Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Sobre La Virgen de Los Sicarios
Sobre La Virgen de Los Sicarios
Norman Valencia
Revista de Estudios Hispánicos, Tomo 53, Número 1, Marzo 2019, pp. 17-36
(Article)
[ Access provided at 11 Mar 2022 00:52 GMT from University of California , Santa Barbara ]
Shortened Title 17
NORMAN VALENCIA
˙˙˙˙˙
Everyone knows the patience one must bring to his novels as Balzac
slowly sets in place his various components: description of the town,
history of the profession, the loving enumeration of the parts of the
house, inside and out, the family itself, the physiognomy of the pro-
tagonist and his or her favorite clothes, his or her favorite emploi du
temps—in short, all those different types of discourse which as raw
material were to have been fused back together in this new form but
which Balzac unapologetically requires us to plow through on our way
to story itself. . . . (8)
20 Norman Valencia
the media, do not seem to have the same political impact as their
nineteenth-century counterparts. Since realism has become an impor-
tant representational strategy to deal with Latin America’s complex and
violent realities, it is essential to consider what elements have weakened
its political potential. To fully understand Vallejo’s critique of contem-
porary realisms, it is useful to flesh out some political problems that the
realistic representation of violence faces today.
First, we should thoroughly consider one of realism’s defin-
ing characteristics: the idea that, when faced with a realistic work, the
reader/spectator participates (maybe unconsciously) in a certain form
of consensus. According to some contemporary thinkers, however, the
idea of consensus can imply a negation of politics itself. Chantal Mouffe
points out, for example, that after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the
coordinated expansion of global capitalism and democracy under the
influence of the United States, many political discussions have champi-
oned the idea of a final consensus that would dissolve all social conflicts.
According to Mouffe:
From the start, Morris is aware that recent theory has criticized these
ideas because, after post-structuralism, the realistic representation of
our world became an object of many contentious debates. However,
one of her objectives is to argue that precisely because realism includes
a “humanist contract” regarding the shared communication of reality, it
would be possible to locate it within an effective political project. Such
a project would stem from the prospect that everyone, confronted with
solid realistic texts or images, would be able to reach a consensus on
what is being portrayed. This would be achieved through an agreement
on images or on verbal materials that represent reality through cultur-
ally established codes: direct testimonies, precise data, reliable sources
and, most importantly, a certain rhetoric that can convey a solid sense
of reality.
My point is not to question those who use realistic formats to
defend just causes, or who, like Morris, try to see the political potential
in realism itself. In fact, as we saw with Flaubert, there have been mo-
ments when the representational consensus implicit in realistic works
shook up entire societies. However, there are several new issues that
emerge regarding realistic representation and its implicit consensuses in
present times. First, we should keep in mind that the cultural conven-
tions that define contemporary realisms are strongly influenced by the
media. And today’s media, with its links to technology and immense
flows of capital, has created new and powerful ideological uses of real-
ism, completely transforming our agreements regarding the representa-
tion of reality. In fact, since there is a strong sense of cultural consensus
behind realism, we are less prone to question the ideological use of re-
alistic texts and images as they appear, for example, in our social media,
24 Norman Valencia
in an online video, or in the news outlet of our preference. Realism,
then, has become the defining representational style for different types
of politicized media because it is less susceptible to critical debates. Fur-
thermore, in many cases, these realistic consensuses are confused with
objective and unmediated representations of reality by media consum-
ers. In the process, the cultural conventions that are necessary for realis-
tic representation are transformed into political consensuses that remain
unexamined and that, instead of denouncing systems of inequality and
injustice, are incorporated into their very logic. Expanding on Mouffe’s
ideas, I believe that we should also submit representational strategies
to open political discussions, and challenge any obvious consensus that
upholds them. The real question should be how to contest the ideologi-
cal uses of realism in our media-based culture and how to understand
the political tensions that remain hidden behind their unscrutinized
consensuses. In what follows, we will see how Vallejo’s own strategies
of literary representation imply an important critique of today’s realistic
treatments of violence, especially when they are defined by the media.
fact, this highly subjective voice repeatedly mocks classic realist narra-
tors (in authors like Balzac, Flaubert, or Tolstoy) which Vallejo always
relates, ironically, to the figure of God:
If it were the intention of the press to have the reader assimilate the
information it supplies as part of his own experience, it would not
achieve its purpose. But its intention is the opposite, and it is achieved:
to isolate events from the realm in which they could affect the experi-
ence of the reader. The principles of journalistic information (newness,
brevity, clarity, and, above all, lack of connection between the individual
news items) contribute as much to this as the layout of the pages and
the style of writing. (4: 315–16)
¿Pero que lo mandé matar? Nunca, jamás de los jamases. Jamás le dije
a Alexis: “Quebrame a éste”. Lo que yo dije fue: “Lo quisiera matar” y
30 Norman Valencia
se lo dije al viento; mi pecado, si alguno, se quedó en el quisiera. Y por
un quisiera, en esta matazón, ¿se va a ir uno a los infiernos? Si sí, yo me
arrepiento y no vuelvo a querer más. (38)
Through Fernando, the text indulges in the violent fantasies of the more
conservative sectors of society, of those who dream about the annihila-
tion of anyone who clashes with the beautiful life of Colombia’s well-
to-do. Every subject finds an appropriate excuse, another guilty party, a
group of subjects responsible for the generalized violence in Medellín,
where the novel takes place. Fernando’s apologies, however, are so con-
tradictory that they show his obvious involvement in the chaos that
surrounds him. Even the use of the language of sin and repentance in
the previous quote denotes Vallejo’s use of irony because Fernando sys-
tematically attacks religion throughout the text. Although the narrator
claims his innocence, we do not have to accept his version as a realistic
or objective description of what happened; it would probably be better
to consider this a parody of those who aspire to achieve a better world
by defending Christian values and, simultaneously, by desiring the
miraculous disappearance of other human beings (especially the poor
and disenfranchised, who are the constant targets of Fernando’s tirades)
from their lives. In the novel, they too are part of a network of actors
that have historically made Colombia a deeply unequal and violent
society. It is the reader’s task to see the implicit irony that separates the
novel’s message from its narrator’s passionate but contradictory argu-
ments.
Keeping this in mind, it would be a mistake to read La virgen
de los sicarios as a conventional realistic text. Far from depicting Colom-
bian reality in a verisimilar or objective way, Vallejo’s novel is opposed
to any univocal agreement between author and narrator, between text
and reader, or between representation and reality. In the process, the
novel demands that its readers take strong interpretive positions that
challenge any form of consensus with it. The narrator’s hyperbolic and
incongruous tone makes it impossible to accept anything he says at face
value. In many cases, the only sane response towards the novel is to
be in complete disagreement with Fernando. This discomfort towards
what appears to be pure realism is one of Vallejo’s greatest achievements
because it demands precisely what many of today’s realistic images of
our world lack: a conscious questioning of contemporary strategies of
Nineteenth-Century Realism, Media, and the Representation of Violence 31
The quote’s ironic use of the language of the free market aims at a deep
truth: within Colombia’s systemic inequality, “private initiative” allows
for the emergence of death as another form of capitalistic endeavor. And
if anyone thought that killing the country’s most important criminal
would be a solution to all of Colombia’s problems, Fernando proves
them wrong: Escobar’s death results in a chaotic proliferation of new
crimes, now without any controlling force. As opposed to the main
tenets of subjective violence, the novel shows us that the punishment of
a powerful criminal does not change anything if systemic injustice per-
sists. Or, to put it another way: if Colombia maintains a social structure
of insurmountable inequality, violence and crime will always function as
a form of “private initiative” for those who have nothing to lose. Vallejo
also proves that the spectacular media coverage of Escobar’s death was,
simply put, the reduction of a multifaceted social history into forms of
subjective violence and information. His text forces us to think about
a generalized failure to represent and understand this historic event,
especially by the media.
32 Norman Valencia
As we have seen, the novel includes remarkable passages that
show us how informative realism represents violence (through speed,
lack of context, and the exaggeration of the figure of the criminal)
and how these elements make it impossible to understand Colombia’s
complex social history. It also displays, with extreme ruthlessness, the
systemic violence that affects the country. One of the novel’s most
powerful pages shows us how, after Alexis is gunned down in the streets
of Medellín, Fernando meets his lover’s assassin, another young sicario
called Wilmar. Without knowing that he is responsible for Alexis’s
death, he feels attracted to him and they begin a relationship that cop-
ies his previous love affair. Once they get to know each other, Fernando
asks Wilmar to write down a list of his greatest dreams and expecta-
tions. This is his answer:
Que quería unos tenis marca Reebock [sic] y unos jeans Paco Ravanne.
Camisas Ocean Pacific y ropa interior Calvin Klein. Una moto Honda,
un jeep Mazda, un equipo de sonido láser y una nevera para la mamá:
uno de esos refrigeradores marca Whirlpool que soltaban chorros de
cubitos de hielo abriéndoles simplemente la llave. (106)
en cualquier otro. También las pobrezas y las violencias que ella produz-
ca estarán a disposición de todos. (226)
NOTES
1
Some notable examples are series like Mad Men with its depiction of the 1960s;
Breaking Bad with its representation of the 2008 economic crisis and of issues related to
drug trafficking along the US-Mexico border; Homeland, in which the main character
works as a spy in the “War on Terror” in the Middle East; and Narcos, which depicts
the history of the expansion of drug trafficking in the Americas, first in Colombia
and then in Mexico. The success of each of these series depended, at least in part, on
their interaction with real events.
2
A good example of this position can be found in Alberto Fuguet and Diego Gómez’s
text “Presentación del país de McOndo,” published as a prologue to their 1996 short
story anthology, McOndo. In it they denounce magic realism as an inadequate and
dated form of representing the urban, neoliberal, and globalized Latin America of the
twenty-first century.
3
This was, of course, a very complex process, where modern speed and its interrup-
tion were dialectically at play. Seen from today’s perspective, nineteenth-century
realist novels seem to require a great deal of time and effort. For readers at the time,
however, the printed word in the form of books, newspapers, or serialized novels was
a surprisingly speedy medium, with strong ties to modernity and industrial capital-
ism. As Jaeho Kang puts it: “The rapid growth of the publishing industry in the
early nineteenth century was a decisive factor that accelerated the industrialization
of literary practice” (39). The state of literature as a modern industry and the role of
the author as a producer subject to market rules and practices were an essential part
of the historical transformations of the nineteenth century. However, as I explain in
Nineteenth-Century Realism, Media, and the Representation of Violence 35
what follows, literary realism did have a conflictive relationship with the capitalist
processes that defined its production and dissemination, something that is no longer
the case for many of today’s media-based realisms.
4
One recent example would be the obsessive (and very profitable) representation of
Colombian drug trafficking, and especially, of the figure of Pablo Escobar. Telenovelas
like El patrón del mal and series like Narcos were easily embraced by global audiences
and by media corporations like NBC-Telemundo and Netflix. It seems unlikely,
however, that they have produced strong debates around the economic, social, and
political realities that underlie global drug trafficking. Vallejo, as we will see, has very
different perspectives on this same phenomenon.
5
For a panoramic reading of Vallejo as a writer of autofiction, see Diana Diaconu’s
Fernando Vallejo y la autoficción. Coordenadas de un nuevo género narrativo and Fran-
cisco Villena Garrido’s Las máscaras del muerto: autoficción y topografías narrativas en
la obra de Fernando Vallejo.
6
The concept of “subjective violence” has nothing to do with the idea that violence is
defined by the “subjective view” of the beholder. By this term, Žižek means a depic-
tion of violence that is based exclusively on the actions of specific subjects, without
any concern for broad historical and social contexts.
WORKS CITED
Aristizábal, Juanita C. Fernando Vallejo a contracorriente. Beatriz Viterbo, 2015.
Balderston, Daniel. “La primera persona en La puta de Babilonia de Fernando Vallejo.”
Cuadernos de Literatura, vol. 14, no. 27, 2010, pp. 256–63.
Benjamin, Walter. Selected Works. 4 vols., Harvard UP, 2003.
Diaconu, Diana. Fernando Vallejo y la autoficción. Coordenadas de un nuevo género
narrativo. Editorial Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2013.
Fuguet, Alberto, and Diego Gómez, eds. McOndo. Grijalbo Mondadori, 1996.
Jameson, Fredric. The Antinomies of Realism. Verso, 2013.
Kang, Jaeho. Walter Benjamin and the Media. Polity, 2014.
Mouffe, Chantal. On the Political. Routledge, 2005.
Morris, Pam. Realism. Routledge, 2003.
Vallejo, Fernando. Peroratas. Alfaguara, 2013.
———. La virgen de los sicarios. Alfaguara, 2008.
Villena Garrido, Francisco. Las máscaras del muerto: autoficción y topografías narrativas
en la obra de Fernando Vallejo. Editorial Universidad Javeriana, 2009.
———. “La sinceridad puede ser demoledora: conversaciones con Fernando Vallejo.”
Ciberletras, vol. 13, 2005.
Von der Walde, Erna. “La sicaresca colombiana. Narrar la violencia en América Latina.”
Nueva Sociedad, vol. 170, 2000, pp. 222–26. http://nuso.org/media/articles/
downloads/2928_1.pdf.
Žižek, Slavoj. Violence. Picador, 2008.
36 Norman Valencia
Keywords: violence and representation, contemporary Colombian literature, literature
and media, Walter Benjamin, Slavoj Žižek, contemporary realisms.