Unification of Germany, 1864–1871
Analyzing the Map: What losses did Austria experience in 1866? What territories did France
lose as a result of the Franco-Prussian War?
 Austrian and French losses: In 1866 Austria lost no territory to Prussia, but Venice was
handed over to the Italians. The French, on the other hand, suffered major territorial
losses after the Franco-Prussian War. Alsace and Lorraine were added to the new
German Empire.
Connections: How was central Europe remade and the power of Prussia-Germany greatly
increased as a result of the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco- Prussian War?
 New central Europe: Instead of balancing power between two states, the Prussians
and the Austrians, the new German Empire was the dominant state in central
Europe. The smaller German states were now united with Germany, giving the
new country continuous borders. The major industrial and mining regions were
under unified German control. The rail system connected the northern region,
making the new Germany both militarily and economically stronger than the
Austrians. By annexing Alsace and Lorraine, Germany controlled most of the
Rhine River, which gave it access to shipping, mining, and the major industrial
centers along the river.

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Living in the Past: Peasant Life in Post-Reform Russia (pps. 768-769)

1. How did the abolition of serfdom affect peasant life in Russia?

 Moderate change: The emancipation of serfs freed peasants from their noble lords, which
allowed more peasants to seek temporary work in towns and cities. However, most
peasants remained tied to their villages, living in simple log cabins, farming communal
land, and engaging in religious and social activities with family and friends.
Traditional peasant life continued until the huge industrial surge of the 1890s.
2. What role did peasant women play in Russian agriculture? Why?

 Important contribution to agriculture: Women took part in the hard labor required for
plowing, planting, and harvesting. Russia’s infertile soil, sparse population, and short
growing season and workers’ simple hand tools demanded that all family members
contribute their labor in order to plant and harvest crops before the long, harsh winter
commenced.
3. How did Russian peasants interact with their environment? In what ways did their
environment influence peasants’ lives?

 Impact of environment: Peasants had to deal with poor-quality soil and a short
growing season. These two factors forced peasants to work much harder on
agriculture than they would have if environmental and climatic conditions were more
favorable. It also created different social dynamics, as evidenced by the fact that
Russian peasant women performed hard, physical agricultural tasks than women in
other European societies did not. The shorter growing season also meant that some
peasants sought seasonal work in towns and cities and, as a result, introduced
elements of urban culture in the villages.

Evaluate the Evidence 23.2: Eyewitness Accounts of Bloody Sunday (p. 771)
1. Can you begin to reconstruct the events of Bloody Sunday from these reports? Who seems to
be responsible for the violence?
 Events: It is clear from both reports that a confrontation took place between a working-
class crowd and soldiers at Palace Square, and that a massacre took place in which
hundreds of men, women, and children were killed or wounded.
 Blame: The language employed by the London Times suggests a raging, unruly mob of
workers surged forth from the “other side of the river” to attack the Winter Palace and
that the Cossacks struggled mightily to subdue them. Although the report notes that the
Cossacks wielded whips and sabers and that Father Gapon was wounded, it identifies the
people as strikers instead of peaceful demonstrators, who threatened order and stability,
thus laying most of the blame on them. The Paris Le Matin, by contrast, expresses
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sympathy for the terror- stricken, unarmed “victims” and provides pathetic images of
women and children struggling to remain on their feet, thus placing blame on the brutal
actions of the soldiers and those who command them.
2. Did popular protest help ordinary people win rights from the Russian state?

 Revolution of 1905: Bloody Sunday provoked disgust and sympathy from all levels of
society, turning popular opinion against the Tsar Nicholas II’s regime and sparking
protests and demonstrations and then a general strike in St. Petersburg. Such a massive
show of popular discontent forced Nicholas II to grant Russians a constitution,
parliament (Duma) to be elected by universal male suffrage, and civil rights.

Thinking Like a Historian: How to Build a Nation (pps. 780-781)


Analyzing the Evidence
1. In Source 1, why does Ernest Renan conclude that “[a] nation’s existence is . . . a daily
plebiscite”?

 Renan is arguing that a nation exists because the individuals that compose it perpetuate
the idea that they share a common history, culture, and especially trials that unify them.
Just as a plebiscite gives affirmation to an idea, on a daily basis, citizens in a nation
affirm their membership and willingness to be part of a collective idea that is the nation.

2. Consider Sources 2–5. What symbols or ideas are used to promote a sense of national
belonging? Why, for example, would an Italian banknote feature an image of the sixteenth-
century artist/philosopher Leonardo da Vinci? Why do these sources repeatedly evoke blood,
battles, and national leaders?

 The symbols of national belonging, by necessity, refer back to the common history (real
or imagined) that holds citizens together. For example the image of Leonardo da Vinci
on the Italian bank note reminds Italians of their glorious past in the Renaissance. This is
in part a false history since the Renaissance had no unified Italy, however, the image is
powerful in its representation of a creative and unique Italian experience. In addition,
symbols and ideas that evoke a common history also tend to glorify the past of each
nation as seen in the monuments in Sources 4 and 5. The common history may be real or
imagined, but it must remind national citizens of the power and might of the unified
nation.

3. Are nationalists good historians? Do the sources above accurately represent the “true-to-life”
historic experiences of specific national peoples?

 Nationalists are rarely good historians because they choose to omit ideas, events, and
developments that challenge the state. Because nation and state are linked in Europe in
the 19th century, nationalists ignore or recreate history to give greater power to the state

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by embellishing historical events, ignoring historical events, or rewriting events to sue the
interests of the state.

Putting It All Together


Using the sources above, along with what you have learned about nationalism in class and in
Chapters 21 and 23, write a short essay that applies Ernest Renan’s ideas about national identity
to the spread of nationalism in the late nineteenth century. Can you explain why nationalism
might subsume or erode existing regional, religious, or class differences?

 Ernest Renan’s ideas about national identity can be seen in the unification of Germany
and Italy. In both of these processes, leaders encouraged a nationalistic view of the
history of the nations. For example, in Italy, an emphasis was placed on the glory of the
Roman past as a common history to unit Italians. Because nationalism is based on a
common history of trial or suffering, regional, religious and class differences are made
less important than national identity. This can be seen in the maneuverings of Otto von
Bismarck who is able to ultimately convince disparate German states, many of whom had
traditionally held on to their autonomy, to join together again “German enemies” (those
who were not German) and to form a government representing German interests.
Nationalism can best subsume regional, religious, or class differences when the common
history (real or imagined) pits the nation against another nation. The outside enemy helps
to unite the nation within the state.

Individuals in Society: Theodor Herzl (p. 784)


1. Describe Theodor Herzl’s background and early beliefs. Do you see a link between Herzl’s
early German nationalism and his later Zionism?

 Background: Herzl grew up in Hungary in an upper-middle-class, German-speaking


Jewish family, and he was able to attend university to study law. His middle-class
background and education exposed him to liberal ideas of the era, including Jewish
assimilation into German culture, and encouraged him to support German nationalism.
Fierce anti-Semitic attitudes, however, caused Herzl to abandon German nationalism.
Instead of abandoning nationalism entirely, however, he transferred his ideas of
nationalism from a nation-state already in existence (Germany) to a Jewish nation-state
he desired to bring into existence. If Herzl had not originally been so drawn to German
nationalism, he may not have formulated his ideas for a Jewish homeland or campaigned
so vigorously for it.
2. Why did Herzl believe an independent Jewish state with its own national flag was
necessary?

 Independent Jewish state: Herzl believed that anti-Semitism was too strong in any
country to allow Jews to assimilate into society. Jews could only be safe and secure if
they were able to live in an independent Jewish state. For such a state to survive, it
would require a national consciousness; this national consciousness required symbols,
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like a national flag, to sustain it.


3. How did Herzl work as a leader to turn his Zionist vision into a reality?

 Herzl’s leadership: Though generally rebuffed by Jewish elites, Herzl sought


support for his ideas among youthful idealists and the poor. By organizing the
growth of the worldwide Zionist organization, establishing an annual Zionist
congress, and seeking support among European rulers and officials, Herzl helped
establish a solid base of support for a Jewish homeland. He also paved the way for
the 1917 Balfour Declaration.

Evaluate the Evidence 23.3: Adelheid Popp, the Making of a Socialist


(pps. 786-787)
1. How did Popp describe and interpret work in the factory?

 Factory work: While Popp acknowledges that the factory in which she worked paid
well compared to other opportunities, she states that almost everyone was still very
poor and willing to suffer abuse from supervisors because of the fear of losing her or
his job. Based on her experience, Popp felt that the life of a factory worker was “sad
and full of deprivation.”
2. According to her autobiography, what accounts for Popp’s nationalist sentiments early on?
How and why did she become a Social Democrat?

 Early nationalist sentiments: Popp’s early nationalist sentiments seem to come from her
admiration for royalty; the patriotic enthusiasm roused by the possibility of war with
Russia and pride in her brother’s military service; and the Catholic paper she read,
which harshly criticized the worker’s movement.
 Becoming a Social Democrat: An anarchist group was placed on trial for murder, and
Popp describes how she followed the trial’s progress. She claims the trial was used by
the police as a method of oppressing Social Democrats and the rising working-class
movement. Popp read and listened to the speeches of the accused and found herself
sympathizing with their views, most likely because she connected their rhetoric to her
personal hardships as a factory worker. Eventually, she met a friend of her brother’s,
who was a Social Democrat and introduced her to the ideas of socialism.

3. Was Popp likely to lead other working women to socialism by reading the articles from
socialist newspapers? Why or why not?

 Popp’s leadership: Answers to this question may vary. By reading articles on socialism
to her female coworkers, Popp could have contrasted their difficult lives with calls for
social justice and, as a result, inspired them to learn about or become active in socialist
movements. On the other hand, some coworkers may not have been convinced by
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newspaper articles and might have responded better to more active leadership, like
organizing a union and demanding better working benefits. Others may simply have
been disinterested in politics and may even have resented her attempts to recruit them.

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