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NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANYFirst published in 1916 {AIL rights reserved)TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE THE keen interest which the present age is manifesting in problems connected with the interpretation of human experi- ence is no less a result than it is a’ precondition of the fruitful labours of individual scholars. Prominent among these is the distinguished author of the volume which is herewith rendered accessible to English readers. The impetus which Professor Wundt has given to the philo- sophical and psychological studies of recent years is a matter of common knowledge. Many of those who are contributing richly to these fields of thought received their stimulus from instruction directly enjoyed in the laboratory and the classrooms of Leipzig. But even more than to Wundt, the teacher, is the world indebted ‘to Wundt, the investigator and the writer. The number and comprehen- siveness of this author’s publications, as well as their range of subjects, are little short of amazing. To gauge the extent of their influence would require an examination of a large part of current philosophical and psychological] literature. No small measure of this influence, however, must be credited to those whose labours have made possible the appearance of Wundt’s writings in other tongues. Of the English translations, we owe the first to Professors Creighton and Titchener. Succeeding their translation of the “‘ Lectures on Human and Animal Psychology,” came the publication, in English, of the first volume of the ‘* Principles of Physio- logical Psychology,” of the two briefer treatises, “ Outlines of Psychology," and “ Introduction to Psychology,” and, in the meantime, of the valuable work on ' Ethics.”vi TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE Though Professor Wundt first won recognition through his investigations in physiology, it was his later and more valuable contributions to physiological psychology, as well as to logic, ethics, epistemology, and metaphysics, that gained for him his place of eminence in the world of scholarship. One may hazard the prophecy, however, that the final verdict of history will ascribe to his latest studies, those in folk psychology, a significance not inferior to that which is now generally conceded to the writings of his earlier years. The Vélherpsychologie is a truly monumental work. The analysis and interpretation of language, art, mythology, and religion, and the criticisms of rival theories and points of view, which occupy its five large volumes of over three thousand pages, are at once so judicial and so suggestive that they may not be neglected by any serious student of the social mind. The publication of the Vétherpsychologie made necessary a number of defensive and supplementary articles. Two of these, in a somewhat revised form, together with an early article on “ The Aim and Methods of Folk ‘Psychology,” and an additional essay on “ Pragmatic and Genetic Psychology of Religion,” were published in 1911 under the title, Probleme der Viétker- psychologie. Finally, in 1912, there appeared the book which we are now presenting in translation, the Elemente der Vélherpsychologie. As regards the difference in method and character between the Elemente and the Vélker- psychologie, nothing need be added to what may be gleaned from the author's Preface and Introduction to this, his latest, work. Here, too, Professor Wundt indicates his conception of the nature and the problem’ of folk psychology, a fuller discussion of which may be found both in the Vélker- psychologie and in the first essay of the Probleme. He who attempts to sketch the ‘Outlines of a Psychological History of the Development of Mankind” necessarily incurs a heavy indebtedness, as regards hisTRANSLATOR'S PREFACE vii material, to various more specialized sciences. The success with which the data have been sifted in the present instance and the extent to which the author has repaid the special sciences in terms of serviceable principles of interpreta- tion, must, to a certain extent, be left to the determination of those who are engaged in these specific fields. Human beliefs and institutions, however, as well as‘all products of art and modes of labour, of food-getting, of marriage, of warfare, etc.—in short, all elements of human culture—even though subject to natural conditions of various sorts, are essentially mental processes or the expression of psychical activities. Hence no theory, relating to these phenomena is acceptable, or even respectable, that does violence to well- established psychological principles. The unpsychological character of many of the hypotheses that still abound in ethnological, sociological, and historical literature, in itself renders necessary such discussions as those comprised within the present volume. One of the very, valuable, even though not novel, features of the “ Elements,” therefore, is its clear exposure of the untenability of rationalistic and other similarly erroneous types of explanation. The dependence of folk psychology, as conceived by Pro- fessor Wundt, upon general psychology—or, in this particular case, upon the author's system of physiological psychology— will be apparent. It should not be overlooked, however, that the examination of the mental processes that underlie the various forms in which social experience comes to expression involves a procedure which supplements, in an important way, the traditional psychological methods. More than this. Wundt's Volkerpsychologie is the result of a conviction that there are certain mental phenomena which may not be inter- preted satisfactorily by any, psychology which restricts itself to the standpoint of individual consciousness. Fundamental to the conclusions of the present volume, therefore, is the assumption of the reality of collective minds. For Pro-viii TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE fessor Wundt, however, this assumption is not in the least of a dogmatic character. On the contrary, its acceptance is necessitated by the failure of opposing theories, and its validity is sustained by the ‘fact that it renders intelligible a large and important body of facts. If this be admitted, it follows that folk psychology, supplements not merely the methods of individual or physiological psychology, but also its principles and its laws. As yet, however, the prevailing tendency of psychologists, both in England and in America, is to retain the point of view of individual consciousness even when dealing with those phenomena which Wundt con- siders to be creations of the social group. That this occurs so frequently without any apparent thought of the necessity of justifying the procedure is—whether the position itself be right or wrong—an illustration of the barriers offered by a foreign language. For the general reader who professes no acquaintance with the nature or the viewpoint of psychological science, it may not be amiss to remark that the author aims, in this book, to present, not a discussion of the philosophical validity of ideas or of the ethical or religious value of customs and institutions, but merely a descriptive account of human de- velopment. The “Elements” is an attempt to answer the question as to what beliefs and practices actually prevailed at the various stages of human development and what psychological explanation may be given of them. Such an investigation is quite distinct from an inquiry as to “whether these beliefs and practices are justifiable. It is equally, foreign, moreover, to the question as to whether the ideas that are entertained may, be ‘held either to bring us into relation with trans-subjective realities or to acquaint us with a truth that is, in any significant sense, eternal. However sacred or profane, true or delusional, experiences may be to the philosopher, the theologian, or ithe man of practical affairs, to him who is psychologizing they all alike4 TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE ix are mental phenomena demanding, not evaluation, but observation, analysis, and reduction to mental laws. Wundt explicitly emphasizes the fact that his psychological account neither represents nor renders unnecessary a philosophy of history ; similarly, it may, be added, the present work is neither the equivalent nor the negation of ethics, juris prudence, theology, epistemology, or metaphysics. Never- theless, while the distinctions which we have suggested should be strictly kept in mind, a just appreciation of the significance of such books as the “ Elements ’’ demands that we recognize their notable value to all the various philosophical disciplines. ‘Works of this sort succeed above all others in stimulating and sustaining a keen empirical interest on the part of philosophy, and they supply the latter with a fund of carefully selected and psychologically interpreted facts. Doubtless it is in connection with ethics and the science of religion that these services are most obvious. Even the epistemologist, however, will find much that is suggestive in Wundt’s account of the origin and development of language, the characteristics and content of primitive thought, and the relation of mythological and religious ideas to the affective and conative life. That the Vélkerpsychologie may contribute largely toward the solution of metaphysical problems has been strikingly demonstrated by Professor Royce in his profound volumes on “ The Problem of Christianity.” The trials of the translator have been recounted too often any longer to require detailed mention, President G. Stanley Hall has suggested that the German pro- clivity to the use of long, involved sentences, loaded with qualifying words and phrases, and with compounds and supplementary clauses of every description, may pethaps be said to have the merit of rendering language some- what correspondent with the actual course of thought. The significance of this statement can be appreciated byx TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE no one quite so keenly as by a translator, for whom the very. fact which ‘President Hall mentions causes many German sentences to be objects of despair. In the present instance, the endeavour has been to reproduce as faithfully as possible both the meaning and the spirit of the original, while yet taking such liberties as seemed necessary either to clarify certain passages or to avoid any serious offence to the English language. In a number of cases, no ‘absolutely satisfactory equivalent of the German term seemed available The very expression ‘ folk psychology,’ for example, may scarcely be said to commend itself in every respect. Its use seemed unescapable, however, in view of the fact that the author, in his Introduction, expressly rejects the terms Sozfalpsy- chologie and Gemeinschaftspsychologie in favour of Vélker- psychologie. Bildende Kunst has been rendered ‘ formative art,’ not in the belief that this translation is wholly unobjec- tionable, but because it seemed preferable to all possible alternatives, such as ‘ plastic,” ‘ shaping,’ or ‘manual’ art. Those who are familiar with, or who will take notice of, the very precise meaning which the present author gives to the terms Mdrchen, Sage, Legende, and Mythus will understand without explanation our frequent use of the word ‘saga’ and the necessity of the term ‘miirchen’ in the translation. Wundt has always attached great significance to the distinctions which he has drawn between the various forms of the myth, and, more especially, to his contention that the earliest and, in a sense, the progenitor of these was the marchen. The crying need of exact definition and of clear thinking in a field so confused as that of mythology led him, on one occasion, to enter a plea for a clear-cut and consistent terminology such as that which he was attempting to maintain (vide Volkerpsychologie, Band V, Zweiter Teil, Zweite Auflage, s. 33). In this instance again, therefore, it seemed best to give to the author's own terms a preference over words which, while more familiarTRANSLATOR’S PREFACE xi to the English reader, are less suited to convey the precise meaning intended. The most pleasant of the translator’s duties consists in acknowledging the very material assistance which he has received from his wife, whose preparation of an enlarged index for this English edition is but the last of many services which she has rendered in connection with the present undertaking. EDWARD LEROY SCHAUB. NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY, EVANSTON, ILLINOIS, October 1915.PREFACE THIS volume pursues a different method, in its treatment of the problems of folk psychology, from that employed in my more extensive treatment of the subject. Instead of considering successively the main forms of expression of the folk mind, the present work studies the phenomena, so far as possible, synchronously, exhibiting: their common con~ ditions and their reciprocal relations. Even while engaged on my earlier task I had become more and more convinced that a procedure of this latter sort was required as its supplement. Indeed, I believed that the chief purpose of investigations in folk psychology must be found in 4 synthetic survey. The first prerequisite of such a survey is, of course, a separate examination of each of the various fields. The history of the development of the physical organism aims to understand not merely the genesis of the particular organs but primarily their co-operation and the correlation of their functions. An analogous purpose should underlie an account of the mental development of any human community and, finally, of miankind itself. In addition to the problem of the relations of the separate processes to one another, however, we must in this case face also the broader question as to whether or not mental development is at all subject to law, This it is, therefore, that the sub-title of the present volume is intended to suggest. That we can be concerned only with outlines, moreover, and not with an exhaustive presentation of details, wilxiv PREFACE follows from the very fact that our aim is a synthetic survey. An exhaustive presentation would again involve us in a more or less detached investigation of single problems. ‘A briefer exposition, on the other hand, which limits itself to arranging the main facts along lines sug- gested by the subject-matter as a whole, is, without doubt, better adapted both to present a clear picture of the develop- ment, and to indicate its general amenability to law, the presence of which even the diversity of events cannot conceal. This being my main purpose, I believed that 1 might at once reject the thought of giving the various facts a proportionate degree of attention. In the case of the better known phenomena, it appeared sufficient to sketch their place in the gencral development. That which was less familiar, however, or was still, perhaps, generally unknown, seemed to me to require a more detailed discussion. Hence the following pages deal at some length with the forms of original tribal organization and of the consummation of marriage, with soul, demon, and totem‘ cults, and with various other phenomena of a somewhat primitive culture. On the other hard, they describe in barest outline the social movements that reach over into historical times, such as the founding of States and cities, the origin of legal systems, and the like. No inference, of course, should be drawn from this with regard to the relative importance of the phenomena themselves. Our procedure, in this matter, has been governed by practical considerations alone. The above remark concerning the less familiar and that which is as yet unknown, will already have indicated that folk psychology in general, and particularly’a history of development in terms of folk psychology, such as this book aims to give, are as yet forced to rely largely on supposi- tions and hypotheses, if they are not to lose the thread that unites the details. Questions similar to the ones which we have just mentioned regarding the beginnings of hwPREFACE xv society, or others, which, though belonging to a later development, nevertheless still fall within the twilight dawn of history—such, for example, as those concerning the origin of gods and of religion, the development of myth, the sources and the transformations in meaning of the various forms of cult, etc.—are, of course, as yet largely, matters of dispute. In cases of this sort, we are for the most part dealing not so much with facts themselves as with hypotheses designed to interpret facts. And yet it must not be for- gotten that folk psychology rests on precisely the same experiential basis, as regards these matters, as do all other empirical sciences. Its position in this respect is similar, more particularly, to that of history, with ‘which it frequently comes into touch in dealing with these problems of origin. The hypotheses of folk psychology never refer to a background of things or to origins that are by nature in- accessible to experiential knowledge; they are simply assumptions concerning a number of conjectured empirical facts that, for some reason or other, elude positive detection. When, for example, we assume that the god-idea resulted from a fusion of the hero ideal with the previously exist- ing belief in demons, this is an hypothesis, since the direct transition of a demon into a god can nowhere be pointed out with absolute certainty. Nevertheless, the conjectured process moves on the factual plane from beginning to end. The same is true, not merely of many of the problems of folk psychology, but in the last analysis of almost all questions relating to the beginning of particular phenomena. In such cases, the result is seldom based on actually given data—these are inaccessible to direct observa- tion, leaving psychological probability as our only guide. That is to say, we are driven to that hypothesis which is in greatest consonance with the sum total of the known facts of individual and of folk psychology. It is this empirical task, constituting a part of psychology and,xvi PREFACE at the same time, an application of it, that chiefly differentiates a psychological history of development, such as the following work aims briefly to present, from a philosophy of history. In my_opinjon, the basis of a philosophy of history should henceforth be a psychological history of development, though the latter should not intrude upon the particular problems of the former. The con- cluding remarks of our final chapter attempt, in a few sentences, to indicate this connection of a psychological history of development with a philosophy of historical development, as it appears from the point of view of the general relation of psychology to philosophical problems. ‘WwW. WUNDT. Lesrzic, March 31, 1912.CONTENTS ‘TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE. . : . PREFACE . . . : : . : INTRODUCTION . . . . . History and task of folk pychology tts re relation to ethnology—~Ana- lytic and synthetic methods of exposition—Folk psychology as a psychological history of the development of mankind~-Division into four main periods. CHAPTER 1 PRIMITIVE MAN THE DISCOVERY OF PRIMITIVE MAN. . Early philosophical hypotheses—Prehistoric zemaing—Schwweinfuth’s discovery of the Pygmies of the Upper Congo—The Negritos of the Philippines, the inland tribes of Matacca, the Veddahs of Ceylon, 2. THE CULTURE OF PRIMITIVE MAN IN ITS EXTERNAL EX- PRESSIONS . : . : : . Dress, habitation, food, weapons—Discovery of bow and arrow— Acquisition of fice—Relative significance of the concept ¢ primitive." 3 THE ORIGIN OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY « Bachofen’s “Mother-right” and the hypothesis of an original pro- miscnity—Group-marriage and the Malayan system of relationship— Erroneous interpretation of these phenomena—Polygyny and poly- andry—The monogamy of primitive peoples. 4. PRIMITIVE SOCIETY =. . . . ‘The primitive horde—Iis relation ‘to the animal herd—Single family and tribe—Lack of tribal organization, xvii Aor, iit i 2x 34 50xviii CONTENTS 5. 8 % THE BEGINNINGS OF LANGUAGE + . + ges of primitive tribes of to-day—The gesture-language of the ‘and dumb, and of certain peoples of nature—The signs of natural desture-language—Its syntax—General conclusions drawn from gesture-language. THE THINKING OF PRIMITIVE MAN. : . : ‘The Soudan languages as examples of relatively primitive modes of ~ thinking—The so-called ‘roots’ as words—The concrete character of primitive thought—Lack of grammatical categories—Primitive man’s thinking perceptual EARLIEST BELIEFS IN MAGIC AND DEMONS. Indefiniteness of the concept ‘religion ’—Polytheistic and monothe- istic theories of the origin of religion—Conditions among the Pyginies—Belief in magic and demons as the content of primitive thought—Death and sickness—The corporeat soul—Dress and objects of personal adornment as instruments of magic—The causality of magic. THE BEGINNINGS OF ART . The art of dancing among primitive peoplestte importance asa means of magic—Its accompaniment by noise-inelruments—The dance-song—The beginnings of musical instuments—The bull-roarer and the raltte—Primilive ornamentation—Relation between the imita- tion of objects and simple geometrical drawings (conventionalization) —The painting of the Bushmen—Its nature as a memorial art, THE INTELLECTUAL AND MORAL CHARACTERISTICS OF PRIM- ITIVE MAN . . : Freedom from wants~-Significance of isolation Capacity for observa tion and reflection—No inferiority as to original ¢: strable—Negative nature of the morality of pri dence upon the environment, CHAPTER Ik THE TOTEMIC AGE THE GENERAL CHARACTER OF TOTEMISM =i . . ‘The word ‘totem ’—Its significance for cult—Tribat organization and the institution of chieftainship—Tribal wars—Tribal ownership of land The rise of hoe-culture and of the raising of domestic animals. PAGE 53 68 75 94 109 116CONTENTS 2, THE STAGES OF TOTEMIC CULTURE . : : : Australian culture—its low level of economic life—Its complicated tribal organization—Perfected weapons—Malayo-Polynesian culture— ‘The origin and migrations of the Malays—Celestial elements in Malayo- Polynesian mythology-—~The culture of the American Indians and its distinctive features—Perfection of totemic tribal organization—Dectine of totem: cults—African cultures—Increased importance of cattle raising—Development of despotic forms of rulership—Survivals of totemism in the Asiatic world. 3. TOTEMIC TRIBAL ORGANIZATION + . . . Similarity in the tribal organizations of the Australians and the American Indians—Totem groups as cult associations—Retrogression in America—The totem animal as a coat of arms—The principle of dual division—Systems consisting of two, four, and eight groups. 4 THE ORIGIN OF EXOGAMY . . - . . Unlimited and limited exogamy—Direct and indirect maternal or paternal descent—Effects upon marriage between relatives—Hy- potheses concerning the origin of exogamy—Hygienic theory— Marriage by capture, 5s MODES OF CONTRACTING MARRIAGE . . rs . Matriage by peaceful capture within the same kinship group—IEx- ogamons marriage by barter—Marriage by purchase and marriage by contract—Survivals of marriage by capture, 6, THE CAUSES OF TOTEMIC EXOGAMY . . . Relation of clan division to totem groups—Tolem friendships Parental and traditional totem alliances—The rise of exogamy with direct and with indirect maternal or paternal descent. 7. THE FORMS OF POLYGAMY : : : : Origin of group-marriage—Chief wife and secondary wives--Poly- andry and polygyny and their combination—The prevalence and causes of these forms of marriage. 8. THE-DEVELOPMENTAL FORMS OF TOTEMISM ‘Pwo principles of classification—Tribal and individual totemism—Con- ception and sex tolemism—Animat and plant totemism—Inanimate totems (churingas)—Relation to ancestor worship and to fetishism. Q- THE ORIGIN OF TOTEMIC IDEAS ” . . . Theories based on names—Spencer and Lang—Frazer's theory of conception totemisin as the origin of totemism—The animal trans- formations of the breath soul—Relations to soul belief—Sout animals as totem animals. xix PAGE 122 140 144 455 159 166 173 187xx CONTENTS 40, THE LAWS OF TABOO , . . ‘ . The concept ‘taboo'—The taboo in Polynesia—The taboo of mother-in-law and father-in-law—Connection with couvade—The sacred and the impure—Rites of purification—Fire, water, and magical transference. LL, SOUL BELIEFS OF THE TOTEMIC AGE : . : ‘The psyche as a breath and shadow soul—Its relation to the corporeal soul—Chief bearers of the corporeal soul—Modes of disposition of the dead, 12, THE ORIGIN OF THE FETISH , . . . . Fetishes in tolem cult—Attainment of independence by fetishism— Fetishes as the earliest forms of the divine image—Retrogressive development of cult objects—Fetish cult as a cult of magic and demons —Amulet and talisman 13. THE ANIMAL ANCESTOR AND THE HUMAN ANCESTOR ‘The Mura-Mura legends of the Australians—The animat ancestor— ‘Transition to the haman ancestor—Relation to disposal of the corpse and to cults of the dead—Surviving influences of totemism in ancestor cult, Iq. THE TOTEMIC CULTS . + . . . . Customs relating to disposition iof the corpse and to sacrifices to the dead—Initiation into manhood—Vegetation cults—Australian Intichi- uma festivals—Cults of the soil at the stage of hoe-culture—Underlying factor of community of labour-——Unification of cult purposes and their combination with incipient deity cults. 15. THE ART OF THE TOTEMIC AGE . ' ‘ . ‘Tatooing—Ceramics—Construction of dwellings—Pole-houses—The ceremonial dance—Instruments of concussion and wind instruments— ‘Cult-songs and work-songs—The marchen-myth and its developmental forms. CHAPTER III THE AGE OF HEROES AND GODS 3X. GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE HEROIC AGE + . . Significance of the individual personality—The hero an ideal human being, the god an ideal hero—-Changes in economic life and in society —The rise of the State. PAOE 193 204 220 230 236 256 2812 a 4 6. 10, CONTENTS THE EXTERNAL CULTURE OF THE HEROIC AGE Folk migration and the founding of States—Plough-culture—Breeding of domestic animals—The wagon—The taming of cattle~—The ox as a draught animal—The production of milk—Relation of these achieve- ments to cult—Warfare and Weapons—Rise of private property— Colonization and trade. THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL SOCIETY The place of the State in the general development of society—The duodecimai and the decimal systems in the organization of political society—The mark community and mititary organization. FAMILY ORGANIZATION WITHIN POLITICAL SOCIETY . ‘The joint famity—The patriarchal family—-Paternal descent and paternal dominance—Reappearance of the monogamous family. THE DIFFERENTIATION OF CLASSES * . . Common property and private property—The conquecing race and the subjugated population—Distinction in rank and property—The in- fluence of State and of legal system. ‘THE DIFFERENTIATION OF VOCATIONS , : : . ‘The priesthood as combining class and vocation—Militacy and political activity-—Agriculture and the lower vocations—The gradual equatiza- tion of respect accorded to Vocations. THE ORIGIN OF CITIES . : + . . . ‘The original development of the city~Castle and temple as the signs of a city—The guardian deity of city and State—Secondary develop- ments. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE LEGAL SYSTEM + . . Custom and law—Civil law as the original province of law—Political and religious factors—The council of elders and the chieftain—The arbitrator and the appointed judge~The teligious sanction of tegal practices. ‘THE DEVELOPMENT OF PENAL LAW . . . . Blood revenge and its replacement--Wergild—Right of sanctuary— Development of imprisonment out of private custody of wrongdoer— ‘The Fus Talionis—inctease in complexity of rewards and punish- ments. THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LEGAL FUNCTIONS Division of the judicial function—Influence of social organi Logical classification of forms of the State lacking in genetic signifi- cance—Development of constitutions out of history and custom, xxi Pace. 286 302 3un 316 321 323 327 47xxii wu. 12, 13. 14. 15. 16. 1. CONTENTS THE ORIGIN OF GODS . . . . . Degeneration theories and developmental theories—-Hypotheses of an original monotheism or polytheism—Theory based on nature-myth- ology--Demon theory of Usener—Characteristics distinguishing the god from the demon and the hero—The god as the result of a fusion of ideal hero and demon, THE HERO SAGA . . . . : ‘The hero of saga and the hero of miirchen—The purely mythical and the historical hero saga—Magic in miirchen and saga—The religious legend—The saint legend. COSMOGONIC AND THEOGONIC MYTHS . . . ‘The gods as demoniacal beings—Their struggle with the demons of carliest times—Myths of creation—-Sagas of flood and of universal conflagration—Myths of world-destruction, THE BELIEF IN SOULS AND IN A WORLD BEYOND Sequence of ideas of the beyond—The spirit-village—The islands of the blessed—Myths of the underworld—Distinction between dwelting- places of sonls—Elysium—The underworld and the celestial regions— Purgatory—Cults of the beyond—The conception of salvation—Trans- migration of souls. THE ORIGIN OF DEITY CULTS . + . . Relation of myth and cult—Religious significance of cult—Vegetalion cults~Union of cutt purposes—Mystery cults. THE FORMS OF CULT PRACTICES : : . Prayer—Conjaration and the prayer of petilion—Prayer of thanks- giving—Praise—The penitential psalm—Sacrifice—Purpose of sacrifice originally magical—Jewish peace-offering and sin-offering—Develop- ment of conception of gift—Connection between value and sacrifice— ‘Votive and consecration gifts—Sacrifice of the first fruits—Sanctifica- tion ceremonies—Means of lustration as means of sanctification ‘Water and fire—Baptism and circumcision—Magical sanctification~ Human sacrifice as a means of sanctificati THE ART OF THE HEROIC AGE . . . ‘Temple and palace~The human figure as the subject of formative art Art ad generic and as individualizing—The appreciation of the significant—Expression of subjective mood in landscape painting— The epic—Its influence upon the cult-song—The drama—Music as an accessory and as an independent art. PAGE 35 374 “384 304 414 426 448CONTENTS CHAPTER IV THE DEVELOPMENT TO HUMANITY 1. THE CONCEPT ‘HUMANITY’ =. . . . . Herder's idea of humanity as the goat of history—The concepts ‘man- Kind’ and ‘human nature Humanity as a value-concept—The idea of a cultural community of mankind and its developmental forms. 2, WORLD EMPIRES . . . . The empires of Egypt and of Western Asia—The monarch as ruler of the world—The ruler as deity--Apotheosis of deceased rulers—Under- ying cause of formation of empires—Disappearance of world empires 1m history, 3+ WORLD CULTURE “ : . . . The world dominion of Alexander—Greek as the universal tanguage ‘Writing and speech as factors of culture—Travel as symptomatic of culture—Hellenistic world culture and its results—The culture of the Renaissance—Cosmopolitanism and individualism, 4+ WORLD RELIGIONS . : : : . . Unity of the world of gods—Cult of Aisculapius and cults of the beyond—Their transition into redemption calts—Buddhism and Christianity—Development of the idea of a superpersonal deity-~ ‘The incarnate god as the representative of this deity—Three aspects of the concept ‘ representative.’ 5. WORLD HISTORY . . . . . ‘Twofold significance of the concept ‘history’—History as self- conscious experience—The rdle of wilt in history—Prehistoric and historic periods—Influence of world culture and world religions on the tise of the historical consciousness—The philosophy of history— Its relation to a psychotogical history of the development of mankind, INDEX . . . . . “ : . PAGE 470 478 484 494 509, 525,ELEMENTS OF FOLK PSYCHOLOGY INTRODUCTION THE word ‘ Vélkerpsychologie’ (folk psychology) is a new compound in our [the German] language. It dates back scarcely farther than to about the middle of the nine- teenth century. In the literature of this period, however, it appeared with two essentially different meanings. On the one hand, the term ‘folk psychology’ was applied to investigations concerning the relations which the in- tellectual, moral, and other mental characteristics of peoples sustain to one another, as well as to studies concerning the influence of these characteristics upon the spirit of politics, art, and literature. The aim of this work was a characterization of peoples, and its greatest emphasis was placed on those cultural peoples whose civilization is of particular importance to us—the French, English, Germans, Americans, etc. These were the questions of folk psychology that claimed attention during that period, particularly, to which literary history. has given the name “young Germany.” The clever essays of Karl Hille- brand on Zeiten, Vélker und Menschen (collected in eight volumes, 1885 ff.) are a good recent example of this sort of investigation. We may say at the outset that the present work follows a radically different direction from that pursued by these first studies in folk “psychology. Practically coincident with the appearance of these earliest studies, however, was a radically different use of the term ‘folk psychology.’ The mental sciences began to realize the need of a psychological basis ; where a serviceable psychology did not exist, they felt it necessary to establish an independent psychological