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Victims & Offenders

An International Journal of Evidence-based Research, Policy, and


Practice

ISSN: 1556-4886 (Print) 1556-4991 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/uvao20

From Victimization to Criminalization: General


Strain Theory and the Relationship between Poly-
victimization and Delinquency

Jo-Anne Wemmers, Katie Cyr, Claire Chamberland, Geneviève Lessard,


Delphine Collin-Vézina & Marie-Eve Clément

To cite this article: Jo-Anne Wemmers, Katie Cyr, Claire Chamberland, Geneviève Lessard,
Delphine Collin-Vézina & Marie-Eve Clément (2017): From Victimization to Criminalization:
General Strain Theory and the Relationship between Poly-victimization and Delinquency, Victims &
Offenders, DOI: 10.1080/15564886.2017.1383958

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15564886.2017.1383958

Published online: 27 Oct 2017.

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VICTIMS & OFFENDERS
https://doi.org/10.1080/15564886.2017.1383958

From Victimization to Criminalization: General Strain Theory and


the Relationship between Poly-victimization and Delinquency
Jo-Anne Wemmersa, Katie Cyrb, Claire Chamberlanda, Geneviève Lessardc,
Delphine Collin-Vézinac, and Marie-Eve Clémentd,e
a
International Centre for Comparative Criminology, Université de Montréal, Montreal, Quebec, Canada;
b
Continuing Education, Université de Montréal, Montreal, Quebec, Canada; cSchool of Social Work, Université
Laval, Quebec, Quebec, Canada; dSchool of Social Work, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada;
e
Department of Psycho-education and Psychology, Université de Québec en Outaouais, Gatineau, Quebec,
Canada
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ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
Although it is well established that victimization and delinquency are Anger; general strain theory;
related, it is not clear how this relationship works, and victims and juvenile delinquency;
offenders are still often studied and treated as two distinct groups. polyvictimization;
General strain theory views victimization as a form of injustice, which victimization
can give rise to anger and eventually lead to delinquency. The authors
examine victimization, in particular polyvictimization, as a criminogenic
factor. Based on a sample of 1,400 youths 12–17 years old in Quebec
(Canada), they examine polyvictimization in relation to delinquency as
well as negative emotions that can result from victimization namely
anger, depression, and posttraumatic stress. The findings show support
for general strain theory and highlight the importance of anger for the
relationship between victimization and juvenile delinquency.

Victimization is an important problem in the lives of many youths. According to Identifying


reference (Cyr, Clément & Chamberland 2014a) 75% of young Quebecois of 2–17 years old have
been victimized in a direct or indirect manner during their life and the majority of them (71%)
have experienced more than one form of victimization. On average, children and youths who
experienced victimization reported experiencing 3.3 different types of victimization during their
lifetime. Similar findings have been reported by Finkelhor, Ormrod, Turner, and Hamby (2005)
in the United States, where 71% of children and youths were found to have experienced one or
more different types of victimization in the study year, and the mean number of victimizations
for a child or youths with any victimization was 3.0. These findings led Finkelhor and his
colleagues to introduce the term polyvictims to refer to individuals who have experienced
multiple types of victimization (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2009; Hamby, Finkelhor, &
Turner, 2014).
Youth victimization is associated with diverse problems of adaptation (Haugaard & Hazan,
2004; Jaffee, Caspi, Moffitt & Taylor, 2004; Kendall-Tackett, 2003; Messman-More, Brown
& Koelsch, 2005; Putnam, 2003) including drug or alcohol abuse (Duncan, 1999; Kilpatrick
et al., 2003; Polusny & Follette, 1995; Widom, Ireland, & Glynn, 1995) and delinquency
(Goldbaum, Craig, Pepler, & Connolly, 2003; Ireland, Smith, & Thornberry, 2002; Lauritsen,

CONTACT Jo-Anne Wemmers jo-anne.m.wemmers@umontreal.ca International Centre for Comparative


Criminology, Université de Montréal, PO Box 6128 Station Centre-ville, Montréal, QC H3C 3J7, Canada.
Color versions of one or more of the figures in the article can be found online at www.tandfonline.com/UVAO.
© 2017 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
2 J.-A. WEMMERS ET AL.

Laub & Sampson, 1992; Lauritsen, Sampson, & Laub, 1991; Sampson & Lauritsen, 1990; Sprott,
Doob, & Jenkins, 2001; Stewart, Dennison, & Waterson, 2002; Widom, 1989a, 1989b; Williams
& Herrera, 2007).
We now know that these victims and delinquents do not come from two distinct groups,
and they share similar characteristics (Berg, Stewart, Schreck, & Simons, 2012; Hay & Evans,
2006; Van Dijk & Steinmetz, 1983; Wemmers, 1996; Widom, Schuck, & White, 2006). Fattah’s
(1991) work on the interchangeable roles of victims and offenders illustrates that someone can
be a victim at one time and an offender at another time. The connection between victimization
and delinquency is particularly important with adolescents (Radford, Corral, Bradley, &
Fisher, 2014; Sprott et al., 2001). However, few studies have studied polyvictimization as a
potential cause rather than an outcome of delinquency. Here we addresse this void by
examining predictions from general strain theory about the effects of victimization, and in
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particular polyvictimization, in terms of anger, posttraumatic symptomology (PTS), and


depression and later involvement in delinquency.

General strain theory


Agnew’s (2001) general strain theory considers victimization to be a key factor that can lead
to delinquency. According to Agnew, strains or stressors increase the likelihood of negative
emotions like anger and frustration. These emotions create pressure for corrective actions,
and lower inhibitions and crime are one possible response (1992, 2001; see also Maschi,
Bradley, & Morgen, 2008). Agnew (2001) described strain as a result of goal blockage, the
loss of positive stimuli or the presentation of negative stimuli implying the need to adopt
coping strategies, among which is delinquency. Crime, in this view, is a method for reducing
strain, seeking revenge, or alleviating negative emotions.
Stressors from multiple domains (e.g., environmental, behavioral, negative life events)
accumulate and each contributes to involvement in delinquency. Saner and Ellickson (1996)
found a cumulative effect of stressful or aversive events. Family factors may also add stressors.
Haas, Farrington, Killias, and Sattar (2004) found that family factors such as harsh discipline,
poor supervision, broken homes, parental conflict, and family criminality predict juvenile
offending (see also Unnever, Cullen, & Agnew, 2006). As the number of stressors or strains
increases, so does the likelihood of engaging in delinquent behavior.
However, not all stressors are the same and certain types of strain are more likely to be
responded to with delinquent behavior. According to Agnew (2001) strains are most likely to
result in crime when they are seen as unjust, and especially intentional, unjust acts such as
criminal victimization. Adverse events such as unemployment or death due to illness may be
stressful for the individual but do not necessarily give rise to the same reactions as intentional acts
of criminal victimization. Violent victimization complies particularly well with these elements,
hence, being strongly correlated with delinquent behavior (Agnew, 2001, 2002). Needing to cope
with the negative consequences and feelings caused by the victimization, one might turn to
delinquency rather than to other coping strategies (Maschi, Bradley, & Morgan, 2008).
In particular, the experience of anger is thought to be important for the production of
delinquent behavior because it increases the individual’s level of felt injury and increases their
desire for retaliation, making delinquency a likely possibility (Agnew, 1992). Delinquent
retaliation in the form of aggression, theft, or vandalism, for example, may satisfy desires
for revenge and thus alleviate feelings of anger and resentment (Brezina, 1996, 1998). Other
VICTIMS & OFFENDERS 3

reactions to victimization such as guilt, depression, and anxiety, however, are thought to
reduce the likelihood of such crimes (Agnew, 2001).

Victimization as a precursor to offending


Several researchers have examined the criminogenic effect of victimization. They have used
victimization experiences to predict delinquency, thus contributing to etiological criminological
studies. Widom (1989a, 1989b) conducted extensive research on a group of 908 cases of child
abuse and neglect and a matched control group of 667 youths, which she followed for more than
10 years. Based on this research, Widom (1998) found that childhood victimization increases the
risk of being involved in criminal activities by 59% for juveniles, 27% for adults, and 29% for
violent crimes in general. This is twice as high as the rate of violent behavior by nonvictims.
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Kaufman and Widom (1999) argued that being abused and neglected is a significant predictor of
juvenile delinquency (see also Widom et al., 2006). Studying victimization and self-report
delinquency among a nationally representative sample of 997 children and youths 10–17
years old in the United States, Cuevas, Finkelhor, Turner, and Ormrod (2007) found that
delinquency had a later onset than victimization and expands more rapidly in later years.
An additional argument in favor of the criminogenic effect of victimization was presented by
Finkelhor et al. (2009), who found that there is a high prevalence of victimization in children
under 12 years old, while this population is barely involved in delinquent activities. Based on a
national sample of youth 1 month old to 17 years old in the United States, Finkelhor, Turner,
Hamby, and Ormrod (2011) reported that 70% of youths experienced one or more victimiza-
tions and of those who reported any direct victimization, and 64.5% reported more than one
type. One in 10 youths in their study experienced five or more different types of violent
victimizations in the previous year. Finkelhor et al. refer to the latter group as polyvictims,
which they distinguished from repeat victims who experience the same type of victimization
repeatedly. According to Finkelhor et al., we should be careful to not underestimate childhood
victimization because it is hard to measure, in part because for very young children reports are
dependent on caregivers who are often the perpetrators. Childhood victimization might, there-
fore, be overlooked in the search for an explanation of the connection between victimization and
delinquency.
This is not to say that delinquency has no effect on risk of victimization. Multiple studies
show that among youths, a delinquent lifestyle increases their risk of victimization (Chen,
2009; Piquero, MacDonald, Dobrin, Daigle, & Cullen, 2005; Sampson & Lauritsen, 1990;
Schreck, Stewart, & Fisher, 2006). However, the effect of delinquency on victimization might
be overestimated because childhood victimization is often unreported. Moreover, not all
victims are also offenders and it is important to understand when victimization is not
associated with offending (Cuevas et al., 2007; Finkelhor et al., 2009).
There are different possible explanations regarding the observed criminogenic effect of
victimization. One of them is related to the psychological health of the victim. Cuevas et al.
(2007) found that among different types of victimization (bullying, sexual abuse, and property
crime) the common denominator for those respondents being both victim and offender were
mental health issues. Bully-victims were found to be emotionally deregulated children: they
were significantly higher than assaulters on anger, depression, and anxiety (see also Dulmus,
Sowers, & Theriot, 2006). Sexual abuse victim-offenders were most likely to have unresolved
trauma, while property crime victim-offenders showed a higher prevalence of general distress.
4 J.-A. WEMMERS ET AL.

Several authors have stressed the importance of unresolved trauma due to childhood victi-
mization on offending (Simkins & Katz, 2002; Widom, 1998). This approach, which is also
referred to as the traumatic stress theory, views the stress of victimization as a cause of
delinquency (Cuevas et al., 2007; Hartman & Burgess, 1993). The concrete effect of trauma is
that it can diminish the ability to regulate emotions (such as anger) and cope with these
feelings, resulting in maladaptive coping strategies such as delinquency (Maschi et al., 2008).
Polyvictimization has been found to be particularly stressful and is more highly related to
trauma symptoms than experiencing repeat victimizations of a single type (Turner, Finkelhor,
& Ormrod, 2010). While victimization and adverse events are associated with depression,
anger, and posttraumatic stress disorder, polyvictimization has been found to be more highly
predictive of trauma symptoms as well as anger in children and youths (Cyr, Chamberland,
Clément, Wemmers, Collin-Vézina, Lessard, Gagné & Damant 2017). Finkelhor et al., 2011;
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Guerra, Ocaranza, & Weinberger, 2016; Turner, Finkelhor, & Ormrod, 2006). In their study
on polyvictimization and trauma in a national longitudinal cohort, Finkelhor, Ormrod, and
Turner (2007) found that polyvictimization remained highly predictive of trauma symptoms
when prior victimization and prior mental health status were controlled for. Hence, poly-
victimization appears to be more than repeat victimization and the impact of polyvictimiza-
tion on trauma suggests that it may be particularly salient with respect to the emergence of
delinquency.
Victimization in childhood and adolescence also raises developmental issues. It has been
suggested that childhood and adolescent victimization, particularly violence, disturbs (moral)
development, increasing the risk of the child being involved in delinquent activities in its
adolescent years (Finkelhor, 2007). Macmillan (2001) argued that childhood and adolescence
are the periods in which personal and psychological resources that guide cognition and
decision making are developed and, therefore, violence occurring during this critical period
should have important developmental implications. Also Strauss and Savage (2005) found
that childhood neglect can be associated with dating violence as an adult due to incomplete
socialization processes and learning delays.
In this article we focus on strain theory and the mediating effect of anger as a possible
mechanism explaining the link between polyvictimization and offending. In addition, the
present study adds new information as it is based on Canadian data and much of the
existing work on polyvictimization has been conducted in the United States.

Methodology
The present study involves secondary data analysis of data from the polyvictimization study,
which used computer generated random telephone numbers in order to reach youths across
the province of Quebec. (Cyr, Chamberland, Lessard, Clément, Wemmers, Collin-Vézina,
Gagné, Damant 2013). The data are based on 1,400 telephone interviews with a random
sample of 12- to 17-year-olds residing in the province. Participation in the study was
voluntary and the university’s ethics committee approved the methodology.
The sample selection procedure used was based on a list-assisted random digit dial
telephone survey design. Interviewers first inquired about the presence of adolescents aged
between 12 and 17 years old in the household. One teenager was randomly selected by
choosing the one with the most recent birthday. Before the interview, participants provided
their consent and were promised complete confidentiality. It should be noted that parental
VICTIMS & OFFENDERS 5

consent was also obtained prior to interviewing adolescents 12 and 13 years old while
adolescents 14 years old could be interviewed without parental consent as per Quebec’s ethical
standards and laws. The obligation to obtain parental consent might possibly have skewed the
data by reducing the likelihood that children and youths experiencing or witnessing victimi-
zation in the home would be allowed to participate in the study. Interviews were completed
with 51% of eligible participants contacted.
Demographic data collected included age and gender of the children, ethnic origin of
the children and their parents, and family structure. In addition, data from categories of
family income and parents’ educational attainment were collected. The sample under-
represents minorities as well as low-income families. Approximately one in four respon-
dents indicated belonging to an ethnic minority: the two largest minority groups were
Black and Aboriginal. Youths who self-identified as Black and who said that one or both
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of their parents were Black, were categorized as Black (4%). Aboriginal youths comprise
1% of the sample, and include individuals who self-identified as members of First Nations,
Inuit, or Métis peoples and who said that one or both of their parents were Aboriginal. An
overview of sample characteristics is provided in Table 1.
The variables of interest for the present study are the victimization and the delinquency
data; affective measures including anger, trauma, and depression; and various background
variables. Victimization is measured using the French and English versions of the Juvenile
Victimization Questionnaire (JVQ; Hamby & Finkelhor, 2004; Hamby, Finkelhor, Ormrod, &
Turner, 2004). The JVQ describes 34 forms of victimization directly or indirectly experienced
by the adolescent during his or her lifetime and in the past year. The instrument provides
information regarding eight forms of conventional crime (e.g., theft, vandalism, assault), four
forms of maltreatment (neglect, physical abuse, emotional abuse, and parental abduction), six
forms of peer and sibling victimization (e.g., bullying, assault, dating violence), seven forms of
sexual victimization (e.g., rape, exhibitionism, sexual harassment, statutory rape), and nine

Table 1. Descriptive statistics of the respondents in the sample.


Girls (n = 704) Boys (n = 696) Total (N = 1,400)
n % n % n %
Age group
12–13 years old 162 23 196 28 358 26
14–15 years old 270 38 262 38 532 38
16–17 years old 272 39 238 34 510 36
Family situation
Two parents 446 63 440 63.3 886 63
Single parent 97 14 99 14.2 196 14
Shared custody 23 3 16 2.3 39 3
Stepparent or partner family 130 19 132 19 262 19
Othera 8 1 9 1.3 17 1
Ethnic background
White 590 84 605 87 1195 85.5
Black 30 4 22 3 52 4
Aboriginal 7 1 3 0.4 10 1
Other 74 10.5 62 9 136 9
Don’t know/missing 3 0.4 4 0.6 7 0.5
Parents’ educationb
No diploma 24 3 12 2 36 3
High school 130 18 114 16 244 17
Postsecondary 476 68 469 67 945 68
Don’t know/missing 74 11 101 15 175 12
a
Other includes living with a grandparent, adult sibling, other family members, friends, or foster family.
b
The parent with the highest education level was considered.
6 J.-A. WEMMERS ET AL.

forms of exposure to violence (e.g., exposure to war and ethnic conflict, domestic violence,
violence in the community, burglary of the family household). Aggregate victimization
categories were constructed (i.e., adolescent victim of any property crime, any physical assault,
any child maltreatment, any sexual victimization, any sexual assault and any witness/indirect
victimization). Respondents’ exposure to victimization in the last 12 months by age is
displayed in Table 2.
Polyvictimization is the total number of different types of victimization experiences
reported by each participant. This definition is in accordance with the work done by
Finkelhor and his colleagues, and, like Finkelhor, repeat victimization of the same type
was not counted as polyvictimization. A continuous variable was created to measure
polyvictimization in the past 12 months and another variable was created to measure
lifetime polyvictimization. Table 2 includes information about the number of different
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types of victimizations reported by participants (i.e., polyvictimization). The majority of


youths (51.2%) reported between one and three different forms of victimizations.
However, 1 in 10 youths reported experiencing between four and six different types of
victimization in the last 12 months and 2% claimed to have experienced seven or more.
Juvenile delinquency is measured using questions from the International Self-Reported
Delinquency Study (ISRD; Junger-Tas, Haen-Marshall, & Ribeaud, 2003). It includes drug
use and selling of drugs, vandalism, carrying a weapon, violent crime, and property crime.
The ISRD measures delinquency during the last 12 months. The frequency of self-reported
delinquent behaviors by age is presented in Table 3. One in three youths reported having
committed one or more delinquent acts in the past 12 months. The most common offence
is the consumption of drugs.
Adverse events were measured using a 10-item scale developed by Turner et al. (2006).
This scale includes stressors other than victimization that had occurred or were present at
least once in the respondent’s lifetime. The items included are nonvictimization traumas
such as parental illness, death of a parent due to illness or accidents, divorce, parent
imprisonment, homelessness, and more chronic adversities such as parental arguing and
addiction.
Three subscales of the Trauma Symptom Checklist for Young Children (TSCYC)
(Brière, 1996) were used to assess symptoms of depression (9 items), anger (8 items),
and PTS (9 items) suffered by the youths in relation to their victimization. The reliability

coefficient ( ) was .78 for anger, .74 for depression, and .79 for PTS.

Results
Bivariate analysis of the relationship between victimization and offending reveals that
although one in three (35%) youths reported having committed acts of delinquency, this
percentage rises to 45% when we only consider the youths who experienced one or more
victimizations in the last year. Also, when we focused on the total number of different forms of
victimization experienced by a youth, so-called polyvictimization, the rate of offending
increased rapidly (see Figure 1). Among the youths who experienced three or more distinct
forms of victimization in the last year, 55% reported delinquent behaviors. All (100%) of the
youths who experienced eight or more different forms of victimization in the last year, which
can be considered severe polyvictimization, reported delinquent behaviors.
VICTIMS & OFFENDERS 7

Table 2. Victimization during the last 12 months.


Total (N = 1,400)
n %
Property crimea 396 28
Robbery 38 2.7
Theft 259 18
Vandalism 155 11
Violent victimizationb 431 31
Assault with weapon 44 3
Simple assault 207 15
Attempted assault 55 4
Kidnapping/attempted 5 0.4
Hate motivated crime 22 2
Assault by a group/gang 35 3
Assault by peers or siblings 209 15
Assault by relatives 65 5
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Bullying 43 3
Intimidation 173 12
Violence in intimate relationships 37 3
Abusec 126 9
Physical abuse 20 1.4
Psychological abuse 111 8
Negligence 8 0.6
Kidnapping/custody conflict parents 3 0.2
Sexual victimizationd 115 8
Sexual assaulte 28 2
Sexual assault by an adult known to victim 3 0.6
Sexual assault by an adult stranger 6 0.4
Sexual assault by a peer 4 0.3
Rape or attempted rape 20 1.4
Exhibitionism/flashing 40 3
Sexual harassment 45 3
Statutory rapef 28 2
Witness violence/indirect victimizationg 478 34
Witness conjugal violence 10 1
Witness violence between siblings 5 0.4
Witness armed assault 137 10
Witness simple assault 343 25
Burglary in family home 76 5
Family/friends murdered 17 1.2
Witness murder 3 0.2
Witness riots, gun shots 45 3
Witness war/ethnic conflict 6 0.4
Variety of victimizations (polyvictimization)h
None 515 36.8
1–3 717 51.2
4–6 140 10
≥7 28 2
a
Property crimes includes robbery, theft, and vandalism.
b
Violent victimization excludes bullying and intimidation.
c
Abuse includes all the victimization types within this category.
d
Sexual victimization includes all the victimization types within this category.
e
Sexual assault excludes sexual harassment and exhibitionism/flashing.
f
Statutory rape only applies to teenagers under 16 years old; the percentages presented are
based only on applicable cases (n = 890).
g
Witness violence/indirect victimization includes all the victimization within this category.
h
Sum of different types of victimization experienced.
8 J.-A. WEMMERS ET AL.

Table 3. Delinquent behaviors during the last year by age.


Total (N = 1,400)
n %
Delinquent behavior in the last year 491 35.1
Drug offences 282 20.1
Consuming drugs 234 16.7
Sell drugs 48 3.4
Property offences 241 17.2
Destruction of property 97 6.9
Theft in a public place 70 5
Break and entry for theft 8 0.6
Theft of a bicycle/moped 18 1.3
Theft of a car/motorcycle/truck 7 0.5
Theft from a vehicle 15 1.1
Theft of personal property 26 1.9
Violent offences 350 50
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Carrying a weapon 212 15


Robbery 12 0.9
Participate in a group fight 112 8
Assault with a weapon 14 1
Accumulation of delinquent behaviors
None 909 64.9
One 304 21.7
Two 98 7
Three or more 89 6.4

120

100

80

60

40

20

0
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Number of forms of victimization Delinquents

Figure 1. Percentage of delinquents according to number of different forms of victimization experi-


enced during the past year.

Multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship among polyvicti-
mization, anger, and delinquency. Multicollinearity was tested using the variance information
factor, which checks collinearity diagnosis in regressions. None of the observed variance
information factor values was above 3, which suggests that there were no problems of multi-
collinearity for all the regression analyses. The results of the regression analyses are presented
in Table 4.
The regression analysis included a number of background variables. Age has a sig-
nificant effect on the mean number of delinquent behaviors reported. The positive
relationship signifies that as adolescents get older, they are more likely to commit acts
of delinquency. Gender was also related to delinquency. The negative relationship indi-
cated that girls are significantly less likely to commit offenses than boys. Thus, in our
VICTIMS & OFFENDERS 9

Table 4. Effect of polyvictimization during the last 12 months and lifetime polyvicti-
mization on delinquency.
Demographic Lifetime Polyvictimization during the last 12
variables polyvictimization months
Age .175** .094** .161**
Gendera −.158** −.127** −.138**
Blackb −.014 −.053* −.061*
Aboriginalb −.003 −.003 −.000
Polyvictimization .447** .462**
Adjusted R2 .049** .241** .260**
ΔR2 .192 .211
Note. The standardized regression coefficients are presented.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
a
Male = 0; female = 1.
b
Comparison group = White.
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Table 5. Factors that influence delinquency.


Demographic Polyvictimization and Polyvictimization, adverse
variables adverse events events, and affect
Age .175** .144** .135**
Gendera −.158** −.141** −.128**
Blackb −.014 −.057* −.050*
Aboriginalb −.003 .001 .001
Polyvictimization .419** .331**
Adverse events .112** .078*
Posttraumatic Stress −.006
Anger .264**
Depression −.066*
Adjusted R2 .049** .270** .313**
Note. The standardized regression coefficients are presented.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
a
Male = 0; female = 1.
b
Comparison group = White.

sample, boys and older youths were more likely to report having committed delinquent
behaviors than were girls or younger adolescents. The first column of Table 4 shows that
together, these variables explain approximately 5% of the variance in the mean number of
delinquent behaviors by youths in the sample.
The next two columns of Table 4 show the effect of polyvictimization on delinquency,
while controlling for background variables. Two measures of polyvictimization were
examined: lifetime polyvictimization and polyvictimization during the last 12 months.
When either measure of polyvictimization was added to the regression model, the
relationship between ethnicity and delinquency became significant. The negative relation-
ship indicates that Black youths are less likely to commit delinquent acts when polyvicti-
mization is included in the equation. In other words, among youths who have experienced
polyvictimization, those who are of Black ethnic origin are less likely to commit delin-
quent acts than are White youths. However, it is important to bear in mind that relatively
few youths in the sample self-identified as Black and it is possible that those in the sample
are not representative of all Black youths in Quebec.
Table 4 reveals a significant, positive relationship between both measures of polyvictimiza-
tion and the number of delinquent behaviors. As the number of the delinquent behaviors
increases, the number of different types of victimization experienced increases as well. While
10 J.-A. WEMMERS ET AL.

Table 6. Factors influencing anger.


Age .069*
Gendera .034
Blackb −.001
Aboriginalb −.026
Polyvictimization .442**
Past-year victimization .029
Adjusted R2 .217**
Note. The standardized regression coefficients are presented.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
a
Male = 0; female = 1.
b
Comparison group = White.

both measures of polyvictimization are positively related with delinquency, the regression
analyses indicate that when the model included polyvictimization in the last 12 months, it
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explained 2% more of the variance in delinquent behaviors (26% of the variance) than when
lifetime polyvictimization was considered (24% of the variance). Hence, there was little
difference in the explanatory power of lifetime versus past-year polyvictimization with respect
to delinquency.
To explore the factors that influence the relationship between polyvictimization and
offending, multiple regression analysis was conducted. We examined factors likely to explain
delinquency while controlling for demographic variables. Specifically, we considered poly-
victimization in the last 12 months, adverse events, PTS, anger, and depression.
Table 5 indicates that age (older youths) and gender (boys) are associated with
delinquency. Once again, ethnic origin appears to be negatively related to delinquency
when other variables were included in the model, indicating that Black youths report less
delinquency than White youths.
When we add polyvictimization in the last 12 months and adverse events in to the
regression, we see that although both variables are significantly related to delinquency, the
relationship between polyvictimization and delinquency is much stronger than that of
adverse events.
Finally, when anger, depression, and PTS are added to the analysis it reveals that
although anger is significantly associated with delinquency, PTS is not. The relationship
between anger and delinquency is both strong and positive. In other words, as anger
increases, so does the likelihood of delinquency. Depression is negatively associated with
delinquency, suggesting that youths who suffer from depression are less likely to offend.
Although the relationship between depression and delinquency is statistically significant, it
is less strong than the relationship between anger and delinquency. In all, 31% of the
variance in delinquency is explained by polyvictimization in the last 12 months, adverse
events, anger, depression, and demographic variables.
Anger in adolescents can be a sign of adaption problems, and therefore we further
examine the relationship among anger, victimization, and polyvictimization (see Table 6).
Specifically, we examined whether polyvictimization or simply having been a victim of
crime in the last 12 months was associated with anger. The results of the regression show
that polyvictimization in the last year is significantly associated with anger, whereas
victimization is not. Age is also positively associated with anger. Hence, the older a
youth gets and the more different types of victimization he or she experiences in the
VICTIMS & OFFENDERS 11

last 12 months, the more anger he or she feels. However, the type of data that we have
does not allow us to draw causal inferences.

Discussion
In accordance with Agnew (2001), we find that although strains are associated with delin-
quency and victimization, and in particular, polyvictimization is more strongly associated
with delinquency than nonvictimization adverse events. Agnew argued that certain strains are
more likely to trigger delinquent behavior than others. Strains, which are considered unjust,
such as criminal victimization, are according to Agnew, considered risk factors for delin-
quency, whereas illness or accidental death of a loved one, which although they may cause
considerable stress, are less likely to lead to delinquency. Our results concur with Agnew’s
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argument that victimization is a key factor related to delinquency and that it is more strongly
related to delinquency than adverse events.
Although victimization can be criminogenic, the relationship between victimization and
offending is not simple and polyvictimization appears to play an important role. As the number
of different forms of victimization experienced increases, so does delinquency. Severe poly-
victims were all delinquent whereas the majority of nonvictims were not delinquent.
Both lifetime polyvictimization and polyvictimization in the past 12 months significantly
predict delinquency in youths. However, polyvictimization in the last year is a slightly better
predictor for delinquency than lifetime polyvictimization is. This may be an artifact of
memory and simply reflect that people have a better memory of more recent events. Recent
victimization may also be more impactful to current mental health functioning. This could
also mean that youths who experienced victimization in the past but not in the last 12 months
somehow managed to break out of the pattern of victimization and offending. Victimization
surveys indicate that the best predictor of future victimization is past victimization and that
people who have already experienced victimization in the past are at a greater risk than are
nonvictims to be victimized in the future (Farrel & Pease, 1993; Perreault, Sauvé, & Burns,
2010; Tillyer, 2013). Former victims who manage to avoid revictimization may indicate
changes in behavioral or situational factors, thereby reducing their risk of victimization.
According to strain theory, unjust strains, such as victimization, tend to generate negative
emotions such as anger, which in turn create pressure for corrective action, with delinquency
being one possible response. Victimization impacts the child’s psychological health and is
associated with anger, depression, and posttraumatic stress (Finkelhor et al., 2007; Finkelhor
et al., 2011; Cyr, Clément, & Chamberland 2014b). Although the present findings do not allow
us to draw causal inferences, they appear to support the hypothesis that anger, resulting from
polyvictimization, fosters delinquency. In particular, anger is significantly associated with
polyvictimization and delinquency and seems to play a key role in the relationship between
victimization and offending. In contrast, PTS is not associated with delinquency and depression
is negatively associated with it. The trauma from victimization and adverse events during
childhood may diminish the ability to regulate emotions such as anger and to cope with these
feelings, resulting in maladaptive coping strategies such as delinquency (Maschi et al., 2008).
If victimization impacts the child’s psychological health, then it is also likely that it affects
the child’s development. Childhood and adolescence are periods in which personal and
psychological resources that guide cognition and decision making are developed
(Macmillan, 2001). Polyvictimization occurring during this critical period may have
12 J.-A. WEMMERS ET AL.

important developmental implications, fostering delinquency as a way of dealing with stress.


Considering the impact of polyvictimization and its criminogenic effect, intervention with
polyvictimized children and youths could have a positive effect on their development and
prevent the emergence of delinquency.
Victimization is common among youths. Most of the youths in this study experienced 1–3
victimizations in the last 12 months (see also Identifying references 1 & 2). Our findings
correspond with those of Finkelhor et al. (Finkelhor, 1997; Finkelhor et al., 2009), who argued
that the victimization of children and youths is far more prevalent than that of adults and yet it
is overlooked in standard victimization surveys.
However, the study has its limitations. To begin with, the survey data did not allow us to
draw causal inferences about the relationship between variables and therefore the results must
be treated with caution. Also, our key measures are based on self-report instruments, which
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means that they may not fully capture victimization and delinquency within the sample.
However, our findings on juvenile delinquency correspond with those of other studies: boys
and older youths tend to be more delinquent than girls and younger adolescents are
(Dauvergne, 2013; Fitzgerald, 2009; Junger-Tas et al., 2003). Likewise, our findings regarding
the victimization of children and youths are very similar to those reported elsewhere
(Finkelhor et al., 2009; Turner et al., 2010). Despite the imperfections of the self-report
method, our delinquency and victimization data seem to be robust.
A further limitation is the underrepresentation of certain groups in our sample, which
could skew the results. For example, our finding that Black youths report less delinquency
than their White peers runs contrary to the findings of other studies, which report either
no significant relationship or a positive relationship with delinquency (Jang & Rhodes,
2012; Lahlah, Van Der Knaap, & Bogaerts, 2013; Radford et al., 2014; Rebellion, Manasse,
Van Gundy, & Cohn, 2012). Although the findings are intriguing, the present sample
contains too few members of visible minorities to draw any conclusions. Further research
is needed with samples that include more members of visible minorities.
Low-income families are also underrepresented in the sample and this may influence
the findings. Poverty is positively associated with both delinquency and victimization
(Brezina, 1998; Hope, Bryan, Trickett & Osborn, 2001; Ruback & Thompson, 2001).
The underrepresentation of these youths in the sample means that it may contain less
victimization and delinquency than it would have if more youths from low-income
families were included in the sample. Further research is needed, with a more diverse
sample, to better understand how the relationship between victimization and delinquency
works, and prevent further suffering.

Funding
This work was supported by the Bureau d’aide victimes d’actes criminels, Ministère de la Justice
(Québec, Canada).

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