Linguistic Society of America

Review
Author(s): Suzanne Fleischman
Review by: Suzanne Fleischman
Source: Language, Vol. 60, No. 2 (Jun., 1984), pp. 419-424
Published by: Linguistic Society of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/413650
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 REVIEWS 419

ingressive lateral fricative (/L/), a glottalized, or ejective, velar stop (/k'/), and an ejective
bilabial (/p'/). The last-mentionedis formed not with glottalic pressure ... but by creating
pressurebetween the tongueand the biliabialclosure ... I knowof no languageswhichpossess
the sounds I have symbolized/L/ and /p'/' (Hale 1973:443).
One readilysees the 'extragrammatical' implicationsof Daminfor phonologicalrules, universals,
and sound change vis-a-vis the normal spoken languageand the other languagesof the world.
Thoughtshouldbe given to the questionof such socioculturallymotivatedcomplicationsin formal
structure.
Explanation in phonology is an excellent book, though of course it raises
more problems than it can answer. Kiparsky himself believes (p.c.) that the
solutions to many of the problems addressed here will follow naturally from
the organization of grammar itself if the framework of 'lexical phonology' is
adopted.
REFERENCES
CAMPBELL,LYLE. 1980a. The psychological and sociological reality of Finnish vowel
harmony. Issues in vowel harmony, ed. by Robert Vago, 245-70. Amsterdam:
Benjamins.
- . 1980b. Explaining universals and their exceptions. Papers from the 4th Interna-
tional Conference of Historical Linguistics, ed. by Elizabeth Closs Traugott et al.,
17-26. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
-- . 1983. Validating phonology in the field. To appear in Experimental phonology,
ed. by John Ohala. New York: Academic Press.
-- , and JON RINGEN.1981. Teleology and the explanation of sound change. Pho-
nologica, ed. by Wolfgang Dressier et al., 57-68. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beitrage
zur Sprachwissenschaft.
HALE, KENNETH. 1973. Deep-surface canonical disparities in relation to analysis and
change: An Australian exhmple. Current trends in linguistics, vol. 11, ed. by
Thomas A. Sebeok, 401-58. The Hague: Mouton.
KIPARSKY, PAUL. 1968. Metrics and morphophonemics in the Kalevala. Studies pre-
sented to Professor Roman Jakobson by his students, ed. by Charles Gribble, 137-
48. Cambridge, MA: Slavica.
-- . 1972. Metrics and morphophonemics in the Rigveda. Contributions to generative
phonology, ed. by Michael Brame, 171-200. Austin: University of Texas Press.
[Received I March 1983.]

Studies in the Romance verb: Studies offered to Joe Cremona on the occasion
of his 60th birthday. Edited by NIGELVINCENT and MARTINHARRIS.London:
Croom Helm, 1982. Pp. xxvii, 222. ?14.95. [Distributed in the US by Biblio
Distribution Center, Totowa, NJ; $32.00.]
Reviewed by SUZANNE FLEISCHMAN,University of California, Berkeley
This testimonial volume of essays on the Romance verb brings together the
work of eight British scholars, all former students of Joe Cremona at Cambridge
University. In their introduction, the editors explain their choice of subject,
pointing out that the verbal system in Romance provides an ideal testing ground
for general principles and theories of language change. The papers thus purport
to offer 'a mixture of data and theory, with more emphasis on the former as
is only proper at the present stage of enquiry, from which it will-we hope-

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
420 LANGUAGE, VOLUME60, NUMBER 2 (1984)

be possible to go on to develop a moreadequateandtheoreticallyricheraccount

richeraccount
breakdownand regenerationwithinthe
of the patternsof breakdownand withinthe verbal system of the
(xv-xvi). Though this statement clearly implies a dia-
Romance languages' (xv-xvi)
chronic bias
bias, four of the eight essays are synchronicin slantand
slant and generativein
orientation(albeit using variant models)
models). That only two deal with phonology/
morphology(PartI)
(PartI), while six treat syntax/semantics(PartII) may be indicative
syntax/semantics(PartII)may
of general researchtrends
research trends in Romance linguistics
linguistics. Such is the impressionone
gathers from the editors' informative overview
informativeoverview of the currentclimate
current climate of re-
search with respect to the Romance verb verb. These field boundariesare
boundariesare in any
case somewhat arbitrary:the three papers in PartII Part II that deal with grammat-
icalization-in my view the most thoughtfulof the lot-effectively straddlethe
straddlethe
boundary,
boundary if one still exists,
exists between syntax and morphology.
morphology
ow ngh
Following
Fo hiss pre a oryrhe
prefatoryrhetorical caveat-'l amno
or ca cavea am not a Romanceph philologist, noreven ... a lapsed
o og s noreven apsed
Romanceph o og s Pe er Ma
philologist'-Peter hews 'Two
Matthews, Two prob emsin
problems n IItalianand Span
a anand sh verba
Spanish verbal inflection'
n ec on
1 18 proceeds too exp
(1-18), explore
ore compara ve ytwo
comparatively wo finene po n s oof descr
points p veRomancemorpho
descriptive morphology:ogy
1 Shou
(1) Should
d the
he future
u ureand
and cond ona be vviewed
conditional ewed as ssimple? or, as their
mp e? or he r hhistory
s orym gh appeartoo
might
suggest,andas
sugges andas genera J Harr
v s s(J.
generativists Harriss1969
1969,CosCostabile
ab e1969 1973)have sugges
1969,1973 ed arethey
suggested, heycover
covertlyy
compoundformations?
orma ons?(2) 2 Wha
Whatiss the
he ro
rolee oof sstress? and too wha
ress?and what degree can or shou
shouldd it be seen
as phono og ca yde
phonologically determined?
erm ned?Accord
Accordingngtoo the he 'compound'
compound ana ys s oof Span
analysis Spanish/Italian
sh I a anu futures,
ures
cantarelcantero
can are can ero are der
derived
ved from
rom the
he ana y c formations
analytic orma ons he de can
cantarlcantare
ar can are ho
ho; ana ogous per
analogous peri-
phrases underunderliee the he correspond
corresponding ngcond
conditionals.
ona s The appea appeal oof this
h s ana ys s res
analysis restss inn itss formal
orma
mp c y i.e.
ssimplicity, e the
he 'neatness'
nea ness w withh wh
which
ch it accoun
accountss for or the
he range oof inflectional
n ec ona end ngs M u
endings. ul-
timately
ma e yre however, on groundsthat
ec s it, however
rejects ha it ooffers
ers no over
over-all mp ca on if the
a ssimplification: he future and
u ureand
conditional
cond ona are compound
compound, ru rules
es mus
must be pos ed by wh
posited whichch they
hey can be made ssimple,mp e bu but these
hese
rules
ru es turn
urnou out too app
applyy nowheree
nowhere else se in
n the
he language.
anguage A erna ve y if the
Alternatively, he forms
ormsareare regardedas
mp e perhapsthree
ssimple, hree morpho og ca yres
morphologically restricted
r c edru rules
esare
are needed too hand
handleetheir
he r inflections
n ec ons(12). 12
M op s aalbeit
opts, be tentatively,
en a ve y for or the
he 'simple'
s mp e ana arge yon the
ys s largely
analysis, he bas a an W
basiss oof IItalian. With hregardtoo
ress he iss ssimilarly
stress,
sstress m ar yaattracted
rac edby the nea ness oof the
he 'neatness' he so
solution proposedby JJ. Harr
u onproposedby Harrissfor
or Span
Spanish-sh
i.e.
e that
ha the he accen
accent iss ass
assigned
gnedmorpho og ca yfor
morphologically or one group oof tenses mper ec and imperfect
enses (imperfect mper ec
unc ve bu
subjunctive)
sub but phono og ca yfor
phonologically or the
he res bu iss forced
rest-but orced too acknow
acknowledgeedgeitss inadequacy
nadequacyw withh
respect too IItalian,
respec a an in n wh
whichch the
he accen
accent iss aalways
ways assassigned
gnedmorpho og ca y M thus
morphologically. hus success
successfully
u y
illuminates
um na esd erencesoof de
differences detail
a be
between
ween these
hese two
wo Romancelanguagesanguageswh ch 'too anyone who iss
which,
not a morpho
no morphological
og caana ys ... are sstrikingly
analyst r k ng yssimilar'
m ar (2), 2 bubutthen
henanyonewho iss no not a morpho
morphological
og ca
analyst
ana ys wou
would d probab
probablyybe unawarethat ha there
here are issues
ssues too be exp ored here
explored here.
In 'Phonology
Phono ogyvs vs. morpho
morphology ogyin n the
he Por ugueseverb
Portuguese verb' (19-41),
19 41 S ephenPark
Stephen nsondrawson
Parkinson drawson the he
formal
orma appara
apparatus usoof genera
generative vephono
phonology ogy too probe vowevowel aalternation
erna onpa ernsin
patterns n Braz
Brazilian an(BP)
BP
and European(EP) EP Por ugueseverb parad
Portuguese gms He d
paradigms. s ngu shesthree
distinguishes hree ca
categories b ocks oof
egor es or 'blocks'
ru rans ona and morpho
es phono og ca 'transitional',
rules-phonological, og ca wh ch mus
morphological-which applyy in
must app n that
ha order
order, though
hough
the
he individual
nd v dua ru rules
eswwithin
h neach
each b block
ock rema
remain nunordered
unordered.'In bo both hd a ec s the
dialects, he bas
basicc seven
seven-vowel
vowe
em iss sub
system
sys ec too neu
subject neutralization
ra za onru es oof phono
rules, og ca and morpho
phonological morphological on ng wh
conditioning,
og cacond which
ch
conflict
con c inn that
ha thehe opera
operation on oof one type
ype crea
createses excep ons too the
exceptions her so that
he oother, ha bo bothh canno
cannot
representtrue
represen ruegenera
generalizations
za ons19 (19). The twowo ddialects
a ec sd however,w
er however
differ, withh respec
respecttoo the
he interaction
n erac on
oof the
he types
ypes oof ru es In BP
rules. BP, where the he phono og ca and morpho
phonological morphological
og capa ernsare d
patterns s nc the
distinct, he
conflict
con c iss reso
resolved
ved inn favor
avoroof phono ogy in
phonology; n EP thehe morpho
morphological
og capa ernhas preva
pattern prevailed,ed in
ncer
certain
an
cases by the he absorp
absorption onoof a phono og ca ru
phonological rulee oof BP inton o the
he morpho og ca ru
morphological es oof EP
rules EP. Thus
Parkinson
Park nsonaccoun
accountss for or the marg na EP phonem
he (marginal) phonemicccon ras oof /a/
contrast and 1/1.
a and1 1

Phono og ca ru es nc uderoo vowe qua y spec a s em orma on ower ng harmony nasa

vowe qua y and s ress rans onaru es wh ch den y he po n a wh chabs rac andconcre e
phono ogy mee 38 are neu ra za onand ea ure ad us men na y nasa za on nasa zed
vowe qua y and reduc onare c assed as morpho og ca

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 REVIEWS 421

In 'The
The "pas mp e" and "presen
"past ssimple" "presentper ec "in
perfect" n Romance
Romance'(42-70),
42 70 Mar
MartinHarrissooffers
nHarr ersaa d
diach-
ach
he Romance re
ronicc survey oof the
ron exes oof La
reflexes Latin FECIand HABEOFACTUM
n FECIand FACTUM,the
he 'past mp e and
pas ssimple'
'present
presen per
perfect'
ec respec ve y 2Wha
respectively.2 What d s ngu shesthese
distinguishes hese two
wo ca egor es iss a feature
categories ea ureoof 'present
presen
relevance'
re evance (PR),
PR accord
accordingngtoo wh
which
chaa non presen even
non-present pas or future)3
event (past ewed by the
u ure 3iss vviewed he speaker
as be ng somehow re
being a ed too the
related ua on As H observes
present ssituation.
he presen observes, PR iss h gh y sub
highly ec ve itss
subjective,
scope vary
varyingngfrom
romone anguagetoo ano
one language another and even amongd
herand dialects
a ec soof a ssingle For a
anguage (For
ng e language.
per ec s aall var
ypo ogy oof 'perfects',
typology variously
ous yencod
encoding PR, see Comr
ng PR Comriee1976
1976:56
56ff.) The h s oryoof FECIaand
history nd
n o four
HABEO FACTUMiss broken down by H into
HABEOFACTUM our success
successive ages each one curren
ve sstages, es ed in
currentlyy aattested n
dialects
d a ec soof Romance nd ca edin
Romance,as indicated n paren hesesbe
parentheses below. The La
ow (The Latinnparad gmsaare
paradigms re intended
n endedtoo re
refer
er
too their
he rRomance
Romancecon continuations.)
nua ons
age II: FECI
Stage
S a nsaall the
retains
re unc onsit had in
he functions n Vu garLa
Vulgar n i.e.
Latin, e bo
bothh pre er and per
preterit ec HABEO
perfect.
FACTUM iss limited
m edtoo express
expressing presentsstates
ngpresen a es resu ngfrom
resulting rom pas
past even s it iss no
events; not ye
yet appropr
appropriate
ae
for
or descr
describing past ac
b ngpas actions
ons per se however recent (Sicilian,
se, howeverrecen S c an CaCalabrian).
abr an
age II
Stage
S II: FECIreretains most oof itss ear
a nsmos earlier
erfunctions, nc ud ngre
unc ons including erencetoo recen
reference recent pas eventss and
past even
eventss occurr
even occurring
ng dur ng a time
during me per od sstill in
period progress. HABEOFACTUM
n progress ns too deve
begins
beg op 'perfect'
develop per ec
ues aat first
values,
va rs on
onlyy in
n (aspectually)
aspec ua y res
restrictedcontexts
r c edcon Ga c an Por uguesevar
varieties
ex s (Galician-Portuguese, e esoof Amer
American
can
Spanish).
Span sh
age III
Stage
S III: FECIiss con ned too pre
confined unc ons w
er functions,
preterit with
h HABEOFACTUM ng the
assuming
assum he arche
archetypal
ypa
ec va
perfect
per value pas ac
ue oof 'past on w
action with
h PR
PR' (Castilian sh var
Spanish,
Cas anSpan e esoof Frenchand
varieties Frenchand Occ
Occitan).
an
age IV
Stage
S FECIis further
IV: FECIs ur herres r c edtoo formal
restricted orma reg s ers and mayeven
registers, ua ybe lost
may eventually os aaltogether.
oge her IIt
unc ons as bo
that functions
iss now HABEOFACTUMha
FACTUM both
h per ec and pre
perfect preterit French, N
s d French
er (std. N. IItalian,
a an sstd.
d
Rumanian).
Ruman an
H fleshes out this
eshes ou schema with
h s schemaw h language-particular
anguage par cu ar a then
data,
da hen conc
concludes
udes by ssituating hese Ro
ua ngthese Ro-
mancedeve opmen sin
developments n the
he con ex oof broaderpa
context ernsoof gramma
patterns grammatical change. G
cachange Given he vvials
ven the a s oof
ar yink
scholarly
scho ha have been sp
nk that edon this
spilled ssue H deserves acknow
h s issue, edgmenfor
acknowledgment or condens
condensing nginto
no
a ve yfew
relatively
re synopticcoverv
ew pages a synop ewoof the
overview he ssituation
ua onwh chencompassesaall the
which he ma orRomance
major
areas but, for
speech areasbu he mos
or the part, does no
most par not sacr
sacrifice nuanceand accuracyoof de
cenuanceand detail.
a
In one oof the
he mos ns gh u essays oof the
most insightful he vo ume 'The
volume, The deve opmen oof the
development he aux
auxiliaries
ar esHABERE
andESSEin
andESSE nRomance
Romance'(71-96),
71 96 N ge V
Nigel ncen drawsuponthe
Vincent heana
analytical rameworkoof case grammar
y ca framework
in
n cons ruc ngan integrated
constructing hypothesis
n egra edhypo about the
hes s abou he deve opmen oof the
development he La
Latin
n per phras cverb
periphrastic
nvo v ng a pas
phrases involving past par oge her w
c p e together
participle with ESSE:HABERE in
h HABERE and ESSE n the capacityy oof a
he capac
ec ESSEas bo
perfect,
per haa per
both perfect or a par
ec (for particular subset oof intransitives)
cu arsubse n rans vesand and for
or the
he 'morphological'
morpho og ca
ve V interprets
passive.
pass n erpre stransitivity
rans v y(?2) ?2 no
not accord
according he traditional
ng too the rad ona grammagrammatical ca re a onsoof
relations
ec and ob
subject
sub ec bu
object, but accord
according ngtoo seman
semanticc(i.e. case) re
e case relations
a onsob a n ngbe
obtaining between
ween thehe verband
verb and
itss argumen
arguments.s HABERE iss shown too be a two-place ak nga Loca
wo p aceverb taking Locative as sub
veas ec anda
subject and a 'Neutral'
Neu ra
(roughly
rough yequ va en too the
equivalent he Ob ec vecase oof F
Objective Fillmore 1968)as ob
more 1968 ec wh
object, ESSEis a one
whilee ESSEs one-place
p ace
ak nga Neu
verb taking ra as sub
Neutral ec The par
subject. c p eiss ana
participle ysedas an ad
analysed ec va form
adjectival ormco occurr ngw
co-occurring with
h
ra s By a comp
Neutrals.
Neu complexex ser
series eps V eelucidates
es oof ssteps, uc da es thehe gramma ca za onprocess whereby
grammaticalization
rans ve i.e.
transitive, e two-place,
wo p ace verbs deve developop per ec s w
perfects with HABERE,wh
h HABERE whilee one p ace verbs grav
one-place gravitate
ae
toward
oward ESSE
ESSE.44T
That ESSEinvolves
ha ESSEnvo ves a NeuNeutral
ra in
n sub ec pos
subject on iss aalso
position he key too itss use as the
so the he

2 Thenomenc H'ss insistence

Despitee H ns s ence
for these
The nomenclature
a ureor hese gmsh
paradigms
parad has
asbeen
been endur
enduringly
ng yprob
problematic.
ema cDesp
43 4 on cclearly
(43-4) ear y d orm from
s ngu sh ngform
distinguishing rom function, he term
unc on he uses the erm 'present
presen per ec in
perfect' n bo
both
h
senses. IIt wou
senses d have been pre
would erab e too use SSIMPLE
preferable VS. COMPOUND
MPLE VS when re err ng too the
referring he mor
mor-
phological
pho of a parad
ruc ure o
og ca sstructure gm and PRETER
paradigm, PRETERIT TVS
VS. PRESENTPERFECT unc on iss aat issue.
PRESENTPERFECTwhen function ssue
3 The PR feature
ea ure that
ha d distinguishes
s ngu shesper ec from
perfect rom pre
preterit basiss oof the
he bas
kew se the
er iss likewise he con
contrast
ras
between
be ween the
he Romance 'go' u ure (jee va
go future vaiss faire) mp e future
a re and ssimple era A d
u ure(jee ferai). diachronic devel-
achron cdeve
opment on the
opmen he future de oof 'now',
u ure sside now sstrikingly parallel
r k ng ypara ha descr
e too that described here by H for
bedhere or the
he pas
past
em iss ou
system,
sys nedin
outlined nFFleischman
e schman19831983.
4 The ca egoryoof intransitives
category n rans vesas rad ona yde
as traditionally nediss no
defined not co
coterminous
erm nousw with ha oof one
h that one-place
p ace
verbs with
verbsw hNeu
Neutral
ra sub
subjects;
ec s ee.g., n rans veslike
g intransitives barkor sw
kebarkor swimmtake
ake Agen
Agentive ec s V invokes
subjects.
vesub nvokes
the
he case framework
rameworkin n order too re ne the
refine he theory verbalcclassification
heory oof verba ass ca onso so that
ha thehe par cu arse
particularset
oof verbs cons ruc ngtheir
constructing he r per ec s w
perfects withh ESSEcan be adequa
adequately e ydescr
described.
bed

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A use sub ec o JSTOR Te ms and Cond ons
422 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 60, NUMBER 2 (1984)

Passive
Pass ve aux
auxiliary-passivity
ary pass v y be rad ona yde
ng traditionally
being defined
ned as a cons
construction
ruc onin n wh
which
ch the
he ob
object
ec
(loosely
oose y ana ogoustoo V
analogous V'ss Neu ra iss promo
Neutral) edtoo sub
promoted ec V
subject. V'ss d 87 oof these
agram(87)
diagram hese interrelation-
n erre a on
ps iss reproducedhere as F
ships
sh gure 11.
Figure

Morphosyntactic
Morphosyn ac cca
category
egory Case oof Sub
Subject
ec Auxiliary
Aux ary
AGENTIVE
AGENT VE HABERE
PERFECT
- NEUTRAL ESSE
PASSIVE
PASS VE

FIGURE
F GURE 11.

The final
na sec
section
on oof the
he paper de
details
a s thehe ddiachronic
achron cwork out oof this
ngou
working h s schema inn the
he var
various
ous
sectors
sec ors oof the
he Roman
Romania. aVV'ss ana
analysis representssa cons
ys s represen considerable
derab each evemen rs in
achievement-first, n prov
providing
d ng
an INTEGRATED account oof the
accoun he deve opmen oof aall three
development hree per
periphrastic second, in
ruc ures second
phras csstructures; n re
refining
n ng
the
he theory
heory oof verb cclassification
ass ca onso so as too ccircumscribe
rcumscr bethehe par cu argroupoof verbs w
particular withh per
perfects
ec s
from ESSE;and third,
rom ESSE h rd inn ooffering
er ngnew insights n o the
ns gh s into he gramma
grammaticalization
ca za on process
p hroughwh
rocess through whichch
full
u verbs such as HABERE
and ESSEare
ESSEare pressed into
n o serv
service
ce as aux
auxiliaries.
ar es
Auxiliaries
Aux ar esare
are likewise
kew se the he focus
ocus oof the
he nex
next two
wo papers
papers.John Green
Green, 'The a usoof Romance
The sstatus
auxiliaries
aux ar esoof vo
voice'
ce (97-138),
97 138 looksooks aat a re
relatively
a ve yneg area of the
ec edareao
neglected he grammar
grammar:the he 'peripheral'
per phera
or sem
semi-auxiliaries
aux ar esu used
sed in
n Span
Spanish shas sstylistic
y s c aalternatives
erna vestoo the
he morecommon
morecommonpass passive
veexponen
exponentss
ser and es
estar.
ar WhWhileeaall ma orre
major reference works agree in
erenceworks n recogn z nga cclass
recognizing ass oof verbs wwithh cer
certain
an
auxiliary-like
aux ary keea ures there
features, here iss no consensusabou
consensus aboutthe he verbs too be included-a
nc uded a sstatea eoof aaffairs
a rsno
not
unlike
un kethat
ha involving
nvo v ngEng shmoda
English c Pa
modalss(cf. Palmer
mer1979
1979,?1
?1.2).
2 Us ng sstatistical
Using a s ca memethods
hodsoof ana
analysis,
ys s
rrigorously
gorous yapp
applieded too a corpus oof eeight
gh con emporarytexts
contemporary ex s re ec ngthree
reflecting hree ddistinct
s nc reg s ers G
registers,
es a list
compiles
comp s oof 24cand
24 candidates
da esforor pass
passive
vesem aux ar esthe
semi-auxiliaries, he mos
most frequent
requen be being quedar,tener,
ngquedar ener
r verse
ir, verse, ha arse resu
hallarse, ar and sen
resultar, sentirse 103 4 These verbs are then
rse (103-4). hen subca
subcategorized
egor zed accord
according
ng
too an macyoof the
animacy he gramma
grammatical casub ec concord (with
subject, w h sub ec or ob
subject ec and tense/aspect
object), ense aspec res
restric-
rc
tions.
ons G G'ss essay sstrikes
r kesaa harmon
harmonious ousba
balance
ancebe
between
weenda data,a me ed and theory.
cu ous yssifted,
meticulously heory One
reasonthesehesecons
constructions have tended
ruc onshave endedtoo rema
remain nmarg naiss the
marginal he d cu yin
difficulty n de erm n ngthe
determining heex
extent
en
too wh
which
ch they
hey have been incorporated
ncorpora edinto n o the
he grammar
grammar,55wh which ch iss in
n turn
urnaa consequence oof the he
over-all
over a inadequacy,
nadequacy po n ed ou
pointed out by bo both
h Greenand
Green and V ncen oof our unders
Vincent, and ngoof gramma
understanding grammati-
calization
ca za onprocesses
processes. G arguesconv nc ng ythat
arguesconvincingly ha inn Span
Spanish manyoof these
shmany hese aux
auxiliaries
ar eshavebecome
have become
aat least
eas sem
semi-grammaticalized
gramma ca zed aand
nd shou
should dbe
be regardedas bona fide de exponen
exponentss oof the
he Pass
Passive.
ve
s opherPoun
Christopher
Chr Pountain, *ESSEREand STAREas a Romancephenomenon
a n '*ESSERE 139 60 comb
phenomenon'(139-60), combinesnessyn
syn-
chrony and d achronyin
diachrony n aattempting
emp ngtoo illuminate
um na ethe he con
contrast
ras be ween these
between hese two
wo La
Latinnverbs
verbs as
hey have evo
they evolved
ved inn Romance
Romance, a con contrast
ras wh
which
ch has been mos most fully
u y deve oped in
developed n Span sh bu
Spanish, but
which
wh ch mus
must, he insists,
ns s s be regardedas a Romanceand
Romanceand no us an Ibero
not just Ibero-Romance
Romancephenomenon
phenomenon.
Classical
C ass ca LaLatin,n bes
beside
de copu
copular ESSE, had STAREw
ar ESSE withh three
hree fullu lexical
ex ca mean s and (with
ngs 'stand,'
meanings: w h
animate
an ma esub ec opposed too 'sit'),
subject, s w h inanimate
s and2 (with
'stand2' nan ma esub ec 'be
subject, ua ed and 'stay'
be ssituated'), s ay (144).
144
By the he ear
earlyy med
medieval
eva sstage,
age aall thehe Romancelanguages
anguagesshowed individual
nd v dua and interesting
n eres ngd distri-
sr
butions
bu onsoof the
he two
wo verbs
verbs, presumab
presumablyyre ec ngear
reflectingearlier
erpre
preferences
erencesdurduringngthe
he Vu garLa
Vulgar Latin nper
period
od
(158).
158 Spec ca y the
Specifically, he individual
nd v dua vernacu
vernacularsarsd eredin
differed n their
he r adop
adoption onoof the
he va
values
ues oof STARE
STARE, a
vergence wh
divergence
d which ch on
onlyy w
widened
denedas as the
he d
dialects
a ec sevo ved P identifies
evolved. den esthree hree ou
outcomes
comes oof STAREin n
Romance:
Romance
1 On the
(1) he Iber
Iberiananpen nsu a it has weakenedtoo the
peninsula, he po n oof becom
point becoming ngaalmost
mos en
entirely
re ycopu
copularar
in
n function,
unc on wh whileeaat the
he same time me encroach
encroaching ngon cer
certain
a nfunctions
unc onsor g na yfulfilled
originally u edby *ESSERE
*ESSERE.
The resu
result has been a reduc
reductiononoof itss full
u lexical
ex ca mean
meanings.
ngs
2 In Eas
(2) Eastern
ernRomance
Romance (Italian,
I a an Ruman
Rumanian),an the
he range oof lexical
ex ca mean
meaningsngshas no
not on
onlyy been
preservedbu but aalso
so en
enlarged upon, w
argedupon withhsome
some deve opmen oof copu
development copular arand aux aryfunctions
auxiliary unc ons(Cat-Ca
aalan
anand
and some Occ Occitananddialects
a ec s fall
a somewherebe
somewherebetweenween (1) 1 and (2)).
2
3 In French
(3) French, STAREis lost oge her P links
os aaltogether; nks this
h s too itss failure
a ure too deve
developop copu
copular/auxiliary
ar aux ary
functions.
unc ons

5 A s m arvagueness surrounds he Romance u ureper phrasesw h go e va s a re voy a

hacer vou azer wh ch manygrammars rad onaas we as genera ve a o acknow edgeas
n egra par s o he respec ve ense sys em no w hs and nghe r consp cuous requency n he
spoken anguages c F e schman1982

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 REVIEWS 423

Christopher
Chr Lyons, 'Pronominal
s opherLyons Pronom navo ce in
voice n French
French' (161-84),
161 84 ooffersers a genera
generative veana ys s oof the
analysis he
principal
pr ypes oof se verbs in
nc pa types n French
French, seek ng in
seeking n par cu artoo de
particular determine
erm newhewhether
hertwo
wo oof the
he four
our
generallyyd
genera distinguished ypes the
s ngu shedtypes, he so
so-called
ca ed 'middle'
m dd e and 'neutral',
neu ra can be accounaccounted ed for
or by thehe
same ru es and
rules, and-aa coro ary whe her the
corollary-whether he boundar
boundaries normallyydrawnbe
esnorma drawnbetween
weenthe he var
various
oustypes
ypes
are correct.66Bo
arecorrec Both 1975andGrimshaw
h Kayne 1975andGr 1982contrast
mshaw1982con ras mmiddle and neutral
dd eandneu ra se o ow ngRuwe
se, following Ruwet
1972,who groups the
1972 he latter oge herw
a ertogether withh inherent
nheren sese, wh
whilee der v ngthe
deriving he former
ormerby a ru rulee ssimilar
m ar
too pass
passivization.
v za on Aga h s L argues that
ns this
Against ha res
restricting he de
r c ngthe definition
n onoof neu
neutral
ra se shows it too be
a y the
essentially
essen he same
same, syn ac ca yand seman
syntactically ca y as m
semantically, middle
dd ese
se. Bo
Bothhare
are exponen
exponentssoof vovoicece in
n
which
wh chse
se functions
unc onsas as an ob
object
ec promo
promotion ondev ce the
device, he on
onlyy d
difference
erencebe ngthat
being ha someneu
some neutral ra verbs
seman ca yde
(semantically definable
nab easas a cclass),
ass when used pronompronominally, ow an agen
na y aallow agentless
ess read
readingng(briser,
br ser
casser, endorm
casser endormir,rd ss per In conc
dissiper). us on L acknow
conclusion, edgesthat
acknowledges ha this
h s neu
neutral/middle
ra m dd ep ass ve iss in
passive n
any even
event somewha
somewhat marg
marginalna in usage, the
n French usage he more commona
common alternative
erna vebe ng the
being he on con
con-
sstruction.
ruc on
Andrew Rad ord 'The
Radford, The syn ax oof verba
syntax verbal wH
wH-exclamatives
exc ama vesn in IItalian'
a an (185-204),
185 204 ana yses those
analyses hose
wH-exclamatives
wH exc ama ves(i.e. e wwith
hcome che, or quan
come, che quanto) o con a n nga verb
containing hertensed
verb, eeither ensed (25a, Che strana
25a Ches rana
macchina
macch na (che)
che ha compra
compratoo G org o or non
Giorgio) ensed i.e.
non-tensed, e infinitival
n n va (25b,
25b Che sstrana
rana macch na da
macchina
comprare),w
comprare withh a vview
ew toward
owardde erm n ngwhe
determining whether
hersuch
such express ons are der
expressions ved from
derived rommamain nor
or
relative
re a vecclauses.
auses Accord
Accordingngtoo the
he re
relative-clause n erpre a on25a
a ve c auseinterpretation, 25a-bb wou
would dbe
be ana ysedas sstruc-
analysed ruc
turally e too typical
parallel
ura ypara yp ca re
relative
a veNPNP'ss involving
nvo v nga headnom
head nominalna macch
macchina namod
modifiededby a re
relative
a ve
ause eeither
cclause, her (che)
che ha compra comprare. By the
compratoo or da comprare he aalternative
erna vemamain-clause
n c auseinterpretation,
n erpre a on
25acould
25acou dbe
be ana m ar ytoo the
ysedssimilarly
analysed he correspond
corresponding ngd
direct
rec ques
question Chemacchina
28 Chemacch
on(28, ha compra
naha compratoo
org o? e as a ssingle
Giorgio?)-i.e.
G ng e ma
mainncclause
ause con a n nga wH
containing phraseche macch
wH-phrase macchina 193 4 R
na(193-4). R'ss limpid
mp d
ep by s epdemons
sstep-by-step demonstration leads h
ra oneads him posit a re
m too pos relative source for
a vesource or infinitival
n n va exc ama ves wh
exclamatives, whilee
their
he r tensed
ensed coun
counterparts
erpar smay representeeither
may represen her under y ngma
underlying main or re
nor relative
a vecclauses.
auses Spec ca y a
Specifically,
main-clause
ma n c ausesource
source musmust be pos or aall che
ed for
posited che-less
ess exc
exclamatives
ama ves(Quan
(Quanta
Quan agen 0 abb
gentee [0] amo in-
abbiamo n
ra o and some che exc
contrato)
con exclamatives Che bravo che se
ama ves (Che sei).
address themselves to a wide rangeof topics and
The papers in this volume addressthemselves
methodological paradigms. An important
draw upon a number of different methodologicalparadigms
achievement of several of the essays (notably Harris Vincent, and Pountain)
Harris, Vincent
is to offer a COMPARATIVE iew of developments which have heretoforebeen
vview heretofore been
explored largely in the restricted contexts
restrictedcontexts of individual
individualRomance
Romance languages.
languages
Although the majority of the papers deal with language-or group-particular
limited to Romanists;the
phenomena, the interest of the volume is not at all limitedto
phenomena
largergoals
largergoals set forth in
forthin the introduction (see above) are
areonon the whole achieved
achieved.
With respect to presentation
presentation, the camera-ready text is readable
readableand
and relatively
more fastidious (or pedantic)readermay be takenaback
error-free,though the morefastidious
error-free taken aback
frequentlyidiosyncratichyphenationof English
by the frequentlyidiosyncratichyphenation balance, the volume
English.On balance
represents a substantive
substantivecontribution
contribution to Romance linguisticsandan
and an appropriate
testimonial to the inspiredteaching
testimonialto inspired teaching of Joe Cremona.
Cremona
REFERENCES
COMRIE BERNARD. 1976
COMRIE,BERNARD 1976. Aspec
Aspect. Cambr dge Un
Cambridge: vers y Press
University Press.
COSTABILE,
COSTABILE NORMA.1969
NORMA 1969. La flessione
ess one verba a ana La ssintassi:
verbalee italiana. n ass A del III Con
Atti de Con-
gresso In
Internazionale
ernaz ona e d di S ud ed
Studi, ed. by W
W. d Add o & R
d'Addio R. S mone 219
Simone, 219-60.
60 Rome
Rome:
Bulzoni.
Bu zon
. 1973
1973. La flessione
ess one inn italiano. Rome: Bu
a ano Rome Bulzoni.
zon
6
The two ypes w
wo types with
h wh
which m dd e se (Ces
ch L iss concerned are 'middle' une es se ne
Ces lunettes nettoientfacilement),
o en ac emen
m arin
ssimilar n mean
meaningngtoo an agen
agentless passive,
esspass branches'est
La branches
neu ra se (La
ve and 'neutral' es cassee h er like
hier), ke the
he
middle
m dd evar e y bu
variety but w
withh no agen mp ed The rema
agent implied. n nguses oof pronom
remaining pronominal verbs are 'reflexive'
na verbsare re ex ve
or 'reciprocal'
rec proca (les
es pr sonn ersse son
prisonniers ues 'The
sont tues The pr sonersk
prisoners killed
ed {{themselves her} and
hemse ves/ each oother}')
nheren i.e.
'inherent', e verbs like evanou r'too faint'
kess'evanouir a n in which
nwh chthe
heseman
semanticccon r bu onoof the
contribution heccliticc appears
too be nu
null.

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424 VOLUME60, NUMBER2 (1984)
LANGUAGE,

FILLMORE, CHARLESJ. 1968. The case for case. Universals in linguistictheory, ed. by
Emmon Bach & Robert J. Harms, 1-88. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
FLEISCHMAN,SUZANNE. 1982. The future in thought and language: Diachronic evidence
from Romance. Cambridge:-UniversityPress.
. 1983. From pragmaticsto grammar:Diachronicreflexions on complex pasts and
futures in Romance. Lingua60.183-214.
GRIMSHAW, JANE. 1982. On the lexical representationof Romancereflexive clitics. The
mentalrepresentationof grammaticalrelations,ed. by Joan Bresnan,87-148. Cam-
bridge, MA, MIT Press.
HARRIS, JAMESW. 1969. Spanish phonology. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
KAYNE, RICHARDS. 1975. French syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
FRANKR. 1979. Modality and the English modals. London: Longman.
PALMER,
RUWET,NICOLAS.1972. Theorie syntaxique et syntaxe du fran;ais. Paris: Seuil.
[Received 14 March 1983.]

Hua: A Papuan language of the Eastern Highlandsof New Guinea. By JOHN

HAIMAN. (Studies in Language, companion series, 5.) Amsterdam& Phila-
delphia: Benjamins, 1980. Pp. Ivii, 550. f 115.00.
Reviewed by WILLIAMA. FOLEY,Australian National University
Around the island of New Guinea-linguistically the most complex area in
the world-two types of languagesare found: those belongingto the far-flung
Austronesian language group, and the upwards of 700 non-Austronesianor
Papuanlanguages, organizedinto aroundsixty distinct languagefamilies, with
wider relations not yet conclusively demonstrated. In the past 20 years, the
study of the Papuan languages has gone from virtual terra incognita to a sit-
uation in which reasonable knowledge is available about the number of lan-
guages and their low-level genetic groupings.For about two dozen languages,
good to very good grammaticaldescriptions are also available. This grammar
of Hua, a languageof a familycenteredaroundGorokain the EasternHighlands
of Papua New Guinea, is a significant advance in our knowledge of Papuan
linguistics, since it is the most detailedgrammarto date of any Papuanlanguage.
Haiman treats the phonology, morphology, and syntax of Hua in exhaustive
detail, and supplies much that a Papuanist will find instructive and useful.
However, I must caution that, because of the detail and density of its expo-
sition, this work will not serve as a good introductionto the grammarof High-
lands Papuan languages. I suggest rather less dense presentations, such as
Scott's 1978grammarof Fore or Bromley's 1981grammarof Dani, as appetizers
before settling down to H's book as the main course. For the uninitiated,this
will make digestion of Hua somewhat less taxing.
The body of the grammaris preceded by an introductionwhich discusses
some structuralfeatures of Hua which are typical of other Papuanlanguages,
especially those which may be evidence for genetic linkage among language
groups. The most ambitiousgenetic hypothesis to date is McElhanon& Voor-
hoeve's 1970 proposal of the Trans-New Guinea phylum, comprised of over
400 languages, including Hua. H makes the interesting observation that, in
Trans-New Guinea languages, pluralityis signalled by a front vowel, usually

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