DIAGNOSIS

 OF  THE      
BLACK  CREOLE  INDIGENOUS  TERRITORY  
OF  BLUEFIELDS  ON  THE  ATLANTIC  COAST  
OF  NICARAGUA      

CREOLE COMMUNAL GOVERNMENT OF BLUEFIELDS

JANUARY 2013
CONTEXT  OF  THE  TERRITORIAL  DIAGNOSIS    

Introduc<on  
Methodology  
Background  and  Historical  context  
Descrip<on  of  the  Territory    
Internal  Organiza<on  of  the  Community  
The  Popula<on  interviewed    
Social,  Cultural  and  Economical  Background  of  the  Creoles    
§ (Religion,  Educa0on,  Food,  Dances,  Music,  Poetry,  Art,  Spirituality)  
Use  of  the  Natural  Resources  in  the  Territory    
Judi<al  and  Socioeconomical  Study  of  Third  Par<es  on  Land  
Overlapping  and  commun  use  of  communal  land  
Legal  fundaments  of  Creole  Request  for  communal  land  
 
I. HISTORY IN A CAPSULE OF THE ATLANTIC (CARIBBEAN)
COAST OF NICARAGUA

Nación  Indígena  
Independiente  
XV-­‐XVI    
Proceso  de   Protectorado  
Demarcación   Británico  
XXI   XVII-­‐XVIII  

 Regiones   Reserva  
Autónomas   Autónoma    
XX-­‐XXI     Mosquito    
XIX  

Zonas Departamento
Especiales Zelaya
XX XIX
INDIGENOUS  NATION  XV-­‐XIX  CENTURIES  
NICARAGUAN  MAP  IN  1858  –  XIX  CENTURY  
BLACK  PEOPLE  IN  THE  AMERICAS:    
FROM  SLAVERY  TO  RACISM,  THEN  TO  DISCRIMINATION  

SLAVERY

RACISM

HATRED/DISCRIMINATION
PRESENCE  OF  BLACK  PEOPLE  ON  THE  MOSQUITIA  OF  NICARAGUA  –  ACCORDING  TO  
HISTORIANS  OF  THE  COAST:  GERMÁN  ROMERO  CIDCA-­‐2001,  CRAIG  L.  DOZIER  
NICARAGUA  MOSQUITO  SHORE,  BISHOP  JOHN  WILSON  MORAVIAN  CHURCH  THAT  
DEFINE  HISTORICAL  FACTS  WE  FIND  THAT  IN:  
 
 
1640  THE  MISQUITOS  TALK  ABOUT  A  SHIPWRECK  OF  A  SLAVE  SHIP  IN  CAPE  GRACIAS  A  
DIOS,  SOME  RELATE  THAT  THE  BLACK  SLAVES  WAS  FIGHTING  FOR  FREEDOM  AND  
ENDED  UP  IN  CAPE.  
 
THE  AFRICAN  SLAVES  WITHOUT  ANY  POSSIBILITY  TO  RETURN  TO  THEIR  COUNTRY  
BEGAN  A  RELATIONSHIP  WITH  THE  INDIGENOUS  BAWIHKA  AND  TAWIRA  AND  
PROCREATED  THE  PEOPLE  KNOWN  AS  SAMBOS-­‐  OR  SAMBOS  MISQUITOS  
 
 
1840  BLACK  PEOPLE  DESCENDANT  WITH  EUROPEAN  WERE  CALLED  CREOLES:  THE  
BLACK  PEOPLE  WERE  ALSO  FROM  THE  CAYMAN  ISLANDS,THE  JAMAICA  ISLANDS  AND  
FROM  OTHER  CARIBBEAN  ISLANDS.  
 
 
1860-­‐1880    THE    GARIFUNAS    REACHES  TO  NICARAGUA  SHORES  AFTER  BEING  ESTABLISHED  IN  
THE  MOSQUITIA  OF    HONDURAS.  IT  IS  KNOWN  THAT  THE  GARIFUNAS  ROOTS  ARE  ALSO  IN  
SAINT  VICENT  ISLAND  AND  THAT  THEY  ARE  MIX    WITH  THE  CARIBISIS  INDIGENOUS  TRIBES.    
 
 
CREOLES  ARE  RELOCATED  IN  CORN  ISLAND  (SOME  HISTORIANS  MENTION  THAT  THE  CORN  
ISLAND  CREOLES  ARE  THE  ONES  KICKT  OUT  OF  BLUEFIELDS  BECUASE  THEY  TRIED  TO  FIGHT  FOR  
INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  MOSQUITIA  UNDER  KING  HENRY  CLARENCE  COMMAND),  BLUEFIELDS,  
PEARL  LAGOON  MONKEY  POINT,  GREYTOWN,  LA  BARRA  DE  RGM,  BILWI,  THE  MINES.  
 
General George Hodgson
Mrs.  Inid  Hodgson  
(Daughter  of  
Senator  Hora<o  
Hodgson)  
RECOGNITION  OF  LAND  RIGHTS  TO  THE  BLACK  
CREOLES    
XV,  XVI  and  XVII  Century  the  Black  People  as  Maroons  founded  ci<es  and  had  
possession  of  land  on  the  Atlan<c  Coast.  
 
First    document  of  Recogni<on:  The  Miskito  King  Robert  Charles  Frederick  sign  a  
dona<on  of  22,000  acres  of  land  to  the  Black  and  Creoles  on  the    24    of  July  1841,    
whitness  to  this  was  Mr.    Machew  Willock,  George  Bell,  and  Peter  Shepherd,  
this  is  the  moment  of  an  official  recogn<on  for  history  of  the  territorial  rights  to  
the  Black  Creole  Indigenous  Community  of  Bluefields  
 
Second  document  of  Recogni<on:  On  the  2nd  of  February  1916.    The  Titling  
Commisión  of  the    Mosqui<a    extended  a  <tle  of    447  hectáreas    of  land  to  the  
Creole  Community  of  Bluefields  over  a  part  of  Deer  Cay.  This  property  borders  
with  rama  indian  land  in  the  south  side.  This  Title  was  inscribed  under  the  
number    1,742  ,  Tomo  34,  Folio  164,  first  seat  in  the  Public  Registry  of  Property  of  
Bluefields.  
 
Third  document  of  Recogni<on:  The  Legisla<ve  Decree  on  the  24th  of  May  1934  that  
recognizes  “40,000  hectáreas  de  terreno  a  la  comunidad  Criolla  Indígena  de  
Bluefields”,  located  according  to  decree  between  “  los  ríos  Mahogany,  Escondido  
y  Kukra,  o  en  cualquier  lugar  del  departamento  de  Zelaya  
RELATION  BETWEEN  BLACK  AND  INDIANS  ON  THE  MOSQUITIA:  
A.  BLACK  PEOPLE  BROUGHT  NEW  FORMS  OF  CULTURE  AND  COMMUNAL  
ORGANIZATION.  
 
B.  THE  RELATIONSHIP  BETWEEN  BLACK  AND  INDIAN  BROUGHT  A  NEW  RACE  
OF  WARRIOS  CALLED  SAMBOS  ,  THIS  ALSO  BROUGHT  A  CONFLICT  IN  THE  
INDIGENOUS  HIARCHY  ON  THE  MOSQUITIA.  THE  SAMBOS  WERE  ALSO  KNOWN  
AS  MISQUITOS  IN  SOME  PART  OF  THE  MOSQUITIA.    
 
C.  BLACK  PEOPLE  ASUME  IMPORTANT  ROLES  IN  THE  INDIGENOUS  
MONARCHY.    
FOUR  KINGS  OF  THE  MOSQUITIA  NATION  WERE  BLACK  MEN.    
 
D.  THE  CREOLES  HAD  ACCESS  TO  EDUCATION  BECAUSE  OF  LANGUAGE  THIS  
GAVE  THEM  BETTER  ACCESS  TO  JOBS  AND  ECONOMICAL  OPPORTUNITIES.  
 
E.  CREOLES  AND  BLACKS  FORMS  THE  MOSQUITO  KING  COUNCIL  MEMBERS,  
THIS  WAS  SO  BEFORE  THE  ANEXATION  AND  DURING  THE  FIRST  AUTONOMOUS    
GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  MOSQUITIA  RESERVE  THAT  WAS  CREATED  IN  1860  DUE  
TO  THE  MANAGUA  TREATY  OF  ANEXATION    TO  NICARAGUA  .    
BLUEFIELDS  AND  ITS  TERRITORY:  
 
On  the  11  of  Octubre  of  1903  Bluefields  was  declared  city  and  
also  head  of  the  Zelaya  Department;  Amer  that  a  vast  piece  
of  land  was  separated  from  Bluefields  to  form  what  we  
know  as    Rama  municipality,  then  from  the  Rama  
Municipality,  Muelle  de  los  Bueyes    en  1942,  Nueva  Guinea  
en    1981,  and    El  Ayote  en  el  2000  was  separated.    
 
In  1949    the  Rio  San  Juan  Department  was  created  from  part  of  
Zelaya  and  Chontales  Department.      
 
Also  the  municipality  of  Kukra  Hill  was  taken  away  in  1979  
from  Bluefields;    
 
 BLUEFIELDS  LAND  CLAIM  BASE  OF  LEGAL  AND  HISTORICAL  
 

 
FACTS:  
1841  DONATION  OF  22,000  ACRES  OF  LAND  TO  THE  CREOLES  
1914  CREOLES  AND  AFRODESCENDANTS  OF  BLUEFIELDS  PRESENTS  CLAIM  OF  COLECTIVE  
LAND  CLAIM  UNTO  THE    CHALKEY  TITLING  COMMISSION    
1916    DONATION  OF  NORTH  SIDE    OF  DEER  CAY  TO  THE  CREOLES  
1918   DECREE   (26   OF   JAN)   THAT   DONATED   TO   THE   INDIANS   OF   THE   BLUEFIELDS  
DEPARTMENT   OR   ZELAYA   DEPARTMENT   (AUTONOMOUS   REGIONS)   THE   HOUSE  
LAND  AND  FARMS  THAT  THEY  WERE  USING.    
1926-­‐   INITIATIVE     OF   GENERAL   GEORGE   HODGSON   TO   RECOVER   THE   LIBERTY   OF   THE  
COAST  
1933  CREOLE  COMMUNITY  OF  BLUEFIELDS    OBTAIN  RIGHTS  TO  CLAIM  TERRITORY    
1934   A   PORTION   OF   LAND   IS   ASIGN   TO   THE   CREOLE   INDIGENOUS   COMMUNITY   OF  
BLUEFIELDS  
1935  HORATIO  HODGSON  IN  HIS  MEMORIAL  DEFENDS  UNTO  THE  SENATE  THE  RIGHTS  
OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  ATLANTIC  COAST  OF  NICARAGUA    
1960     OPROCO   WAS   FOUNDED   WITH   THE   OBJECTIVE   FOR   DEVELOPMENT   FOR  
COMMUNITIES  IN  AND  AROUND    BLUEFIELDS  
1976    THE  SOUTHERN  INDIGENOUS  AND  CREOLE  COMMUNITIES  (SICC)ORGANIZATION  
WAS  FOUNDED  
1987    APROVAL  OF  THE    AUTONOMY  LAW  
IN   1997   THE   CREOLES   AGAIN   ORGANIZED   TO   CLAIM   RIGHTS   TO   THE   PROPERTY   IN   A  
COLLECTIVE   WAY.   THIS   STUDY   WAS   MADE   BY   CCARC   (CENTRAL   AMERICAN  
RESEARCH  CENTER)  
2003   THE   LAW   445   WAS   APPROVED   AND   THE   COMMUNAL   GOVERNMENT   WERE  
INSTITUTIONALIZE  BY  ALSO  CERTIFICATION  OF  REGIONAL  COUNCILS    
2006  –  THE  CREOLES  OF  BLUEFIELDS  PRESENTS  THEIR  CLAIM  UNTO  THE    CIDT/RAAS  
JANUARY   2010   –   CIDT/RAAS   FINALLY   ADMITS   THE   CLAIM   OF   THE   CROELES   OF  
BLUEFIELDS  AND  PROCEDES  TO  BEGIN  WITH  THE  FIRST  STAGE  OF  THE  LAND  CLAIM  
AND  TITLING  
JUNE   2012   –   THE   DIAGNOSIS   OF   THE   TERRITORIAL   LAND   CLAIM   WAS   PRESENTED   UNTO  
CIDT-­‐CONADETI  
 
  
DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  INDIGENOUS  AND  AFRODESCENDANTS  TERRITORY  IN  
THE  SAAR  
 
 ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE
BLACK CREOLE INDIGENOUS TERRITORY OF BLUEFIELDS
GENERAL ASSEMBLE
(TERRITORIAL)
All members of communal assembles in the territory

Operative
Commissions: Elder Council
Demarcatión, 4 members of each
Infrastructure, community
Social and Creole Communal
investigation, Government of Bluefields
Natural Resources , 13 members in Directive Board
Económics,
Divulgatión,
Justicie and Peace,
Women and Gender,
Children and Youth •  Comunal Assemble of Bluefields
(Assembles in 18 Neighborhoods and /EL Bluff)
• C. A Kukra Hill
• C. A. El Rama
• C.A Nueva Guinea
• C.A. Muelle de los Bueyes
• C.A. El Ayote
• C.A. Rio San Juan Indio y Maíz
Each DB have 7 members each one with a coordinator,
communal judge (Whita), secretary, or any other name they
would like to us in their community.
  
METODOLOGY  AND  SAMPLE  OF  THE  SURVEY:    
 
 
TO  MAKE  THIS  DIAGNOSIS  THE  BLACK  CREOLE  INDIGENOUS  COMMUNITY  OF  
BLUEFIELDS  AND  THE  CIDT/RAAS  MADE  AN  ETHOGRAPHICAL  SURVEY  IN    2011    IN  
COMMUNITIES  AND  CITY  OF  BLUEFIELDS,  BLUFF,  RAMA,  KUKRA  HILL  AND    NUEVA  
GUINEA;  THE  SURVEY  USED  THE  FORMATS  THAT  WAS  AUTHORIZED  BY    CONADETI  IN  
THE  MANUAL  OF  PROCEDURES  ;  THE  SURVEY  TOOK  ONLY  A  SAMPLE  OF  THE  CREOLE  
BLACK  AND  INDIGENOUS  PEOPLE  IN  JUST  A  PART  OF  THE  TERRITORY  THAT  IS  CLAIM  
BY  THE  COMMUNITY  WITH  THE  OBJECTIVE  TO  KNOW  WHERE  THE  PEOPLE  ARE  
UBICATED  ALSO  TO  HAVE  AN  IDEA  OF  THEIR  POPULATION  AND  THE  SOCIAL  
CONDITION  IN  WHICH  THEY  LIVE.    
 
THE  SAMPLE    WAS  TAKEN  BY  RANDOM  BETWEEN  BLACK  CREOLES  AND  INDIGENOUS  
PEOPLE  IDENTIFIED  IN  NEIGHBORHOODS  AND  COMMUNITIES  IN  THE  TERRITORY.    
 
THEY  SURVEY  TOOK  INFORMATION  FROM  BLUEFIELDS  (1028),  BLUFF  (60)    RAMA  (25),  
KUKRA  HILL  (51)  AND    NUEVA  GUINEA  (496);    THIS  REPRESENTED  A  SAMPLE  OF    
2.78%;  IN  THE  SURVEYS  WE  FOUND  MIXED  FAMILIES  WITH  ONE  OF  THE  FAMILY  
MEMBERS  BEING  CREOLES,  BLACK  OR  INDIGENOUS  MIX  WITH  SPANIARDS  OR  
INDIGENOUS.  THIS  CASES  WE  FIND  OF  MIX  FAMILIES  BETWEEN    INDIGENOUS  FROM  
THE  RAMA,  ULWA  Y  MÍSKITU,  AND  MESTIZOS;    PRINCIPALLY  IN  NUEVA  GUINEA  WITH  
1,072  PLEOPLE  IDENTIFIED  IN  THE  SAMPLE  SURVEY.    
 
SOCIAL,  CULTURAL  AND  ECONOMICAL  CONDITIONS  
OF  CREOLES  
CREOLE  LANGUAGE  AND    EDUCATION:  

Pre-Escolar

Primaria

Secundaria

Universidad
SPIRITUALITY  AND  HEALTH:    
TRADITIONAL  MEDICINE  
PAINTING    AND  DANCING  
(ARTS)  
MAY  POLE    
SINGING  AND  POETRY  

Phillip Montalván, musician, and Carlos Rigby, poet.

FOOD  
SPORTS  
  
ARTS  AND  CRAFTS:  
 

 
 
ARQUITECTURE  AND  HOUSE  STYLES  
ECONOMICAL  ACTIVITY:  
FOREST  
LOG  CUTTING    
FISHING  
CRUISE  LINES  
USE  OF  THE  LAND  AND  TERRITORY    
JUDITIAL  STUDY  OF  THIRD  PARTIES  ON  THE  
LAND    
It  is  important  to  iden<fy  that  the  mayority  of  people  of  the  
interior  (colonos)  are  part  of  the  problem  that  the  
agriculture  fron<er  created,  this  problem  appeard  in  the  
SAAR  in  the  30  and  it  got  worst  in  the  50  y    70  of  the  past  
century.  In  the  80  the  problem  slowed  down  becuase  of  the  
war  but  then  in  the  90  it  con<nued.  This  situa<on  is  well  
documented  by  the  State  of  Nicaragua  and  especially  by  
INAFOR.  
To  prove  this  the  INEC  census  in  2005,  presents  that  in  the  
SAAR  the  popula<on  growth  is  the  highest  one  in  the  
country  since  1963,  in  the  documents  it  establishes  that  the  
SAAR  is:  “Como  área  de  colonización  y  expansión  de  la  
frontera  agrícola,  aparte  de  un  crecimiento  natural  elevado,  
ha  recibido  flujos  importantes  de  población,  lo  que  ha  
permiLdo  pasar  de  casi  7%  de  la  población  total  del  país  en  
1963  al  14%  en  el  2005,  su  peso  porcentual  se  duplicó  en  
unos  40  años¨  
JUDITIAL  STUDY  OF  THIRD  PARTIES  ON  THE  
LAND  
As  a  par<cularity  of  the  colonos  in  the  agricultural  fron<er  we  see  that  they  have  a  great  
mobiliza<on  on  the  land,  they  also  and  frecuently  sell  the    land  and  they  con<nue  cupng  
down  the  forest  and  keep  on  selling  now  to  the  cacle  ranchers.    
In  the  Rama  Kriol  Diagnosis  they  found  out  that  86%  of  the  people  declared  to  have  less  than  
20  years  living  on  their  land  and  61%  declare  to  have  less  than  10  years.    
 
JUDITIAL  STUDY  OF  THIRD  PARTIES  ON  
THE  LAND  
JUDITIAL  STUDY  OF  THIRD  PARTIES  ON  THE  
LAND  
Another  factor  that  is  needed  to  point  out  is  that  the  mayority  
of  third  par<es  on  the  land  in  the  SAAR  doesnt  have  <tle  of  
property  as  how  it  is  shown  in  various  studies  such  as  the  
Rama  Kriol  diagnosis:  where  66  %  of  the  surveyed  people    
(1.086)  declared  that    they  dont  have  any  document  over  
land  tenure;  and  regardless  of  the  remaining  34%  that  said  
that  they  have  a  document,  they  did  not  show  any;    at  the  
end  of  the  survery,  the  4%  presented  a  supletory  <tle,  11%    
said  that  they  have  Agrarian  Reform  <tle  and  17%    said  they  
have  Public  documnets  that  show  purchase  of  mejoras  or  
cesion  of  rights  or  posesion  between  two  people.  However  
this  by  nature  doesnt  cons<tute  rights  over  the  indigenous  
land.    
JUDITIAL  STUDY  OF  THIRD  PARTIES  ON  THE  
LAND  
According  to  the  Diagnosis  of  the  Rama  Kriol    81%  of  the  
people  surveyed  (698)  are  located  in  farms  less  than  100  
Mzs.;  out  of  this  32%  use  less  than  50  Mzs.;  also  48%  uses  
farms  between  50  and  100  Mzs.    
 
These  informa<on  coincides  with  other  studies  made  in  the  
protected  area  Cerro  Silva  and  Punta  Gorda  by  the  Proyect  
of  Conserva<on  and  Forest  Development  (PROCODEFOR),  
the    Bluefields  Indian  &  Caribbean  University  (BICU)  and  the  
Ins<tuto  Nicaragüense  de  Reforma  Agraria    (INRA)  with  the  
objec<ve  to  order  the  reserves  areas.  The  INRA  made  two  
studies  one  in  1998  and  the  other  in  2000  about  land  tenure  
in  the  Reserve  Areas.    
PROTECTED  AREAS  IN  THE  TERRITORY:  

The  protected  areas  iden<fied  in  the  Black  Creole  

Indigenous  Territory  of  Bluefields  are:      
the  Natural  Reserve  of  Cerro  Silva,    
the  Natural  Reserve  of  Punta    Gorda,  
the  Biological  Reserve  of  Indian  and  Corn  River,    
the  RAMSAR  site  
These  areas  were  establish  to  preserve  the  Natural  
resources  under  the  Rule  of  protected  areas  
establish  in  1999  and  reform  in  2007  that  prohibits  
the  <tling  of  land  to  non  indigenous  people  in  any  
form  of  Title  being  it  Supletory  <tles  or  Agrarian  
Reform  <tle.  
OVERLAPPING  AND  AREA  OF  COMMON  USE  
BETWEEN  COMMUNITIES/TERRITORIES  
 
The  territory  of  the  community  of  the  Blacks  Creoles  and  
Indigenous  of    Bluefields  presents  two  area  of  
overlapping  or  of  common  use  with  their  neighbours  
territories.  In  the  north  with  the  Twelve  Indigenous  and  
Afrodescendants  of  the  Pearl  Lagoon  Basin  and  
Tasbapounie  and  in  the  south  with  the    Territory  of  the  
People  of  the  Rama  and  Kriol.      
Both  overlapping  was  solved  in  a  friendly  and  respecuul  
way  and  because  of  this  there  is  no  conflict  between  
territories.  The  Bluefields  Bahia  is  a  common  use  also  
between  Ramas  -­‐  Kriols  and  Black  Creoles  of  Bluefields.  
LEGAL   FUNDAMENTS   FOR   TERRITORIAL  
REQUEST    
The  Black  Creole  Indigenous  Community  existed  on  this  territory  long  before  
the  anexa<on  of  the  Mosqui<a  to  Nicaragua  (1640)  
 
The  Black  Creole  Indigenous  Community  of  Bluefields  have  a  strong  poli<cal  
and  legal  land  asigna<on  since  1841  by  the  Mosquito  King  Robert  Charles  
Fredrick;  also  a  land  <tle  given  by  the  Titling  commision  over  Deer  Cay  since  
1916,  also  there  is  a  decree  that  recognices  40,000  hectáreas  of  land  to  the  
Creole  Indigenous    Community  ,  all  of  which  have  strong  background  to  a  
collec<ve  land  to  the  Creole  to  thier  land  and  territory.    
 
The  rights  of  ownership  over  the  land  that  tradi<onally  is  use  and  ocupy  by  the  
afrodescendants  in  Nicaragua  and  by  the  Indigenoous  people  on  the  
Atlan<c  Coast  of  Nicaragua  is  also  recognize  in  the  Poli<cal  cons<tu<on  of  
Nicaragua  where  they  point  out  the  use  of  ancestral  and  historical  rights  
over  land  which  is  also  iden<fied  in  the  Autonomy  Law  and  the  
Demarca<on  and  Titling  Law.    
  
ROLE  OF  BLACK  PEOPLE  IN  THE  DEMARCATION  PROCESS:  
 
 
A.  MAINTAIN  THE  UNITY  AND  PROTECTION  OF  BLACK  
FAMILY    
 
B.  BUILD  LEGACY  FOR  THE  SURVIVAL  OF  FUTURE  
GENERATION  
 
C.  GUARANTEE  FOOD  SUSTAINABILITY  FOR  FAMILIES  
 
D.  BUILD  AWARENESS  AROUND  THE  PROTECTION  OF  
NATURAL  RESOURCES  IN  THE  TERRITORY.  
 
E.  PROTECTION  OF  COMMUNAL  LAND  
LEGAL  BASE  FOR  BLACK  PEOPLE  DEMARCATION  
PROCESS:  
 
A.  HISTORY  
 
B.  POLITICAL  CONSTITUTION  OF  NICARAGUA  
 
C.  AUTONOMY  LAW  
 
D.  DEMARCATION  LAW  
 
E.  ILO  (OIT)  CONVENTION  APPROVED  BY  NICARAGUA  
 
F.    UN  DECADE  FOR  AFRODESCENDANT  PEOPLE  
  
                                             CONCLUSIONS:  
THE  AFRODESCENDANTS  (BLACK  AND  CREOLES)  ON  THE  ATLANTIC  
COAST  OF  NICARAGUA  HAVE  WALKED  A  LONG  WALK.  IT  BEGAN  
SINCE  WE  WERE  RIPPED  OUT  FROM  OUR  FATHERS    TRIBES  BY  
SLAVERY,  UNTIL  WE  BECAME  PART  OF  A  NEW  SOCIETY  IN  THE  
AMERICA  AND  THE  CARIBBEAN  COAST;    
 
THE  ROAD  IS  STILL  NOT  AN  EASY  ONE,  HOWEVER  THE  
DIFFICULTIES  FOUND  HERE  WERE  PLACED  TO  MAKE  THE  BLACK  
PEOPLE  STRONGER  AND  MORE  CAPABLE  TO  SURVIVE.    
 
TODAY  BLACK  CREOLE  PEOPLE  EXPRESSES  THEIR  INTEREST  TO  LIVE  
FREE;  WITHOUT  RACISM,  WITHOUT  DISCRIMINATION  BUT  WITH  A  
PURPOSE  TO  CONSTRUCT  A  MORE  JUST  AND  EQUITATIVE  
SOCIETY.  BLACK  PEOPLE  HAVE  DONE  THEIR  TASK.  AND  TODAY;    
                                                                   WE  REFUSE  TO  DIE  
 
 
  
 
CREOLE  COMMUNAL  GOVERNMENT  OF  
BLUEFIELDS  
 
 
THANK  YOU