Sharing food Eric Garine Maria Luz Rodrigo Christine Raimond F, Xavier Medina Coordinadores Coleccion Estudios de: Hombre Serie Antropologia de la Alimentacion UNIVERSIDAD DE GUADALAJARASHA Shatin feed / Coondimdors Ee Garine, Mari az Redsge san, Chine Raimond y E Xavier Medina. Gunalsjar Ji: Centro Univer de ence ‘Sicily Humane, Union de Gaal, 2016 299 poutrcone (Coleen de Eads del Hombve: 3. Serie Antropol de Ls Alineracn) Tackye igri ‘Teo: en ngs ancy espanol ISBN 978-607 742.5625, 1. Comida2AlimeonciSa— Aspect aaplpan 3 Coma ~Axpco sic ales 4 Hib mesa 1 Gaine Wiad, Bc Nici, co Radio Ea, Mata La, coe Raimond, Choe Mase Sannne, coat IV Mina Ligue Franc ae, coord. seppay se “Ext libro conté con el apoyo acadmico dela Citra uNsco de Alimensacién, Cala 1 Desarell, dela Univesat Oberta de Catalunya ‘Primera cdicién, 2016. D.R.© Uxivansinan oe Gramanayans (Cano Univesisio de Cincias Sociales y Humanidades Unided de Apoyo Editorial Juan Manual 10, Centro, CP 44200 ‘Guadssjars Jalisco, México “Teleono y fax (33) 3658 308s ISBN 978-607.742.562-5 Vite mica cat sworn ‘strain de bier: Mécas ornamental stk, Isla Lombok, Indonesia Fotografia: Birra Gama Ruano Inmpreoy echo em México Print and mein MecoContents Introduction: [s sharing food an option or a duty? Eric Garine, Maria Luz Rodrigo-Fstevan, Christine Raimond, E Navier Medina, Igor de Garine and Valerie de Garine HUMAN anp NoxuuMan: WHICH SHARING? Je microbiote intestinal Un partage alimentaire invst et son intéréten anthropologie Alain Froment Food sharing: Evolutionary origins of an exquisite human trait Wiaf Schiefembevel Bidre de cétéales, viande de brousse et viande d'levage : ‘quellessdyles de pastage cher les wulivateurs Dupe ‘du Nord du Cameroun ? Eric Garine Food sharing: Conviviality and tradition in Calabria Vito Teri ‘Compastir: en el Limite del significado Isabel Gonsélos Terma a 7 & o‘Tue FOOD WE SHARE, FOOD TO RE SOLD, FOOD THAT ARE KEPT FOR THE Food sharing inthe agricultural communities of Cyprus Antonia Leda Matas, Varvara Viangou and Nikolaas Xirosrs ‘Sharing legal bush meat; Case studies and lessons ftom Zimbabwe Arshur Peroson, Aurilie Binot Séhasien Le Bel ‘and Michel de Garine-Wichatitsky CCulkiver pour la communauté, cultiver pour le marché : aquelles Evolutions du statut des plantes cutivées dans le bassin du lac Tchad ? (Christine Raimond et Eric Garine Drellas: cusiner ensemble et partager le méme plat Frideric Duhare ot F Xavier Medina Hospitality in Western Irland: Myth or realty, or somewhere in-between? Paul Scott Collinson ‘SHARING FOOD, BUT NOT WITH EVERYONE Compartir alimentos en Las soczdades meievales: uso y significados Mari Luz Rodrigo-itevan Shaving in death Ricardo Avis, Martin Tina and Marcha Oregueda hare sharing food» Partage de la nourrture en Inde: de la commensalité& a comvivilice Brigise Sebasia us Bs 49 65 ws Pa as 37SHARING LIVE EXPERIENCES Etre femme et parager lt nourriture en milieu « mustliman Temoignages 28 Marie-José Tubiana Dans ls coteaus on paragaic a nourrcue parce quon partagett eval ‘Maree Laborde et Chine Cabon 26 Partager... Epilogue lyrique 285, Ricardo Avila About the authors 295Sharing in death Ricardo Avila, Marin Tena and Martha Ocequeda Pathaps I best ivention is dat, for she ‘pans the way to renewal to mote Me. Steve Jons PRELISGNARIES cliving consists, precisely, in belonging to a group [...] Alive or dead, the members [of every community] belong. intimately [to it)» (Levy-Bruhl, cited bby Morin, 1974: 39). These sentences express an undeniable reality: for human beings, both ie and death —its complementary opposite—only have meaning tothe extent that they occur in the context ofthe group to hich one belongs. ‘whether large or small. Ic isthe group that places the events thar give context and meaning to life and deat in theie rue dimensions. In both settings the members of the group attend ro those who are born and those who die in its bosom: active participants in the sharing thar accompanies both of these Sharing is one of the most important acs that give meaning to human life and in death, and iti sharing in death that forms the object ofthis essay. ‘The setting is Oconahus, a mestizo town in western Mexico, and the text describes the nature of sharing seen during the critical moment of death in thar community. The frst sction presents the characteristics of the town, including the details of chee deaths that occurred therein recent years. “The second clahorates a more general reflection on the nature of the acuous trance that is par of death, offering insights into its expression in Oconahua. (Our reflections conclude with mote popular ponderings on the phenomenon, cof death and its opposite -lfe-expresed by survivors who sock to assuage the departure of the deceased with food and drink, elements that in such sting fulfil che function of anxiolytics. 2sOcowanwa AND 115 PROPLE (Oconahua san ancienttownin Mexico located on the westem edge ofthe valleys thac neighbor the Sierra Madre Occidental, some 100 kms west of Guadalajara, the capital ofthe tate of Jalisco. Ir isa small place with just 2,32 inhabitants, according to the 2005 Census (Contee de Poblacin y Vvienda, 2005). Practically everyone knows everyone els, and many residents are kin, A modest rural society now in wansit towards modern ways and means, it maintains links o waditional canons, which helps explain why local personal and familial sociabiltes ae still deep and solid, and why respect and appreciation for others are so clearly marked, Among the residents of Oconahua the spiit of solidarity and mutual support persists indelibly, homes and kitchens always open 10 people fom the community, or from outside. This avinade is exemplified by how people share their maize, che Fruits ofthe earth, and other benefits (Avila, “Tena and Ocegueda, 2009) Fig. 1, Location of Ocomaua 6Death is, of course serious event, one that never ceases to surprise oF impact us (Avila and Tena, 2010) Residents of Oconahua are afecred by death in different ways. As in all traditional communitics, its sudden appearance spontaneously generates sentiments and expressions of solidarity among family members, friends and neighbors. Whenever death makes its presence fel, grieving relatives immediately begin co receive gestures of solidarity and support they ate comforted and encouraged, and people share wich them whatever they have at hand, seeking in diverse ways to help them through the dificult wance of mourning the deceased, and ensuring that they receive holy sepulture. [A BRIEF NARRATION OF THREE DEATHS ‘Dota Clotilde passed away in Guadaljara. Hers was an «announced death because of her feil health. Her children, residents of Oconahua, had told their fiends and neighbors that her passing was a question of time. As soon. as news of her death reached the town the local saristan was informed and he proceeded to toll the church bells so the whole community would know that death had taken another ofits daughters. ofa Clotilde belonged to one of the wows older families, so in life she was a member of an estensve can that included second, chird- and even fourth-degree relatives. She had several children, which meant numerous comadresand compadre. Also, thanks to her affable nature she had sown many deep friendships in town: in short, she was a much-admited woman. At different times, in search of beuet opportunities for work and living conditions, some of har children had migrated to Guadalajara —the big city, the tate eapital— or the United States, though others stayed behind, tied w the town’ lands and devoted to farming modest Relds inherited from the family’s patrimony. With the support of children both in town and away, Dofta Clotilde enjoyed sable ‘Once her body was prepared for burial by professionals ata funeral home —who dressed her in clothes that alluded to the Virgin of Guadalupe, which she had seaside for that moment— itwas taken to her hometown in an claborate coffin. Once in the family home, the casket was placed with care in a hallway expressly arranged forthe occasion, Four large candles, called cris, 27‘were set up around it, and beneath it a plate with rings of purple onions and lemon juice to prevent the propagation of gangrene from her lifeless body. To ine side was a glass of water so that Dofa Clorilde’s soul could quench her thirst. Ac that moment, relatives and friends began to arrive, offering theit condolencesto the mourners, many bearing lowers ofall kinds: gladilas calla lilies, cheysanchemums, dahlias and roses, some purchased in Exatlin, the administrative headtown (cabecera) of the municipality, others cut fiom thee own gardens. Soon a few people there, devout Catholics who sknow how to pray», organized sessions with prayers and chants forthe soul ofthe deceased. ‘he rosaries continued one after another, almost unintecrupted because of the many visitors, for loca eustom establishes that eveyone who attends the vigil to give their condolences will ofer the deceased a rosary forthe salvation of her soul. The vigil (lori for Dosa Clotilde continued for rwo nights as people awaited the arial of relatives living abroad arly on the morning of the thre day, the temple's bells rang again “The fist rolling was to announce that the body was being caried to the church, A few minutes late, the second ringing informed the townsfolk that it had arsived, Not long afer that, a third clamor announced thatthe priest had received the body and was about to begin the mass. During the religious cetemony, different people —family and friends— ook turns standing guard around the casket. When the mass ended, the cofin was catied slowly and solemnly to che cemetery in a heats sent by the funeral home, followed by a crowd of people who accompanied the funeral procession, Along the way. they prayed and chanted to say thei farewells or in allusion to death, while local band intoned some of Dosa Clotilde’ favorite songs. ‘On the day following the burial, the nine days of prayers (novenario) began, a uadition of Greco-Roman origin, later adopted by Christians, that is staged outside the deceased's home. So many people came tothe prayer sessions cach evening thar at least five and as many as seven rosaries were recited. All those who accompany the grieving relatives during the nine days of prayer have to fail their commitment; but if for any reason one fas to artend every session, the prayers that went unrealized must be performed the following © This team refers basically, to the odors thar emanate fom the corse, as bodies are aly embalmed 218evening. For this reason, the rosary may be repeated two or thee times atthe same gathering, Moreover, ifsomeone fails to recite the complete prayer, it will not achicve the desired effect, and that person may fel remorse. Tisimportant to note that a cousin of Dofa Clotilde's who arived just {time to obscrve her burial in the cemetery in Oconahua, emptied a bottle of tequila around the grave in an effort co mitigate this failure, which consisted in arsiving ar the vigil wo lace to «drink tequila with his cousins, This detail cleatly expresses that even in death sharing cakes place between the living and the dead, especially if che drink shared i aguandieme, a local spitit imbued with deep symbolic meaning. The other bottles given by chs cousin were later shared among Dofia Clotilde's mourners and fiends at the comida prepared to conclude the novenario, Felipe died unexpectedly in an accident inthe countryside when the mare he vwas riding threw him off, and he died from the fll. As soon as news of this unfortunate event reached town, a group of men organized to go and recover the body, carying it back in an improvised stretcher made of tree branches. ‘Once in Oconahua, the church bells began to coll to simultaneously confirm the tragic news and announce it publicly. Lmmediately, many residents set out for the deceased’s home to help Felipe’ family. “The most pressing matter was to collet the money needed «o buy a coffin and cover the costs of the paperwork required to authorize the In a spontancous show of solidarity, several neighbors organized a collection in town, going from house-to-house for donations to help the family deal wich this compelling situation, Others gathered in the cemetery to prepare the grave that would receive the victims mortal remains. Conscious of the circumstances of Felipe's sudden death, che physician who issued the death certificate waived his fees. Also, the miuniipal delegate in Oconahua —the local poltial-administrative authority— excused Felipe's family from paying the fee ro acquire a space in the cemetery. Other people helped the mourners prepare the place where the body was to be arranged for the wake. Because Felipe’s corpse was arranged ina small room near the entrance to the house, the people who attended the wake chere or who came co offer their condolences 0 219family and fiends were received inthe patio, some even inthe strcet. Relatives and friends washed the body and dressed i in clean clthes following, the local custom: simple, everyday apparel, except forthe tshirt from the uniform of the soccer ream he had played for. Bodies are often dressed in clothes with ‘hich they were identified in life: sombrero, a baseball cap, glasses, ora carro Suit, or peshaps accompanied by tools from their uade, ec. Alter the body was lid out, lighted candles were placed on the floor around the cofin and the visitors began co pray the rosary. People arrived with flowers from their gardens, while others —those bettzr-of economically took or seat food and hot beverages, such as eolfee and different kinds of tea smade with lemongrass, cinnamon or bitter orange blossoms. Some merchants seat baskets full of bread for the family wo offer their visitors. Women usually accompany the deceased through the day, while men stay by is side at night “The town’s drunkards also tend to stay close by during the nightly vigil, racy to receive anything they might be offered, especially the alcoholic drinks that are passed around to butfer the long, cold houts of darkness: chow else could fone withstand it...» Those who for one reason or another could not attend these rites to comfort Felipe’ family and accompany them on the difficult trance they were experiencing, donated bricks, lime and sand to build his fina resting place. “After the bier was lifted to be taken co the church forthe funeral mass, its place was marked by a cross formed on the floor with ashes —in other eases, people use ime— from the hearth in the kitchen used co heat the foods shared with the mourners. On other occasions, people use ashes from a bonfire lit in the patio or the stect where men keep watch through the frigid nights. The design ofthe eros is meant to help the soul of the deceased find the pach that leads tothe next world. ‘During mass, relatives and friends ofthe deceased stood guard alongside the casket and when the service ended, the coffin was cari to the cemetery fon the strong shoulders of few men, while many others joined the procession ‘voicing chants and prayers. Care was taken to ensure that the men who bore the casket were sober, because on some prior occasion, while crossing a galley, some volunteers who had had too much to drink let the caskec fall and the deceaseds remains spilled out onto the ground. 220In the cemetery the grave had been dug with pick and shovel. The conditions ofthe ground made this an exhausting tak, soithad been entrusted to a large crew of laborers. Since Felipe was widely respected in Oconahua, and thanks to the solidarity of residents and their families, many other men accompanied them, shouting encouragement and, ar the same time, of course, partaking of the food and drink chat townspeople had sent ro thank the crew for its work and others for theiraecompaniment. Once the body was deposited in the grave and the crypt sealed, the burial came to an end. "Ar the end ofthe nine days of prayer (novenario), the people who had prayed all nine rosaries went co the room where they gathered the ashes from the cross with a spoon held in cher right hand and deposited them in a small tba, all ehe while reciting the litany: «Ease up cross that eis soul may have light; raise up earth that this soul shall not lose is wayp. Later, the ashes were spread over the grave, once again in the form ofa cross. On this occasion they were not interted next tothe grave, though ths is also customary His parents had named him Miguelito in honor of San Miguel Archangel, the Paton Sainc of Oconahua, His grandmother clung to the belief chat ic was good co keep «many lite animals» in the house —songbirds, doves. dogs. ats— so that death «would find them and not ones. Bu all her lide animals could not prevenc litle Miguel from falling ill and dying. “Thanks to preventative sanitary measures, today deaths of infants oF ssmallchildsen in Oconahua are rare, but the ephemeral wansit through this world of those who die at a young age does not exempt them —even though baptized and not yet capable of reasoning — from the burden of sin, original sin. Only in cerain special cases, ike that of Miguelito isthe child rewarded with direee access to Heaven. These infants are called little angels (angel), which explains why their hodies re dressed allin white. The church bellsare not tolled for them, they are notraken to the church, and no mass is celebrated, for they are already «in God's grace. Thus the death of an ange like Miguelito is celcbrated with a fiesta where the obsequies are performed in a paradoxical atmosphere, at once sad and joyful: loud firecrackers called cobetes are st of, ‘music fills the at, and a great banquet is served, Abundant flowers, especially a‘white ones, ae another characteristic of this kind of fancral, and people who ‘visit the cemetery find tha the graves of angelzorar aways kept clean, in good condition, and adorned with coronas (funeral wreaths) made of crepe paper by members of their family Miguelito «went to Heaven» amidst flowers and a grand fiesta that practically the whole community attended. Similar w the funeral rites for adults his novenarie marked the end of his existence inthis world. EATING AND DRINKING WITH THE DEAD IN OcONAHUA, ‘he death of a member of the community of Oconahua provokes sentiments and behaviors characterised by solidarity evidenced, above all, in the many forms of support offered to the deceased’ ratives, especially if they lack the resources to mect all heir obligations. Friends and neighbors share their time, their work, expressions of solidarity and esteem, flowers, money, food and drink. Here, food, in particular, is a symbol that links the living to the dead’ the former share their lat bread with the latter, followed by salt in a final act cf accompaniment: for those who remain behind in this world, cating with the dead and roasting stheir healthy reminds one and all that that they must cat and share or they too will perish. ‘Changes in the dynamics of traditional lifeways are proptiating «the loss of the ancient ways of keeping vigil over the dead», those forms chat entailed the support and participation of the whole community in the funeral rites. Now, itis becoming ever more common for families to hite the services of a funeral home and buy the food they offer; litle is prepared in homes. ‘Alo, many members of Oconahuan families now live outside dhe town, a fact that gradually crodes their sense of belonging and, hence, their willingness to share with, and participate in, their community of origin. But as in many other towns in rural Mexico, most of Oconahua’ inhabitants stil hold special feclings for wthe land that saw them born, the place where «their navels were burieds.* Pethaps for this reason, one of the songs most often heard during the procession from the deceased's house to the cemetery says: «Mon lindo 2 Thissaping referseo the ancient custom of burying the infant’ detached nave beneath the hea ofthe home whet hehe was bor, 2quero, si muero lejos de, que digan ste etoy ormido y que me nti agus...» Mexico, pretty and beloved, if I die far from you, have them say fm just slecping, and bring me back here. ‘A strong sense of solidatiy and belonging emerges among residents of (Ovonahua when one ofits members dies, whether it is a man or a woman, an adult or a child, someone poor or well off. One of the most important ‘materializations of this solidarity and rootedness consists in giving food. ln the severe, uncertain trek that is death, before which all community members ate, de facto, equa, sharing food reinforces ths sense of belonging, of adhesion to the community, though this may be only transitory. This feeling of belonging, cof having a reason tober, fosters fraternal behaviors. Solidarity and rooredness also remind people that life is raile. They reall the material hardships suffered when times were lean, when they had ro prepare whatever they had on hand however modest— to share at vigils: perhaps a chicken from their cocral cooked in an improvised, squalid broth accompanied by torilas and chili peppers, or just afew «animal-shaped crackers»? and a thin, insipid infusion ‘made from one hetb or anothes “Today, matesial conditions in Oconahua are less oppressive, so people can share more elaborate dishes during funerals Even families thatdo noc need help to meet their obligations and pay for che funeral ries welcome material gestures of recognition and esteem towards the deceased and those who are in mourning. ‘ood sharing begins on the day the death occurs and continues virtually to the end of the novenario. The quality, and of course, quantity, of the food depends on the depth ofthe companion’ pockets, but aso reflects the degree of community solidarity. People drink coffe, cinnamon-favored infusions, coffee with cinnamon, and lemongrass or orange blossom tea to soothe the discomforc caused by the anger and resentment that mourners often fecl. These drinks are served with bread or cookies. 3) Small seit made of unsifted four and sugar that were very popular in Meco some sede age. Their mame comes from thee arnonpic apearnes 223‘Meat dishes ae the ones most commonly shared, usually accompanied by beans, tortillas rice and chili peppers, the latter made into different salas. Bur if conditions permit, some people will prepare more elaborate recipes like Pipi, sweet mole, pozole or tamakes. Because tamales have been considered a special dish for celebrations since pre-Hispanic times they have acquired deep symbolic meaning (Pilcher, 2006). Indeed, they ate indispensable in all kinds of festivities, including the all-night vigils we are discussing. “This is especially so in towns with indigenous roots, like Ovonahua and many other towns (Katz and Faugere, 2009: 272), though death can strike in extraordinary conditions that preclude the laborious preparation they requite. the symbolic charget atibuted to tamales that we just mentioned involves, in part, cheit White color, which in Mexico’ pre-Hispanie tradition is related to food and the heavens. Bur this chromatic quality isnot excusive to Mexican traditions, for among the Ndembu of Zambia, for example, the color white isa quality, vital symbol that «manifests itsclfy in such clements 2s mothers milk, semen and cassava bread, which is whitish in color like tamales. Alo, this color represents the tranquil succession of the generations and is associated with the pleasures of eating, engendering and breastfeeding (Turner 1999: 83). ‘More recently, however, the tradition of preparing such elaborate dishes hhas become less common in Oconahua. Many people now prefer to offer foods that requite ess preparation, less time and less effort, such as steamed cacos and salads, usually accompanied with tostadas. But dishes prepared with beef or potk are always warmly received, epectlly the well-known carina, a teatively simple dish in culinary terms, but one that is very favorfal and deemed co be eflings because it is eaten with copious amounts of torilas and spicy sabsas. Another gesture that has become customary is serving wlessers: gelatin, cupcakes or sof rolls. {The fine jnbolie connoaion of tamales is dhe raw mate maze which is aso ‘ed wo make tora, the dally brea of Mesoamericans. Made ofthis seni rin, ‘amals thus come fom the crt ha lx when one cats amaleroncle cating the earth {and from the cath and when one dis. one etn to cr Thi explain why ars tncinclads among the fering to the de they provide noaishmen forthe rey bck to Mother Fah. In the words of Nahuatl prayer: «We ear ofthe earth and he eth communes, 28“Mach ofthe food offered on these occasions is prepared in the kitchen of the deceaseds house, complemented by dishes given by relatives and friends. [Not surprisingly, women are in charge of preparing the food that is consumed during the funeral cites. Dishes are served on the opposite side of the home from where the body is arranged, and people eat, discrecely, maintaining. an autitude of respect. ‘Ihe same is true of the drinks that are offered. As in all socal gatherings, alcoholic beverages have a prominent plac: in funerary rites of passage, one perhaps as significant a that of food isl, or even more. Even in times past, when obedience to the norms of the Catholic Chusch and of society were stronger and people were burdened by material haships, sharing atleast a shot of sugar cane aleohol was 2 central gesture in mortuary rites — other commonly-shared drinks were tequila and mescal— for it was thought thar they helped lessen suffering and fortified poople's spirits, thus enabling them to face the cold of long nights spent in vigil. ‘Under any circumstances, of course, eating isa biological necessity, but more than ths it isa cultural event of undeniable importance. One of the situations that best allows us to appreciate this principle of the cultural character of cating is when ic is staged in the context of a death, close to the deceased's body. Whether the food consists of dishes specially prepared for the occasion or ones cooked up at the last minute, as often occurs in Oconahua as we have seen, the act of eating during the funeral rites, as Van Geanep (1999, cited bby Meaglis, 2009: 234) has pointed out, reinforecs the bonds that unite the survivors. In these circumstances eating proves «the instinct w cling to lifes that is, one remembers those who have ceased to exist while simultancously securing something as indispensable as food and, moreover, discovering that food is uly gratifying in rimes of afietion» (Meaglia, 009: 23). Ar all times and in diverse ways, all of which share some degree of similarity with Van Gennep’s words, funerary food reaffirms the bonds among, the deceascds relatives and berwieen them and other community memibers, We know that this same phenomenon occurs in places like Mongolia (Ruhimann, 2009: 255), Indonesia (Geert, 2005135), the Ialian Piedmont (Meaglia, 2009: 235), and in the valleys of Jalisco, Mexico, where Oconahua is nestled, In some 25places it evokes 2 kind of symbolic cannibalism in expressions like seating and drinking of the dead.’ as people are prone to say in Val de Susa, Tray. In that case, we learn that they are allegorical actions taken to ensure that the deceased's definitive departure from this world (Meaglia, 2009: 238). The practice of cannibalism isas archaic as the emergence of mankind islf, and its ‘motivation lay in the idea thac by eating parc of one's compatriot one would obsain his suength, wisdom, or ancestral vitality: manger & are pour ne pas ‘mourir (eat the other so as noc to die», Atal, 2006: 26) In ancient Mexivo, cannibalism was common, as enemies, slaves, wariors, infants or damsel were sacrificed and consumed (Fala, 2009: 13; Fabre, 2009: 163) ‘Another perspective on the act of eating t cope with the dilemma of death involves restoration; that is, the act of eating can only be performed by the living, never by theater, the dead. In this vision, eating reiterates to all those who partake of the meal that death is conceivable and bearable 2s long, 2 i occurs to the ater, not to oneself (Lacan, cited by Bostsch, 2009: 169). Indeed, the vital at of eating to restore one’s vitality can —asin other situations of individual or collective rension— be taken to excess, for we know that the human body can be transformed into a terrain of an winsatiable appetite [and, therefore] of disease and deaths (Cislt, 991: 30). Dearn ano 11s mites (One characteristic of Homo sapien is its ability wo produce abstract though. (One important part ofthis mode of reasoning is, precisely, religious thought, understood as that which in various ways generates wellbeing in humans by ‘making them feel genuinely «redinked> to the supranatural order that is only conceivable through abstract and illusory speculation. Religious thought is the best instrument that the species eqpiens has for confronting situations of deep tension, such as fear, uncertainty, anguish and death... In this regard, 5) With parte ro toasting the dnd his urally Involve spits (quo: cheep they contain concers Both the living and the dead ven inkling chm in cerain moment. Griot 991 pons that aenhol isthe water fi eps via) that ia smb of einedenta epesiran,2 conjuction of opposites [ike life and dexth), whose two ‘rincpiles one actve [lil the other pasive [death flow. changing, creative and enrctve a theme timer 26Malinowski (3948, cited by Geert, 2005: 99) argued that «religion helps ‘mankind cope with ‘sicuations of emotional rex [by offering] away to escape {from the} dead-end alleyways where no] empirical means (for survival exit} except rites and beliefs in the dominion of the supernarurals. Beli in this “dominion of the supernatural’ over one is certainly an example of religious thought; and in this sense consecrated rites and related behaviors reaffirm the position that «eligious conceptions are tue and thac che mandates of religion ae sound...» (Geert, 20053107). Cilllois (984: 16) posits that cites Function wallow us to approach the domain ofthe sacred, while preventing us fom getting close enough to profane it, Asa reul, the domain of the profane requires the existence ofthe sacred otherwise it would be lost in the meaninglessness ofa life lacking religiosity. “Moreover, the effective performance ofthe rite allows us ro make sense of the general order of existence, so that stares of mind and motivations become real Anxiety and fear are the companions of the mortuary trance, whether tones own or that of others. This dilemma fosters religious thought and its concomitant ritual practice. Other vital shackles that affect individuals during their physical and social development —including birth and puberty— also produce religious thought, refletionsthatthrough the mediation of consecrated rites and cetemonies ensure che expected outcome once the person has passed through such toubling liminal alleyways (Turner, 1999: 7-8 105) “The rites with which different peoples confiont the mortuary uansicion tend 10 appear abstruse co the uninidated, and this ignorance fosters ritual complexity and its immediate margin for manipulation. For example, Hertz (4960, cited by Cabrero, 1995: 13) sustains that among believers death is an initiation rite ito che next world, one that requires a change of status. Hence, the certainty of such a statutory transition allows believers to perform —wich foresight actions that will improve their starus in the great beyond; the initiated are chose responsible for manipulating the situation Rites alo reveal the desire and striving to econtrole the dead, a control thatthe living always seek. Actually, mortuary rites aim to somehow scontrol> ‘what transpires in the next word, a fact that increases the social importance of those who conceive and manipulate them (Binford, 1972, cited by Cabrero, 1975: 13). For example, among the Nedemb, the initiated perform rites to help the recently deceased in their uansicco the next world, for itis believed that 27during 2 certain interval athe shadows ofthe deceased are particularly restless and constant seck to return to visit the scenarios [where they lived, and communicate with the people they knew best during their lives» (Tire, 999: 10). The proper manipulation of rituals increases the power and prestige of those who perform them. In contrast to the Ndembu, other societies —in Jva, for example— bury their dead quickly because their elders assume that it {is dangerous 0 allow the spsits of the dead 10 hover around the houses whete they lived (Geertz, 2005: 142. ‘Another important point is tha both funeral rites andl the concomitant ‘mourning behaviors operate paradoxically: on the one hand, they help maintain alfective bonds with the dead by exorcising deaths while, on the other, they provide the means for people to break those very bonus. This serves to prevent the living from following the dead to their graves, and inhibits the tendency to suffer physical and emotional degradation, thus preserving the continuity of life. Also conjured is the impulse to le from the dead out of panic, instead of confronting death (Cert, 2005: 146) Rites are performed in the context of «broad social procescs whose scope and complexity are more or les proportional to the scale and degree of differentiation of the groups [hat participate)» (Tuer, 1999: 50-1). Theit sealizaton,justlike the recitation ofa myth, theadvice of oracles, che preparation of the mortuary setting, or the decoration ofa grave, affects peoples moods and emotions and, in large measure, lightens the burden of theitsoxtow. In his way, sacred symbols are linked vo the motivations of the mourners: myths, rites and emotional stats interowine and become mutually reinforcing (Geert 2008: 107). In ilo tempore, stategies for communicating with the dead and the trcat beyond, as wells the performance of ttes were privileges reserved forthe elders, those considered wisest and most experienced. Only they enjoyed the privilege of being able to communicate with the ancestors (Gert, 2005: 87). Later, as societies changed and specialized roles were instituted, this prerogative ‘was passed on to the initiated priests (Attali, 2006: 22)— as depositaries of general knowledge and specialists in the understanding, and control of supernatural facts and in communicating with the next world, critically important isucs for securing life and maintaining the principle of socal order. Bur in a miliew like our modern world, marked by growing social Inichation and individualization of consciousnes, ritual practices including 228those that confront death— are considered les and less supernatural. They are ‘more immediate and, as a result rlatively manageable. And this increasingly leads the members ofa society —even societies that maintain strong traditional beliefs and a clear religious component, like Oconahua— ro begin to conceive of death asakind of recur to «mother Farths, though performing the associated tives is rarely abandoned (Morin, 1974: 128-130); 2 teliy imbued with a hint of pantheism, ‘Tie MORTUARY TRANCE While death certainly constitutes the biological annulation of hfe, from a cultural —tead symbolie— perspective, life somehow carries on. Symbolic death occurs especially when itis sacrificial. In this regard, we can evoke the drama of Romeo and Juliet, othe outcome ofthe fateful story of Tristan and Isolde (Citlot, 299 77). Afterall, symbols tend to endure for a certain length of times tha of individual memory but, ove all, of colletive memory which recains the memories and images ofthe dead, specially of those who perished under tragic circumstances. “The topic of death isa central object in anthropology because itis a complex phenomenon situated atthe interface between the biological and the cultural, Iris a culcural construct that is universal in scope: one that presents ‘wo basic configurations: on the one hand, the disappearance of the others om the other the image of one's own death (Bosch, 2009: 167). The ways of assimilating death are countess and depend on place and petiod Death is the severest trance that humans confront. Consciously oF ‘unconsciously, itis abo the mest worrisome event of one’ lif, the erucial stage between life —a known, assumed reality— and death, a distinct condition for itis unknown and opposed to life (Meaglia, 2009: 241) In the face of death, humans rebel, refusing to accept their end, though they do recognize thar animals and plants perish forever. Interposing traps erected by theit ego —an inherent principle of surival— humans assume the belie that, while aca cerrain moment the body ceases to function, some par of the person continues tocxiscin that abstract entity called athe great beyonds (Cabrero, 1995: 9). This explains the number and diversity of rites concived to confront death, and to ‘make the notion of a supposed survival beyond the realm ofifea secure reali 29Malinowski (1948, cited by Geertz, 20052146) pointed out thar «among, survivors death provokes a dual response of love and aversion, a profound motional ambivalence of fascination and fear that threatens the psychological and social foundations of human existence. The survivors feel themselves drawn, towards the dead by the afection they have for him, while a the same time they ae repulsed by che dreadful ransformation that death provokes». Because of deaths severity and consummation —represenced in the western tradition by askelewon lke che one portayed on the thirteenth card of the Tarot (Cislot, 1991: 77)— people prefer to stay far away from it. ‘Almost as serious as the challenge of death —one’s own or that of another— is the human experience of dealing with the suffering caused by illness (Geertz, 2005: 99) by no means a minor event, indeed, one that in some cases can be even more grucling than death itself. This explains why transitions ofliminal scope, such a birth or agony, demand so many precautions (Calls, 984: 178), ‘Numerous societies have coincided in their ways of perceiving death For example, Indians the ancient Mericas, Mongols, and the Javanese all ce it asa stain that can only be exterminated —at least remporarly— by fire. Fire, widely conceived asa purifying agent, can prevent the sain of death from expanding to contaminate other vital elements, such as riverbeds, Following this logic, death must be channeled to the depths of the Earth, its natural habitat (Caillois, 984: 178). Although death as such is eradicated and a some point the cadaver ceases to be considered a person —perhaps afer being transformed into remains or a sacted entity (Bodtsch, 2099: 170; Citlot, 1991: 49)— virtually all societies treat their dead with special care because, although they are no longer persons, their inconporeal, and therefore untouchable, entitcs remain present in the form of souls or spirits. This occurs, above all, when the body has not been buried and, a a result, has not een admitted into the socicry of the dead. Only when iis nally integrated into that society can it be converted into beneficial power Caillois, 1984: 57). A separate case is that of the celestial entities known as angels, especially important in the context of the Judco- Christan tradition, In the case of Oconahua, as mentioned above, children who die without being baptized and/or recsiving communion become angels, immediately joining the ranks ofthe celestial court. ‘These winged beings, as 230culta-poweril forces, are capable of ascending the dead to, oF having them fll from, the true] Fountain of Life: they can be as powerful, in certain moments, as that porcentous entity that isthe Cross (Clot, 199: 9) Tn a concomitant order of ideas, it can be said that symbols are ‘utensils that allow the living to keep the dead valves figuration in which the distinction between the sacred andthe profane, in principle clearly delimited by teligion, rends co be dilured (Callos, 1984: u). Whatever the setting, systems of pertinent symbols establish vigorous, penetrating and enduring emotional states that motivate humans. Having posited these ideas, itis important t© ‘mention that symbols operate, above all, as essential supports for the living. ‘Human beings depend on symbols and symbol systems, a dependence so great that it becomes decisive in making us viable; for without them the human creature would sink into a burning, perennial state of anxiety (Geert, 2005: 96). “Today, to some degree in every place, but especially where human individualization and the laicization of consciousness have taken roor, death is perceived asthe transformation of the living body into other substances, ones that belong ro the domain of biology, chemistry or physics. But despite the arsenal of knowledge with which humans now arm themselves, including the ‘most novel scientific paradigms, death sill provokes a state of anxiety, of angst (Boesch, 2009: 168). In the modeen world, especially the Western culture area, the tendency has been toconvert che mortuary rane: and mourning into more individual phenomena (Magli, 2009: 234). the death of a neighbor is teated a an intimate afr, primarily a personal experience for the subjocs who suffer grief. Thus, sorrow and sadness ate lived practically in solitude (Boétsch, 2009: 174). Despite this, TLewy-Bruhl’s observation concerning the sense of group thar humans assume, inifeas well as in death, maintains certain validity. Actually although the scale of the social and cultural has broadened to become a global perception —made possible, above all, by che massification of vrrual communications— the sense of belonging toa group is stil the most immediate and vital point of reference for human beings.“Though Oconahua participaes in certain ways in the modern world, and to a large degree depends on i, asin anystill-rural society the dead occupy a place of great importance in community lif. The cult ro the dead is exterior» and sinstitutionalizeds, as well as codified (Boétsch, 2009: 73). Customs and. rites linked to death conserva significant degree of organization. For example, the aforementioned glass of water that is plaved near the body to palliate its thirst during what is believed to be the person’ final, inevitable journey to the next world. Ic seems likely that this custom emetged from Catholic rites and was established in Mexico by European evangelize from the 168 ventury on. However, its origins may abo go back to pre-Hispanie mythology, specifically that of the pueblos of Mexia filiation, in which the dead are offered a pitcher of water to allay cheir dirs. But Duverger (1983, cited by Fabre, 2009: 158) offers a different explanation, arpuing that this custom originated in the semi- desert reaches of northern Mexico where the lack of water and a persistent thirst would have been constants in towns. ach society creates unique ways of honoring its dead. In the western tradition two extremes stand out: on che one hand, «Mediterrancan angst», a paradigm characterized by plaintive weepers(plaiders) and hearss bestrewn ‘with floral arrangements pulled by enormous, majestic black steeds: on the other, the relative levity of the North American sfuneral party», where death is exorcised by ceasing to speak ofthe deveased, even pretending as if she/he wete not there (Bosch, 2009: 173). In Oconahua, part of the western world but still a traditional society that preserves an indigenous component, the people who claim to hold tightest to tadition argue, not without s hint of nostalgia, that the town's funerary customs are no longer performed as in times pust. Back then, they say, the Whole town took part and established prescriptions were followed rigorously. Its possible to imagine their argument for itis well known that in the past, death was public: family, fiends, and neighbors ll participated. [And from a social perspective] the festa ofthe dead [establishes the indispensable nexus] between the here-and-now and the great beyond, which [..] makes it possible to tame death» (Bodtsch, 20092 168), ‘Without doubt, the transformations thar traditional Mexican societies have undergone over the lst six or seven decades have differentially affected ther ritual processes in the specific case chat interests us here, those associated 232with death. Despite the best efforts of «conservationists, modernization processes have penetraed into Oconahua with moderate force, chough we hhave no indications of significant alterations in local ritual processes, except for the lamentations of the «traditionalists» mentioned above. In contrast, in societies where traditions have becn significantly displaced by accelerated proceses of change, results have been both notable and unsettling. This isthe case, for example, of the Mogjokuto community of central Java eported by Clifford Geert (2005: 154) Thete, the changes ofa scenographic order catied cout in che temple where mortuary rituals were once performed impeded a local priest from helping a deceased infant during his trance to the next word, ‘hat situation caused enormous tension in the community, and only with the passing of time and the acceptance of certain changes was it posible to achieve the reintegration of the social and symbolic system, and restore peace t0 the community ‘Despite the inevitable permutations of ritual habits causd by proceses of social change, according to other residents of Oconahua, funerals continue to re-create the town's identity and its community bonds. Mortuary practices continue to be performed as of old, though people recognize certain obvious diferences in the material manifestations that accompany them. Icwas evident in the past —a point on which all our informants coincide— is that material dliferences were virtually invisible all mortuary rituals were almost identical, This can be explained by the dependence ofthis agrarian society onthe natural vicissitudes of the weather cycle, for one ought to remember funerals are expensive in terms of time, money and labor (Turnet, 1999: 16). In another vein, the inhabitants of Oconahus emphasize that the collective behavior typical of Funerals was always peaceful. Generally speaking, those events fostered an atmosphere of serenity, one far-removed from dramatic breakdowns oF manifestations of hysteria. Thee, tenuous sobbing and muted ‘moans are the normal expressions that lament the passing of the deceased [Not present are wailings of uncontrolled affliction, as occurs in some places in Italy or in the cultural milien of Islam. And, asin Javanese funerals, members of the community of Oconahua propitiate chat the pain of the aggrieved flows without dramatic emotional excitement (Geer, 2005: 139 and 142). ‘The behavior of these people while mourning is assumed in a way not seen in many places: a way marked by adapting one’s emotions to the condition 233of the deceased, which for some time involves the denial of his disappearance (Meagla, 2009:253). Avostiiie, ‘Death isthe antithesis of life. As such ifeand death form an inseparable couple. ‘Though death comes to displace life, for believers life will be resuscitated in some other place. Non-believers in contrast, have no hope, even chough ic is true that life will somehow continue, for life and death are elements of an ongoing, dialectical process. ‘Whatever the case, both the former and the latter must be sure to eat while chey await deaths coming —even sharing food with the dead— since if they stop eating they too will perish. One must eat so as not to dic, for life goes on when one’s belly is fll: and while life exists the Grim Reaper keeps his distance, albeit provisionally. The dead must be eft in their graves, while for the living, life oes on, Rererences Arai, Jaques (2006). Une bre hie de Uae Pass Rayan Avila, Ricardo & Martin Tena (2ote).»Morie peregrnando a Tapa, in Maria J. Rodriguez Shadow & Ricanlo Avila, comps, Samaria, pemgrnacone! religisidad populer. Guadaljaa: Universidad de Guadabjara. Coleccién Esmudis del Homie 2, Sere Anuopologt, pp. 331-26. Avila Ricardo, Martin Tena 8 Martha Oczguaa(2009)-+La proces dea espigas, “nF Xavier Medina, Ricardo Avila & Igor de Garin, ed, Fd, Jmaginare ond Galan Prone. says in Honour of Helen Macbech. Guadalajara: Universidad cde Guadalajara. Coleen Ein del Hombre 24, Serie Antropol de la Alimentacis, pp. 23535. Binford, Lewis R. (972). An Archiolgial Ponpetive. New York: Seminar Pres. Bostach, Gilles (2005) «Mort culture, in Gilles Batch, Michel Signol & Sean “Thor, coords, Lt mare on montacne. Gap (France): Editions des Haures- Alpes pp. 1675177. Cabcero, Mt. Tere (1995). Le muerte en el Oteidnte del Mesin prion, México: 24Caillos, Roger (984). EU hombre yl aad, México, Fem. Giro, juan Eduard (991). A Dismay of Synbele New Yorks Dont Pes, Duverger Christian (198). Ligne des Asis. Pais; Editions de Seu Fabre, Virginie (2008). sLa mor cher les Artes, Gills Bostsch, Michel Signo '& Srfan Teor, coords, Lat mort or montagne. Gap (France: lions des Haute Alpes, pp. 157163. avila, Héctor (2009). Life as an offing to death. A look at infant sacrifice inthe ancient Valley of Tlucs, Mexico», in ills Bodh, Michel Signal & Sefan “Taoras, (coowds), La mort en montagne. Gap (Fane): Bdions des Haes- Alpes pp. 19796. Geers, Ciford (2005) La iterpreracin de le utara, Baeslona, [973]. Here, Rober (1960). Desh and she Rgrh Hand. Glencoe lino Face Press. Inwtiteso Nacional de Estaditiea, Ganges cm Infomscs (01). 11 Contes de Pllc y Viole 205, México. hspllmon:inegiorgamaletcontnidon! proyciolecpl def ap Consulta septic, de 208 Kars, Esther &¢ B, Faugere (2009). eMort en montagne dans les hates teres da Meniqnc: pase ctprsens in Gills Boetch, Michel Signo & Sean Torts coonds, Lt mort en montgne. Gap (France: Editions des Hauter pes. rp. 269-279. Lacan, Jacques (1966) Bets Pars: Du Seuil, Levy-Bruhl, Lucien (1949). Cares Pris: Peses Univers de France. “Malinowski, Bronislw (048). Maps Science and Religion. Boston: Beacon Pres. ‘Meagi, Donatella (2005). «Repas unéraies et auméne du sel Novalesa (Val di Sua Piémone ialen: les rts alimentaites pour communiguet avec kx mons», in Gills Bogach, Michel Signol 8 Stéfan rors, cod, La mor on montagne Gap (France: Eions des HawtAlpes, pp. 238-243. Main, Ege (974). Eom yl mart Bacelona: Kain ches, Jlicy, M. 2001. Vinwn es omaled México: Fcones deb Reina Ro Rahlsann, Sandrine (2009). Les peatiques alimentates funénivex chee lex Mongols Zak. Purifations,offandes ct sepa, in Gills Hogach, Miche Sigoa {& Séfan Teor, coords, Lat mort on montagne. Cap (France): Fliions des Hauer Alpes, pp 28-356 “Tamer Victor (999) La sel de lor rnols Maid Silo Xt. 1967] Van Gennep. Arnold (i909). er te de pase Pais: Nour. 235Estudios sc! Hombre Director Ricardo Ala Director aduntosAitarce Regaado Pinedo Pais Ae Maurie Ayal Fram ane Gomis Bache “hil Bock “Tis Cav Bc Dar Dames Frslene Dab Ande leg Pa Rs Ferniner Gable Urtce "Fanaice Vale ‘Rn ince ‘Contr Eosrontat Univ de Guan Masco ole des Fane dnc Scns Sc, Fac Univ de Grain. Meson ctesas Oxides Manca Univer de Cains, Mio vera Corte de Maid pia Invoeato Nason de Anolis c Hance, Maco Univ de Morden: Donors San Scan, pane ‘ena Oslo Masco wat Nacional de Antropol Hor Mico (Cone esol dela Recs Senique Fs Univeral de Sel Exe Univ de Gracie Mon nena de Guar, Meco nena Nacional inom de Meco Uni de re Frac cone taatar Kein Unsere Oke: de Calas Feat Unser! de Gaijin Univ! de Gear, Meson celis Onsen Mass neta oe Gace, Meso User de Gece Mon Unvenka de Geaaaarn, Meco Innere Nason de Anropelogi «Hic Maco Uta dea Amos Pac Meson Innate Recher pourle Deloppamen Fania Unera de Guataars, Mess Para mayore informe, fr de digi = adie det Hombre Univer de Gnas “Telefon y fax (3) 3826982073827 2446 ‘Corso elctinico:dhombrect. ademSteiehnd ‘oerinae pr Cums Mars Lisa, ‘Sweat date on desave ‘Era aps SA “Textual CaS 50 Zp, “Tk ip eres 8 ou erin com ns pepo ate mo acp eMar ar deg Ean ta Caney Beas Sl “Renc de Abgac ains Mac nie dapramasn coe aay to Tip Pome Mc Mii, Ds oeDocs sharing make us human? Issharing food very specific of the humankind, or did the evolutionary history of other species produce similar traits? Is sharing food sometimes more a matter of rhetoric rather than an effective transfer of food? How could ibe possible for anthropologists ro study sharing, without being themselves, somehow, invited 1 join the group cating together? These are, among, others, some of the questions raised in this book. Humans can share food witha finite num- ber of peers because other humans, with whom they will not share any food have contributed somehow to the effort necessary to produce the food that is shared. Cooperation is necessary in che first place to create the food that will be shared, but cooperation with whom? This food will be shared one day, but shared with whom? “Theidea of sharing’ and that of sharing food! frequently overlap. Family, fiends, acquaintances reuniting after a long time, people who have grown apart, or people living far from cach other often voice their longing for the joy of being together through food. But the status ofthe cater, and the place in shating meals groups, is not only defined by bio- logical features —age and sex— or his atcrty (indigenous or foreign), burt also by the mundane activities they perform under the scrutiny of others. However, itis hard to think of a society where sharing is not a way of separating groups as much as to unite them, being defined by sex, age, socal clas, cultural identities or any other feature. This is one of the paradoxes of sharing, “The chapters of this volume all deal with this topic of sharing food, bus according to different scientific point of views and about va- rious societies (humans or nod). in different places and petiods oF history. Of course modern life has been transforming foods and meals, the symbols attached to them or the community of caters, but even in world of rension and dangers, humans remain reluctant to eat alone. ‘Would they do itif they could? Uyiviesinn D8 GUADALATARA. (Cena Uneneaa de Ch Soy Humane, Demastasesto be Ertunios Masausaicavor v Mexacasos