Professional Documents
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9.1 INTRODUCTION
Criminology is the scientific approach towards studying criminal behaviour. It
is an interdisciplinary science which includes sociology, psychology, biology
political science etc. There are different school of criminology like classical
school, positive school, ecological school etc. One of the oldest scientific
approaches in criminology theory emphasizes physical and biological abnormality
as the prominent mark of the criminal. Sigmund Freud coined the term
psycholoanalysis in 1896 and based an entire theory of human behaviour on it.
Later Ernest Jones delineated seven major principles of Freud’s approach within
the psychoanalytic perspective criminal and delinquent behaviours are attributed
to disturbances or malfuctions in the ego or superego. Then there was sociological
theory of criminology whose main propounde was Durkheim. Apart from these,
there is Control Theories and Conflict Theories of Criminology.
9.2 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you should be able to:
• understand the crime and criminology;
• known various theoretical explanations of criminality; and
• discuss the dynamic interrelatedness in the formation and manifestation of
criminal and delinquent behaviour and various socio-cultural factors and
processes.
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Theories and Perspectives Thomas Hobbes concluded that all phenomenons were subjected to scientific
in Criminal Justice
laws including human behaviour. According to Rene Descartes “natural laws
governed not only events external to man but event occurring within him, so free
will becomes more important than divine law in crime causation”.
Beccaria’s Recommendations
1) Laws are the conditions under which independent and isolated men get united
to form a society. People sacrifice and the sum of all these portions of liberty
sacrificed by each for his own good constitutes the sovereignty of a nation
and their legitimate depository and administrator is the sovereign. The
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tangible motives of punishment must be established against infractors of Criminological Theories
the laws.
2) Only the laws can decree punishments for crime; authority for this can reside
only with the legislator who represents the entire society united by a social
contract.
3) Judges in criminal cases cannot have the authority to interpret laws. For
every crime that comes before him, a judge is required to complete a perfect
syllogism in which the major premise must be the general law.
4) Basis of all social actions must be utilitarian concept of the greatest happiness
for the greatest number.
5) On the seriousness of crime he said that Crime must be considered an injury
to society.
6) There must be a proper proportion between crime and punishments.
7) The more promptly and the more closely punishment follows upon the
commission of crime, the more just and useful will it be.
8) One of the greatest curbs on crime is not the cruelty of punishments, but
their infallibility. The certainty of punishment, even if be moderate, will
always make a stronger impression than the fear of another which is more
terrible.
9) Prevention of crime is more important than the punishment, which means
that publishing the laws is very important.
10) Secret Accusations and tortures should be abolished in favour of humane
and speedy trial.
11) Purpose of punishment is to deter rather revenge.
12) Imprisonment should be widely employed and it should be improved.
Beccaria’s principles were used as the basis for the French Code of 1791. The
greatest advantage of this code was that it set up a procedure that was easy to
administer. As a practical matter, however, the Code of 1791 was impossible to
enforce in everyday situations, and modifications were introduced. These
modifications, all in the interest of greater ease of administration, are the essence
of the neo-classical school.
Problems in Classical School
1) Ignorance of Individual differences.
2) Significance of particular situation.
3) First Offender and repeaters were to be treated similarly on the basis of
criminal act.
4) Minors, idiots, insane and other incompetents were treated similarly.
The heritage left by the classical school is still operative today in the following
principles, each of which is a fundamental constituent of modern day perspective
on crime and punishment.
1) Provides a justification for the use of punishment in the control of crime.
2) Rational Punishments
3) Written laws
4) Deterrent Principle
5) Equality before the Law
Charles Goring (1913) studied 3000 English convicts and a control group of
normal males. And after 8 years, Goring confirmed his hypothesis that criminals
are biologically inferior. He did not find a physical criminal type.
Gabriel Tarde held that behaviour is learned including criminal behaviour and
proposed association and learning as explanations of crime in contrast to the
biological approaches of Lombroso. He referred the criminals as ‘Social
excrement’ and thought that Courts only function was to determine the guilt or
innocence of the accused person and a committee of doctors should determine
the degree of his responsibility. He was also in the opinion that disposition should
be on a psychological basis only.
Delinquency areas became the concern of Clifford R.Shaw (1929), who developed
the theory that delinquency rates are high in the center of Chicago and
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Theories and Perspectives progressively lower at greater distances from the center and from industrial areas
in Criminal Justice
It became obvious that the rate of delinquency in various areas of the city and
different neighbourhoods varies widely and is tied to socio-economic and other
factors. The problems of adverse condition of urban living have been recognised
as coming from:
1) The economic insecurity and instability of urban social institutions ; and
2) Individual and social efforts to become adjusted to the requirements and
pressures of urban social and economic conditions.
The concept of concentric circles throughout the city that describe where crime
and delinquency occur began when the University of Chicago sociologists began
studying delinquency and found that the areas of highest delinquency appeared
in or adjacent to areas zoned for industry and commerce (Shaw and McKay,
1969). In Chicago, they occurred close to the central business district and also
near the stockyards and the south Chicago steel mills. On the other hand areas of
low delinquency occurred in areas zoned for residential purposes. The concentric
circle idea arose when five were drawn at two-mile intervals from a focal point
at the center of the city. The social data drawn from these two-mile zones indicated
that the highest rate of community problems was in the central or first zone, and
all problems decreased gradually with the distance from the center of the city to
the outer or fifth zone.
The Chicago school can be described as a gold mine that continues to enrich
criminology today. As Meier and Miethe state that there is a “symbiotic
relationship between conventional and illegal activities’ in such a way that
“victims and offenders are inextricably linked in ecology of crime”. Thus,
criminologists must look to the social contexts to understand the parallel processes
by which victims come to experience the risk of crime and offenders come to be
14 motivated to commit crime.
Criminological Theories
9.9 THEORIES RELATED TO PHYSICAL
APPEARANCE
One of the oldest scientific approaches in criminology theory emphasizes physical
and biological abnormality as the distinguishing mark of the criminal. In this
approach criminals are viewed as somehow different, abnormal, defective, and
therefore inferior biologically. This biological inferiority is thought to produce
certain physical characteristics that make the appearance of criminals different
from that of non-criminals. Early criminologists studied the physical appearance
of criminals in an attempt to identify these characteristics. The real explanation
of criminal behaviour, in this view, is biological defectiveness and inferiority—
physical and other characteristics are only symptoms of that inferiority.
Phrenology focused on the external shape of the skull instead of the appearance
of the face. Based originally on Aristotle’s idea of the brain as the organ of the
mind, phrenologists assumed that the exterior of the skull conformed to its interior
and therefore to the shape of the brain. Different faculties or functions of the
mind were assumed to be associated with different parts of the brain. Therefore,
the exterior shape of the skull would indicate how the mind functioned.
Gall listed twenty-six special faculties of the brain; Spurzheim increased the
number to thirty-five. Their lists included faculties described as amativeness,
conjugality, philoprogenitiveness (love of off spring), friendliness, combativeness,
destructiveness, acquisitiveness, cautiousness, self-esteem, firmness,
benevolence, constructiveness, ideality, and imitativeness. These were said to
be grouped into three regions or compartments:-
1) “Lower” or active propensities,
2) Moral sentiments, and
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Theories and Perspectives 3) The intellectual faculties.
in Criminal Justice
Crime was said to involve the lower propensities, notably amativeness,
philoprogenitiveness, combativeness, secretiveness, and acquisitiveness. These
propensities, however, could be held in restraint by the moral sentiments or the
intellectual faculties, in which case no crime would be committed. Character
and human conduct were thus conceived as equilibrium in the pull of these
opposite forces. Animal propensities might impel the individual to crime, but
they would be opposed by the higher sentiments and intelligence. Just as other
organs were strengthened by exercise and enfeebled by disuse, so were the
“organs” of the mind. Careful training of the child, and even of the adult, in right
living would strengthen the “organs” of desirable faculties and inhibit through
disuse the lower propensities with their concomitants of crime and vice.
The obvious scientific criticism of the phrenological theory of crime was that no
one was able to observe the physiological “organs” of the mind or their relation
to particular types of behaviour. The most serious obstacle to its acceptance by
the public, however, was the deterministic nature of its analysis. If human conduct
were the result of the organs of the mind, then people’s fate was in the hands of
their anatomy and physiology. This view was rejected and opposed by teachers,
preachers, judges, and other leaders who influenced public opinion, because it
contradicted one of their most cherished ideas, namely that humans are masters
of their own conduct and capable of making of themselves what they will. It was
the need to show that humans were still masters of their fate (as well as to respond
to criticisms of the fatalistic position implied by his earlier work) that led Gall to
publish his Des Dispositions innces de l’ame et de l’esprit du materialisme (1811),
in which he argued that phrenology was not fatalistic, that will and spirit were
basic and supreme in the direction and control of human behaviour.
Lombroso had asserted that criminals, compared with the general population,
would show anomalies (i.e., differences or defects) of head height, head width,
and degree of receding forehead, as well as differences in head circumference,
head symmetry, and so on. Goring, in comparing prisoners with the officers and
men of the Royal Engineers, found no such anomalies. There were no more
protrusions or other peculiarities of the head among the prisoners than among
the Royal Engineers. Goring also compared other characteristics, such as nasal
contours, color of eyes, colour of hair, and left-handedness, but found only
insignificant differences. He compared groups of different kinds of criminals
(burglars, forgers, thieves, etc.) on the basis of thirty-seven specific physical
characteristics. He concluded that there wee no significant differences between
one kind of criminal and another that were not more properly related to the
selective effects of environmental factors.
The one general exception to his conclusion was a consistent “inferiority in stature
and in body weight”. The criminals were one to two inches shorter than non-
criminals of the same occupational groups, and weighed from three to seven
pounds less. Goring was satisfied that these differences were real and significant,
and he interpreted them as indicating a general inferiority of a hereditary nature.
This interpretation agreed with his general thesis of hereditary inferiority (as
measured by comparisons of mental ability and various other indices of hereditary
influence) as the basis for criminal conduct.
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Theories and Perspectives Table 9.3
in Criminal Justice
Physique Temperament
Each person possesses the characteristics of the three types to a greater or lesser
degree. Sheldon therefore used three numbers, each between 1 and 7, to indicate
the extent to which the characteristics of the three types were present in a given
individual. Foe example, a person whose somatotype is 7-1-4 would possess
many endomorphic characteristics, few mesomorphic characteristics, and an
average number of ectomorphic characteristics.
Sheldon presented individual case histories, uniformly written according to a
rigorous case outline, of 200 young males who had a period of contact, during
the decade 1939-1949, with the Hayden Goodwill Inn, a small, somewhat
specialised, rehabilitation home for boys in Boston. He found that these youths
were decidedly high in mesomorphy and low in ectomorphy, with the average
somatotype being 3.5-4.6-2.7. Sheldon had earlier studied 200 college students
who were apparently nondelinquents, and had found that the average somatotype
was 3.2-3.8-3.4. The difference between these two groups with respect to
mesomorphy and ectomorphy is significant (p = 001).
The association between mesomorphy and delinquency was also found in a study
by the Gluecks, who compared 500 persistent delinquents with 500 proven non-
delinquents. The two groups were matched in terms of age, general intelligence,
ethic-racial derivation, and residence in underprivileged areas. Photographs of
the boys were mixed together and then visually assessed for the predominant
body type. By this method 60.1 per cent of the delinquents, but only 30.7 per
cent of the non-delinquents, were found to be mesomorphs. The analysis included
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a study of sixty-seven personality traits and forty-two socio-cultural factors to Criminological Theories
determine which of these were associated with delinquency. The Gluecks found
that mesomorphs, in general, were “more highly characterised by traits particularly
suitable to the commission of acts of aggression (physical strength, energy,
insensitivity, the tendency to express tensions and frustrations in action), together
with a relative freedom from such inhibitions to antisocial adventures as feelings
of inadequacy, marked submissiveness to authority, emotional instability, and
the like.” They also found that those mesomorphs who became delinquent were
characterised by a number of personality traits not normally found in mesomorphs,
including susceptibility to contragious diseases of childhood, destructiveness,
feelings of inadequacy, emotional instability, and emotional conflicts. In addition,
three socio-cultural factors — careless household routine, lack of family group
recreations associated with delinquency in mesomorphs.
The Glueck study has been criticized because there was no control for the rapid
body changes that occur in adolescence, because the method of somatotype
involved only visual assessment and not precise measurements, and because the
delinquent population included only institutionalised youth. In an attempt to
overcome these problems Cortes used a precise measurements technique to
somatotype 100 delinquents, of whom seventy were institutionalised and thirty
were on probation or under suspended sentence. He also somatotype 100 private
high school seniors who had no record of any delinquency, and twenty
institutionalised adult felons. He found that 57 per cent of the delinquents were
high in mesomorphy, as compared to only 19 per cent of the no delinquents. The
mean somatotype of the delinquents was 3.5-4.4-3.1, and the mean somatotype
of the criminals was 2.8-5.4-3.1.
To determine whether body type was associated with temperament, Cortes had
seventy-three boys who were clearly classified as to body type (i.e., whose
predominant rating was at least 4.5 and exceeded the other two ratings by at least
one-half unit) describe themselves in terms of a set of traits associated with the
three temperaments. The results of this experiment show that there was a strong
tendency for boys with mesomorphic physics to describe their temperaments in
terms that Sheldon had called “somotonic”. Similarly, boys with endomorphic
physiques used “viscerotonic” terms and those with ectomorphic physiques used
“cerebrotonic” terms to describe their temperaments. This is exactly the
relationship predicated by Sheldon. This procedure was repeated with 100 college
girls and with the twenty convicted adult felons, with similar results. Finally,
using Mcclelland’s Test for Need for Achievement, Cortes found that mesomorphy
was associated with need for achievement (in Ach) and with need for power (n
Power). Cortes concluded.
Goring found that there were high correlations between the frequency and length
of imprisonment of one parent and that of the other, between the imprisonment
of parents and that of their children, and between the imprisonment of brothers.
Goring argued that these findings could not be explained by the effect of social
and environmental conditions, since he found little or no relationship between
the frequency and length of imprisonment and such factors as poverty, nationality,
education, birth order, and broken homes. He also argued that these findings
could not be explained by the effect of example among people who were closely
associated with each other. For example, the imprisonment of one spouse could
not be explained by the example of the other spouse, since most of them were
already engaged in crime at the time they got married. Goring therefore concluded
that criminality (i.e., frequent or lengthy imprisonment) was associated with
inherited, but not with environmental, characteristics and recommended that to
reduce crime, people with those inherited characteristics not be allowed to
reproduce.
There are serious problems with each of Goring’s arguments. The most important
problem concerns the fact that Goring attempted to establish the effect of heredity
by controlling for and eliminating the effect of environment. To accomplish that,
it is necessary to have accurate measurement of all the environment factors
involved, which he obviously did not have. Goring dealt with only a few
environmental factors, quite imperfectly, and these were roughly measured. The
failure to measure environmental influence adequately has the result of
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Theories and Perspectives overemphasising the significance of the influence of heredity. Later studies of
in Criminal Justice
the families of criminals have been faced with a similar problem. Ellis reviewed
these studies and found remarkably little evidence for the widespread belief that
crime tends to “run in the family”. The evidence that does not exist suggests that
it is less rampant than is commonly believed.
9.10.4 Neurotransmitters
Neurotransmitters are chemicals that allow for the transmission of electrical
impulses within the brain and are the basis for the brain’s processing of
information. As such, they underline all types of behaviour, including antisocial
behaviour.
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Theories and Perspectives 9.10.5 Hormones
in Criminal Justice
Much research has been generated relating to the effect of hormone levels on
human behaviour, including aggressive or criminal behaviour. Interest in
hormones dates back to the mid-1800s, when biochemists were first able to isolate
and identify some of the physiological and psychological effects of the secretions
of the endocrine glands (hormones). Most recent paid to hormone levels and
aggressive or criminal behaviour relates to either testosterone or female
premenstrual cycles. The role of testosterone in the aggressiveness of many animal
species has been well documented, but a question remains as to whether
testosterone plays a significant role in human aggressive and violent behaviour.
Raine reviews some of this literature, finding mixed results. Effects of testosterone
on aggression are slight when aggression is measured using personality
questionnaires, but much stronger when behavioural measures of aggression are
employed.
Although most research on hormones and crime focused on males, some work
has examined the role hormones play in female crime, especially in connection
with the menstrual cycle. Biological changes after ovulation have been linked to
irritability and aggression. Research is mixed on the strength of this linkage, but
Fishbein’s recent review of the literature suggests that at least a small per centage
of women are susceptible to cyclical hormone changes, resulting in a patterned
increase in hostility. This patterned increase is associated with fluctuations in
female hormones and a rise in testosterone, to which some women appear to be
quite sensitive.
The central idea of psychoanalysis was free association: The patient relaxed
completely and talked about whatever came to mind. By exploring these
associations the individuals was able to reconstruct the earlier events and bring
them to consciousness. Once the patient was conscious of these events, Freud
argued that the events would lose their unconscious power and the patient would
gain conscious control freedom in his or her life.
Freud later revised his conceptions of the conscious and unconscious, in a sense
redefining the conscious as ego, and splitting the unconscious into the id and
superego. Id was a term used to describe the great reservoir of biological and
psychological drives, the urges and impulses that underline all behaviour. That
includes the libido, the full force of sexual energy in the individual, as diffuse
and tenacious as the “will to live” found in all animals. The id is permanently
unconscious, and responds only to what Freud called “the pleasure principle”—
if it feels good, do it. The superego, in contrast, is the force of self-criticism and
conscience and reflects requirements that stem from the individual’s social
experience in a particular cultural milieu. The superego may contain conscious
elements in the form of moral and ethical codes, but it is primarily unconscious
in its operation. The superego arises out of the first great love attachment the
child experiences, that with his or her parents. The child experiences them as
judgmental, and ultimately internalises their values as an ego-ideal — that is, as
an ideal conception of what he or she should be. Finally, what Freud called the
ego is the conscious personality. It is oriented toward the real world in which the
person live (termed by Freud the “reality principle”), and attempts to mediate
between the demands of the id and the prohibitions of the superego.
Given this basic organisation of the personality, Freud explored how the ego
handles the conflicts between the superego and the id. The basic problem is one
of guilt: The individual experiences all sorts of drives and urges coming from
the id, and feels guilty about them because of the prohibitions of the superego.
There are a variety of ways the individual may handle this situation. In sublimation
the drives of the id are diverted to activities approved of by the superego. For
example, aggressive and destructive urges may be diverted to athletic activity.
Sublimation is the normal and healthy way the ego handles the conflicts between
the drives of the id and the prohibitions of the superego. In repression, in contrast,
those drives are stuffed back into the unconscious and the individual denies that
they exist. This may result in a variety of strange effects on behaviour. One
possible result is a reaction formation, such as when a person with repressed
sexual desires becomes very prudish about all matters. Another result might be
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Theories and Perspectives projection, in which, for example, a person with repressed homosexual urges
in Criminal Justice
frequently sees homosexual tendencies in others.
Freud believed that these basic conflicts were played out in different ways at
different points of the life cycle. Of particular interest to him were the experiences
of early childhood. He argued that each infant goes through a series of phases in
which the basic drives were oriented around, first, oral drives, then anal drives
and finally genital drives. During the genital stage (around the ages of 3 and 4)
the child is sexually attracted to the parent of the opposite sex and views the
same-sex parent as competition. This is the famous Oedipus complex in boys,
and the comparable Electra complex in girls. If the guilt produced by these urges
is not handled adequately by the ego, it leaves a lasting imprint on the personality
that affects later behaviour. The major tool Freud used to treat these problems
was transference, the tendency for past significant relationships to be replayed
during current significant relationships. As the relationship with the analyst takes
on increasing significance in the patient’s life, the patient will tend to replay
with the analyst the earlier relationships that are presently generating with
problems. For example, if a patient’s problems stem from an earlier traumatic
relationship with a parent, the patient will tend to create a similar traumatic
relationship with the analyst. Treatment then consists of straightening out the
current relationship between analyst and patient, which has the effect of also
straightening out the earlier relationship the patient had with the parent.
Aichhorn also suggested that other types of delinquents existed, including those
who, from an overabundance of love, were permitted to do anything they wanted
by overprotective and overindulgent parents. He did not find that there were
many of these, but they required different treatment techniques than the
delinquents created by the absent or excessively severe parents described above.
Finally, there also were a few delinquents who had well-developed superegos
but who identified with criminal parents. Again, these required very different
treatment techniques.
Criticism
Cleckley made the following comment:
In addition to these criticisms of psychoanalytic theory in general, several
criticisms also have been made about psychoanalytic explanations of crime. The
central assertion of this explanation is that at least some crime is caused by
“unconscious conflicts arising from disturbed family relationships at different
stages of development, particularly the oedipal stage”. This argument may apply
to some crimes that would appear “irrational”, but many crimes seem quite
conscious and rational and therefore not caused by unconscious conflicts. In
addition, as a treatment technique, psychoanalysis requires a lengthy and usually
quite expensive process that simply is not available to ordinary criminals. To
date, psychoanalysis has not been particularly useful in either understanding crime
or responding to it.
Contrasted with this is the organic society, in which the different segments of
society depend on each other in a highly organised division of labour. Social
solidarity is no longer based on the uniformity of the individuals, but on the
diversity of the functions of the parts of the society. Durkheim saw all societies
as being in some stage of progression between the mechanical and the organic
structures, with no society being totally one or the other. Even the most primitive
societies could be seen to have some forms of division of labour, and even the
most advanced societies would require some degree of uniformity of its members.
Law plays an essential role in maintaining the social solidarity of each of these
two types of societies, but in very different ways. In the mechanical society law
functions to enforce the uniformity of the members of the social group, and thus
is oriented toward repressing any deviation from the norms of the time. In the
organic society, on the other hand, law functions to regulate the interactions of
the various parts of society and provides restitution in cases of wrongful
transactions. Because law plays such different roles in the two types of societies,
crime appears in very different forms. Durkheim argued that to the extent a society
remains mechanical, crime is “normal” in the sense that a society without crime
would be pathologically over controlled. As the society develops toward the
organic form, it is possible for a pathological state, which he called anomie, to
occur, and such a state would produce a variety of social maladies, including
crime. Durkheim developed his concept of “crime as normal” in his second major
work, The Rules of the Sociological Method, published in 1895, only two years
after The Division of Labor; he went on to develop anomie in his most famous
work, Suicide, published in 1897. These concepts will be explored in the following
sections.
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Crime as Normal in Mechanical Societies Criminological Theories
Mechanical societies are characterised by the uniformity of the lives, work, and
beliefs of their members. All the uniformity that exists in a society, that is, the
“totally of social likeliness”, Durkheim called the collective conscience. Since
all societies demand at least some degree of uniformity from their members (in
that none are totally organic), the collective conscience may be found in every
culture. In every society, however, there will always be a degree of diversity in
that there will be many individual differences among its members. As Durkheim
said, “There cannot be a society in which the individuals do no differ more or
less from the collective type.”
To the extent that a particular society is mechanical, its solidarity will come
from the pressure for uniformity exerted against this diversity. Such pressure is
exerted in varying degrees and in varying forms. In its strongest form it will
consist of criminal sanctions. In weaker forms, however, the pressure may consist
of designating certain behaviours or beliefs as morally reprehensible or merely
in bad taste.
Durkheim argued that “society cannot be formed without our being required
making perpetual and costly sacrifices”. These sacrifices, embodied in the
demands of the collective conscience, are the price of membership in society,
and fulfilling the demands gives the individual members a sense of collective
identity, which is an important source of social solidarity. But, more important,
these demands are constructed so that it is inevitable that a certain number of
people will not fulfill them. The number must be large enough to constitute an
identifiable group, but not so large as to include a substantial portion of the
society. This enables the large mass of the people, all whom fulfill the demands
of the collective conscience, to feel a sense of moral superiority, identifying
themselves as good and righteous, and opposing themselves to the morally inferior
transgressors who fail to fulfill these demands. It is this sense of superiority, of
goodness and righteousness, which Durkheim saw as the primary source of the
social solidarity. Thus criminals play an important role in the maintenance of
social solidarity, since they are among the group of those identified by society as
inferior, which allows the rest of society to feel superior.
The punishment of criminals also plays a role in the maintenance of the social
solidarity. When the dictates of the collective conscience are violated, society
responds with repressive sanctions not so much for retribution or deterrence, but
because without them those who are making the “perpetual and costly sacrifices”
would become severely demoralised. For example, when a person who has
committed a serious crime is released with only a slap on the wrist, the average,
law-abiding citizen may become terribly upset. He feels that he is playing the
game by the rules, and so everyone else should too. The punishment of the criminal
is necessary to maintain the allegiance of the average citizen to the social structure.
Without it the average citizen may lose his over-all commitment to the society
and his willingness to make the sacrifices necessary for it. But beyond this, the
punishment of criminals also acts as a visible, societal expression of the inferiority
and blameworthiness of the criminal group. This reinforces the sense of superiority
and righteousness found in the mass of the people, and thus strengthens the
solidarity of the society.
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Theories and Perspectives Crime itself is normal in society because there is no clearly marked dividing line
in Criminal Justice
between behaviours considered criminal and those considered morally
reprehensible or merely in bad taste. If there is a decrease in behaviours designated
as criminal, then there may be a tendency to move behaviours previously
designated as morally reprehensible into the criminal category. For example, not
every type of unfair transfer of property is considered stealing. But if there is a
decrease in the traditional forms of burglary and robbery, there then may be an
associated increase in the tendency to define various forms of white-collar
deception as crime. These behaviours may always have been considered morally
reprehensible, and in that sense they violated the collective conscience. They
were not, however, considered crime. Society moves them into the crime category
because criminal sanctions are the strongest tool available to maintain social
solidarity. Since the institution of punishment serves an essential function, it
will be necessary in any society.
Imagine a society of saints, a perfect cloister of exemplary individuals. Crimes,
property so called, will there be unknown; but faults which appear venial to the
layman will create there the same scandal that the ordinary offense does in ordinary
consciousnesses. If, then, this society has the power to judge and punish, it will
define these acts as criminal and will treat them as such. For the same reason, the
perfect and upright man judges his smallest failings with a severity that the
majority reserves for acts more truly in the nature of an offense. Thus a society
without crime is impossible. If all the behaviours that are presently defined as
criminal no longer occurred, new behaviours would be placed in the crime
category. Crime, then, is inevitable because there is an inevitable diversity of
behaviour in society. The solidarity of the society is generated by exerting pressure
for conformity against this diversity, and some of these pressures will inevitable
take the form of criminal sanctions.
The abnormal or pathological state of society would be one in which there was
no crime. A society that had no crime would be one in which the constraints of
the collective conscience were so rigid that no one could oppose them. In this
type of situation crime would be eliminated, but so would the possibility of
progressive social change. Social change is usually introduced by opposing the
constraints of the collective conscience, and those who do this are frequently
declared to be criminals. Thus Socrates and Jesus were declared criminals, as
were Mahatma Gandhi and George Washington. The leaders of the union
movement in the 1920s and 1930s were criminalised, as were the leaders of the
civil rights movement of the 1960s. If the demands of the collective conscience
had been so rigidly enforced that no crime could exist, then these movements
would have been impossible also.
Thus crime is the price society pays for the possibility of progress. In a similar
way individual growth cannot occur in a child unless it is possible for that child
to misbehave. The child is punished for misbehaviour, and no one wants the
child to misbehave. But a child who never did anything wrong would be
pathologically over-controlled. Eliminating the misbehaviour would also
eliminate the possibility of independent growth. In this sense the child’s
misbehaviour is the price that must be paid for the possibility of personal
development. In this way Durkheim concluded his theory.
From this point of view, the fundamental facts of criminality present themselves
to us in an entirely new light. Contrary to current ideas, the criminal no longer
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seems a totally unsociable being, a sort of parasitic element, a strange and Criminological Theories
unassimilable body, introduced into the midst of society. On the contrary, he
plays a definite role in social life. Crime, for its part, must no longer be conceived
as an evil that cannot be too much suppressed. There is no occasion for self-
congratulation when the crime rate drops noticeably below the average level, for
we may be certain that this apparent progress is associated with some social
disorder.
Durkheim expanded and generalised his notion of anomie four years later with
the publication of his most famous work, Le Suicide. In it he statistically analysed
data that showed that the suicide rate tends to increase sharply both in periods of
economic growth. Whereas suicide in a time of economic decline might be easily
understood, the key question is why suicide would increase in a time of prosperity.
Durkheim proposed that society functions to regulate not only the economic
interactions of its various components, but also how the individual perceives his
own needs. Durkheim’s theory of anomie has been used as the basis for later
explanations of crime and a variety of other deviant behaviours. Because of its
importance in criminology and sociology, the theory is presented here at some
length, and in Durkheim’s own words.
1) No living being can be happy or even exist unless his needs are sufficiently
proportioned to his means. In other, if his needs require more than. Which
can be granted or even merely something of a different sort, they will be
under continual friction and can only function painfully.
2) In the animal, at least in a normal condition, this equilibrium is established
with automatic spontaneity because the animal depends on purely material
conditions.
3) This is not the case with man, because most of his needs are not dependent
on his body….A more awakened reflection suggests better conditions,
seemingly desirable ends craving fulfillment....Nothing appears in man’s
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Theories and Perspectives organic nor in his psychological constitution which sets a limit to such
in Criminal Justice
tendencies….they are unlimited so far as they depend on the individual
alone…Thus, the more one has, the more one wants, since satisfactions
received only stimulate instead of filling needs.
4) A regulative force must play the same role for moral needs which the
organism plays for physical needs…. [Society alone can play this moderating
role; for it is the only moral power superior to the individual, the authority
of which he accepts…It alone can estimate the reward to be prospectively
offered to every class of human functionary, in the name of the common
interest.
5) As a matter of fact, at every moment of history there is a dim perception, in
the moral consciousness of societies, of the respective value of different
social services, the relative reward due each, and the consequent degree of
comfort appropriate on the average to workers in each occupation….under
this pressure, each in his sphere vaguely realises the extreme limit set to his
ambitions and aspires to nothing beyond….Thus, an end goal are set to the
passions.
6) But when society is disturbed by some painful crisis or by beneficent but
abrupt transitions, it is momentarily incapable of exercising this influence:
thence come the sudden rises in the curve of suicides which we have pointed
out above.
7) In the case of economic disasters, indeed, something like a declassification
occurs which suddenly casts certain individuals into a lower state than their
previous one. Then they must reduce their requirements, restrain their needs,
learn greater self-control….So they are not adjusted to the condition forced
on them, and its very prospect is intolerable.
8) It is the same if the source of the crisis is an abrupt growth of power and
wealth. Then, truly, as the conditions of life are changed, the standard
according to which needs were regulated can no longer remain the same;
for it varies with social resources…The scale is upset; but a new scale cannot
be immediately improvised. Time is required for the public conscience to
reclassify men and things. So long as the social forces thus freed have not
regained equilibrium, their respective values are unknown and so all
regulation is lacking for a time. The limits are unknown between the possible
and the impossible, what is just and what are unjust, legitimate claims and
hopes and those which are immoderate. Consequently, there is no restraint
upon aspirations….Appetites, not being controlled by a public opinion,
become disoriented, no longer reorganise the limits proper to them. Besides,
they are at same time seized by a sort natural erythrism simply by the greater
intensity of public life. With increased prosperity desires increase. At the
very moment when traditional rules have lost their authority, the richer prize
offered these appetites stimulates them and makes them more exigent and
impatient of control. The state of de-regulation of anomy is thus further
heightened by passions being less disciplined, precisely when they need
more disciplining.
Durkheim went on to argue that French society, over the previous100 years, had
deliberately destroyed the traditional sources of regulation for human appetites.
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9.12.2 Merton’s Strain Theory Criminological Theories
Merton argued that because all persons cannot be expected to achieve the goals
of the culture, it is very important that the culture place a strong emphasis on the
institutionalised means and the necessity of following them for their own value,
these means must provide some intrinsic satisfactions for all persons who
participate in the culture. This is similar to the situation in athletics, in which the
sport itself must provide enjoyment, even if the person does not win. The phrase
“It’s not whether you win, its how you play the game” expresses the notion that
the primary satisfaction comes from following the institutionalised means (rules)
rather than achieving the goal (winning).
For certain groups, then, a severe strain on the culture values arises because:-
1) The culture places a disproportionate emphasis on the achievement of the
goal of accumulated wealth and maintains that this goal is applicable to all
persons, and
2) The social structure effectively limits the possibilities of individuals within
these groups to achieve this goal through the use of institutionalised means.
This contradiction between the culture and the social structure of society is
what Merton defines as anomie.
There are various ways in which an individual can respond to this problem of
anomie, depending on his attitude toward the culture goals and the institutionalised
means.
2) Innovation
During innovation, Merton identifies a miniscule, but substantial change in the
perspective of the people whose mode is still in conformity and that of whom
has shifted to innovation. The people continue to seek success; however by
innovation they strive to obtain the success by taking advantage of illegal goals
available to them in place of less promising conventional means in order to
attain success.
3) Rebellion
Merton suggests that by the time people reach the mode of rebellion, they have
completely rejected the story that everybody in society can achieve success and
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Theories and Perspectives have loomed into a rebellious state. They neither trust the valued cultural ends
in Criminal Justice
nor the legitimate societal means used to reach success. Instead, these people
replace such ideas with irrational objectives to include the violent overthrow of
the system altogether.
4) Retreatism
Identified by Merton as the escapist response of the five modes, retreatism occurs
when people become practically dropouts of society. They give up all goals and
efforts to achieve success because they view it as an impractical, impossible,
almost imaginary, and irrational possibility. Merton attributes this mode as the
one to which drug addicts, alcoholics, vagrants, and the severely mental ill
function because their reactions to not being able to obtain success by legitimate
means represses them from society.
5) Ritualism
During ritualism, the final mode, people realise that they have no real opportunity
to advance in society and accept the little relevance that they have. It is in this
mode that people concentrate on retaining what little they possibly gained or
still have in place of concentrating on a higher yield of success. They return to
adhering to conventional norms in hopes of maintaining the few possessions or
possible gains that they have attained. For many members of the urban lower
socioeconomic populous and disadvantaged minorities this period of short-lived
and slightly increased gains takes nearly a lifetime to obtain and to recognise its
worth in a modern industrial society.
The first theory of differential association proposed in 1939 indicated that crime
was basically due to social disorganisation, which resulted from the social
processes of mobility, competition, and conflict. In the 1947 revision of his
Principles of Criminology, Sutherland modified his theory by adding other
materials. His final theory of differential association had taken shape. It included
the following points:
1) Criminal behaviour is learned.
2) Criminal behaviour is learned in interaction with other persons in the process
of communications.
3) The principal part of learning of criminal behaviour occurs within intimate
personal groups.
4) When criminal behaviour is learned, the learning includes:
• Techniques of committing the crime, which are sometimes very
complicated, sometimes very simple;
• The specific direction of motives, drives, rationalisations, and attitudes.
5) The specific direction of motives and drives is learned from definition of
the legal codes as favourable or unfavourable.
6) A person becomes delinquent because of an excess of definitions favourable
to violation of law over definitions unfavourable to violation of law.
7) Differential association may vary in frequency, duration, priority, and intensity.
8) The process of learning criminal behaviour by association with criminal
and anti criminal patterns involves all of the mechanisms that are involved
in any other learning.
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Theories and Perspectives While criminal behaviour is an expression of general needs and values, it is not
in Criminal Justice
explained by those general needs and values since non criminal behaviour is an
expression of the same needs and values.
The principal conflict that Marx presented in his theory, and on which the theory
is based, was the conflict between the material forces of production and the
social relations of production. The term material forces of production generally
refer to a society’s capacity to produce material goods. This includes technological
equipment and the knowledge, skill, and organisation to use that equipment.
The term social relations of production refer to relationships between people.
These include property relationships, which determine how the goods produced
by the material forces of production are distributed – that is, who gets what.
Production of the means of social existence involves, for Marx, three basic things:
A) The Forces of Production:
These “forces” involve such things as:
1) Land,
2) Raw materials,
3) Tools / Machines,
4) Knowledge (scientific / technical and the like),
5) People (or, more correctly, their labour).
In the above, all we are noting is that such things are necessary – at various
times in the social development of any society – if commodities are to be
produced.
The third, very significant element, relates to those parts of the Forces of
production that can be legally owned — for example, in Capitalist societies,
land raw materials and, in some cases, Knowledge, but not such things as “people”.
Sykes and Matza indicated that delinquents’ value system is not consistently
opposition to the dominant social order; however, they are able to situational
qualify behavioural norms in which they believe, which allows them to engage
in disapproved behaviour. Much delinquency is essentially an unrecognised
extension of defenses to crimes, in the form of justifications for deviance that
are seen as valid by the delinquent.
The forms of justification for deviance are seen as valid by the delinquent but
not by the legal system or society as a whole. The criminal law itself already
includes a major component of what has been called “flexibility”, in that many
rules are not held to be binding under all conditions.
One of Hirschi’s bonding elements is attachment or the idea of how strong one is
tied to the needs and interests of others. Most criminologists make the association
that attachment relies on the role of the family including the family factors that
may or may not leave a person with the sense of attachment. Programmes that
would encourage a person’s sense of attachment would have to help families
become closer and form environments healthy to a growing child. Perhaps family
counselling services would assist in addressing the problems that sometimes
exist within certain family environments. For example, some programmes might
address problems such as child abuse or drug use that occurs within a
dysfunctional family. Perhaps free parenting classes as well as drug rehabilitation
programmes are the answer to this problem. Society should also find ways to
encourage parents to stay together thereby eliminating the problems that may
arise in single family homes where a mother or father figure are not present.
Programmes that would encourage a more normal functioning family might help
with delinquency among our youth.
The final element important to the development of a strong social bond is Belief.
A strong belief in society can be developed by making a child understand the
importance of morals and values to the structure of a good society. This can be
achieved from good parenting as well as good teaching. Children need to
understand that there are certain rules and values they need to live by in order to
become a healthy adult. Parents must teach children what these rules are and
deliver the consequences if the rules are broken. Children must be disciplined to
the point were they come to the realisation that the long term consequences
outweigh the short term benefits of breaking the rules. this means stricter parenting
and strong consequences from educators to students who decide not to follow
the rules.
Hirschi’s social control theory has been a widely studied and widely accepted
theory in the field of criminology. In fact, it is the official theory accepted by the
Department of Justice. While Hirschi does have many critics is must be said that
his theory may be one of the most important theories in the field of criminology.
Containment theory is a balance between inner pushes and outer constraints and
can account for all behaviour, including criminal behaviour. The breadth of
containment theory tends to negate the importance of narrow approaches used in
crime control and in treatment programmes because the pushes and pulls include
poverty, unemployment, guilt feelings, criminal subcultures, mass media, and
many other factors not controlled by known treatment methods. Like many other
theories, there are so many uncontrollable variables that it cannot realistically be
tested. Consequently, they can be examined in a prediction model much more
easily than in a treatment model.
The point of the labeling theory is that is the social definition of crime and deviance
that makes certain things criminal and deviant. Becker (1963) has indicated that
deviance is not a quality of the act but a consequence of the application by others
or rules and sanctions so that the person may be labeled as deviant. Sociologists
are less interested in law than are lawyers, so sociologists focus greater attention
on the informal mechanisms of social control beyond the narrow.
According to Crease and Ward (1969) the labeling process can be identified on
the basis of the following:-
1) In the eyes of the child, behaviour that is proper as play may include breaking
windows, climbing over roofs or, generally “raising hell”.
2) Demands for suppression of the “bad” behaviour are made on the child by
community members, sometimes including parents.
3) In the face of this reaction by adults, the child may feel that an injustice is
being done to him and, more importantly, that his community and perhaps
his parents consider him different from “good children”
4) Parents, police, and others may then scrutinize and look with suspicion
upon all of the youngster’s activities, his companions, his speech, and his
personality, thus reinforcing the definitions of him as “bad”.
5) Once the child discovers that he has been defined as bad and that even his
efforts to be good are interpreted as evidence of his badness, he may become
even more “predisposed toward individualised crime” or even more closely
integrated with his play group, which has been redefined as a “delinquent
gang.”
6) Once the community has defined a youngster as bad, it knows how to cope
with him; it does not, in fact, know how to deal with him until it defines
him as bad.
A good example of labeling that appears frequently in the criminal justice system
occurs when somebody indicates that a person “looks like” a homosexual. Indirect
evidence in the form of a rumour is frequently translated into decision making
regarding the treatment of individuals so labeled. It is easy and dangerous to
stereotype people in this manner. In modern society, the social significance of
labeling becomes increasingly dependent upon circumstances social and personal
biography, and the bureaucracy of the organised agency of control.
a) Definition of Crime
Crime is a definition of human conduct that is created by authorised agents
in a politically organised society.
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1) The primary factor will be the meaning the prohibited act or attribute has Criminological Theories
for the first line enforcers (i.e. the police), and the extent to which the higher
level enforcers (i.e., the prosecutors and judges) agree with the evaluation
of police.
2) The second factor affecting criminalisation will be the relative power of the
enforcers and resisters.
3) The third factor affecting criminalisation rates is “realism of the conflict
moves”, which relates to how likely an action taken by the subjects and
authorities may improve the potential for their ultimate success.
9.16 SUMMARY
• The study of criminology is a separate discipline devoted to developing
valid and reliable information which deals with the causes of crime as well
as its trends and the ways of controlling crime. The classical school of
criminology found to be difficult to apply in practice and hence modified
and known as classical theory. But even in the modern day philosophy of
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Theories and Perspectives crime and punishment, we see the imprint of classical school for example,
in Criminal Justice
the principle of equality before law written laws etc. Then there developed
positive school & ecological school of criminology. Some early theories of
even held the view that it is the structure of a person which defines. function
that, individuals behave differently beacuase of the fundamental fact they
are somehow structuraly different. Modern biological theories on the other
hand examines the entire range of biological characteristics.
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9) Mehrajuddin; (1980), Criminal Justice System: Crime, Police and Criminological Theories
Correction. The Academy Law Review. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2.
10) Mehrajuddin; (Jan-Mar 1981), Crime and Correctional. Civil and Military
Law Journal Vo. 17, No. 1
11) Mehrajuddin; (Mar 1981), The Administration of Criminal Justice System;
Srinagar Law Journal, Vol. III
12) Mehrajuddin; (1984), Crime and Criminal Justice System in India.
13) Mehrajuddin (July 1984), Community Participation in Social Defense. Indian
Journal of Criminology. Vol. 12 No.2
14) Mehrajuddin; (1988), Criminogenic Effects of the Penal Institutions: A
Critical Analysis Applied Criminology, Bonn, Germany.
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