The Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: The First Two Seasons Izumi Shimada Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Winter, 1981), 405-446, Stable URL: btp//links jstor.org/sici?sic!=0093-4690% 28 198 124%298%3A4%3C405%3ATBGLAPS%3E2.0,CO%3B2-9 Journal of Field Archaeology is currently published by Boston University ‘Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at hhup:/www.jstororg/about/terms.hml. JSTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at hup:/www jstor-org/journals/boston html Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the sereen or printed page of such transmission, STOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals, For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact jstor-info@ umich edu, hupslwww jstor.org/ ‘Thu Feb 12 11:09:18 2004The Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the First Two Seasons Izumi Shimada Princeton University Princeton, New Jersey The article was written in cooperation with Alan Craig, Florida Atlantic Univer- sity; Carlos G. Elera A., Pontificia Universidad Catdlica del Peri; José Garce- len S., Universidad Nacional de Trujillo: Anne Helsley, Princeton University David Parrella and Christine Pickett, University of Oregon; and Melody Shi ‘mada, Princeton University Batan Grande, occupying an area of some 55 sq. km. in the small coastal valley of La Leche in North Peru, is known as a mecca of grave looting that has vvielded a considerable quantity of gold funerary artifacts. These destructive ‘Clandestine operations have not only prevented serious fieldwork but also effec- tively obscured the complexity and significance of archaeological remains that include nearly 50 extensive cemeteries and massive adobe constructions that t0- gether span some 2,500 years since the Formative period (ca. 1300 8.c.). Since 1978, the multi-year, interdisciplinary Princeton University Baran Grande-La Leche Project has been carrying out intensive field work with principal research interests in (a) evaluating the role of organized religion in cultural development, (b) establishing a regional chronology, (c) elucidating cultural interaction dur- ing the problematical Middle Horizon Period (ca. 600-1000 a.c-), and (d) docu- ‘menting systemic relationships between cultural and natural processes. This paper presents the major results and interdisciplinary research strategies of the Jirst two seasons as well as a model of the Baran Grande burial and religious tradition. Introduction ‘The region of Batan Grande, which occupies the center of the small La Leche Valley on the northem edge of the “North Coast Culture Sub-Area” in Peru, (FiGs litle known archaeologically. It is better known as a mecca for huagueros (local term for grave looters) who, through years of random and systematic looting, have devastated some 50 extensive cemeteries and associated architecture Over 20,000 deep pits and numerous bulldozer/land-grader tracks from the looting are visible among the algarrobo (acacia) trees and large truncated adobe pyramids. To ar- cchaeologists and tourists alike who are accustomed to seeing extensive green irrigated agricultural fields in the coastal valleys to the south, the Batan Grande region presents a striking vista. From the late 1930s to the late 1960s, the often highly organized and mechanized looting effectively precluded any systematic or long-term scientific investi- ation of the rich archaeological remains in the area. A considerable quantity of gold funerary objects such as “death masks"” (F1G. 3) and ‘“tumi knives" (F1G. «) were recovered: we have little knowledge, however, of the cul- tural systems that developed and sustained the ceremonial! religious and mortuary customs that required such a large investment of material and human resources. The great majority of the inventory at the Gold Museum in Lima is believed to have been derived from looting in Batan Grande, The beauty, variety, and technological sophistication of these artifacts have, fortunately, long been appreciated and analyzed." Symptomatic of this one-sided picture of Batan 1. For example, Heather Lechtman, The Gilding of Metal in Pre-Co- Fumbian Per,” in Application of Science in Examination of Works of Ar W.3, Young. ed. (Boston 1973) 38-52: idem, "El Dorado de Metals en 1 Pei Precolombino,” RMN 40 (Lima 1974) 88-110, Miguel Majic . Catalogu Maseum Gold of Peru (Lima 1910) Geog Petersen, “Minera406. The Baran Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the First Two Seasons/Shimada Figure 1, “Culture Sub-Area" slong the Peruvian coast and Toction of the Lambayeque Valley Complex with the sites of Pampa Grande and Batan Grande Grande prehistory is the tendency to subsume many of these ‘old artifacts under the rubric of "Chimu Culture,” without properly assessing the local cultural developments Y Metalurgié en el Antiguo Peri," Arguologicas 12 (1970) 101=117:, AD, Tushingham, “Metallurgy.” in Gold forthe Gods, A.D. Tush Ingham, ef, (Toronto 1976) 55-64 “The aft illustrated in Figs, 3-4 were inventoried by J. C. ello (see tbelow, note 2) when he inspected the Btan Grande ruins and loting ts tepreseatative ofthe National Museum of Anthropology and Archac ‘logy. Tello stoied another collection of funerary gold anifcts from ‘Baan Grande in 1919, In 1929, Gustavo Antze examined other coletons of funerary gold anifacts excavated and purchased by Heinrich Brining (oo housed inthe Hamburg Museum) from Huacas de a Cruz and Sapaé fn Batan Grande see Antze, Trabajor en Meta en ef Nore del Per ttanslted from the German by E- Moore (Lima 196S). The death masks inthis collection and others recovered recently by Walter Alva near Huse Cone during salvage excavations are sisal nearly identical tothe Cath mask shown in Fig. 3. During te summer of 1980 ou four-month tnlyss of looting at Batan Grande, a well asthe discovery of colt ‘murals depicting Classi Lambayeque “death masks" at Huaca Core, further indieate thatthe use of Classi Lambayeque metal funerary masks nde, c4. 900-1380 4. seas primal restricted to Bata It is not the purpose of this paper to criticize the past situation or focus upon looting and looted goods, which ‘would only accentuate the skewed understanding we have of this area, Batan Grande has a number of cultural phe- nomena that provide an excellent basis for resolution of various major issues facing Andean archaeology, as well as of more general theoretical and methodological problems in archaeology. The 1978 preliminary survey by I. Shimada and earlier investigations? have delineated a number of sig~ nificant cultural and natural features of Batan Grande, as follows. 1) Batan Grande’s location is a nodal point of the com- ‘munication neework that links various "Culture Sub-Areas"™ ‘of North Peru, each with distinctive environmental char- acteristics and cultural traditions (such as the Vicus Culture in the arid, tropical coastal regions of the Far North Coast; the Valdivia, Machalilla, and Chorrera cultures of the Ecua- dorian coast; the highland regions of Chachapoya, Chota, Cajamarca, and Huamachuco; and the Moche and Chimu cultural traditions of the fertile coastal valleys on the North Coast to the south). The EW route through Batan Grande is the closest linkage through the highlands between the jungle of the Amazon Basin and the coast. 2) Despite its small size and the presence of a perennial river, La Leche Valley is laced through by the large inter- valley canal systems of Raca Rumi (Lambayeque-La Leche), Jayanca (La Leche-Motupe), and Taymi (Lamba- yeque-La Leche), a fact that suggests some hydrological peculiarities. This circumstance also indicates the necessity for an inter-valley perspective, and makes clear the limi tations of the “individual-valley unit” approach prevalent in the archaeology of the Peruvian coast.* 3) The area shows little evidence of prehispanic agricul- tural activity and habitational sites but, rather, much of the '55 sq. km. area was utilized nearly continuously from the Formative period (ca. 1300 8. or even earlier) to the time of the Inca Conquest of the North Coast ca. 14601470 ‘Ac. for cemeteries associated with the monumental archi- tecture. This non-agricultural utilization of the fertile bot- 2. tum Shimada, “Behind the Golden Mask: Archaeology of Batan Grande. Pera, pope presented atthe annul meeting of the Society for “American Archaclogy, Vancouver (1979), Paul Kosok, Life, Land ond Water in Ancien Pers (New York 1968) 139-166; Duccio Bonavi Ric ‘hata Quellecni: Pintras Murales Preispéncas (Lima 1978) 92-98; CB. Donnan, “Moche-Hvari Murals from Northern Peru" Archaeology 295 (1972) 85-95; RichandP Schaedel, "Major Ceremonial and Population ‘Centers in Nore Per,” Proceedings ofthe 290k International Congress lof Ameriansts 2 (Chicago 1981) 232-248; idem, “The Huaca Pintada OF limo,” Archaeology 31 (1978) 27-37 4, Iam Shimada, *"The Nom Peruvian Antyopolopieal Research Group (WorPARG)," JPA 7 (1980) 377-378; Richard P. Schaedel and Izumi Shimada, “Peruvian Archaeology 19461980: An Analyial Overview, WA L3 Gin press, 1981).Journal of Field ArchacologyWol. 8, 1981 407 Figure 2. Major settlements and archacologial features ofthe Lambayeque Valley Complex. tom land of the valley is unique on the coast and deserves particular attention, 4) These cemeteries and architecture show significant ‘ceramic and iconographic evidence of the coexistence and stylistic blending of various contemporaneous cultures of the Middle Horizon period (600-1000 a.c.), such as Mache, Wari, Cajamarca, and Lambayeque. This observation raises the possibility that Batan Grande was the major religious and burial center of North Peru, whose attraction cut across cultural, temporal, and spatial boundaries. ‘The purpose of this paper is to present (a) basic data in documentation of the features described above, (b) a model of the Batan Grande religious and burial tradition that emerges from the integration of these data, and (c) an in-408, The Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: Figure 3. Gold “death mask looted from Batan Grande and curently on display atthe Gold Moscum in Lima H. 28.8 em., W. 47.4 em, Figure 4, “Ton knife looted fom Batan Grande and curently on splay athe Gold Moscum in Lima. Both the death mask and his rife ae executed inthe Classic Lambayeque art syle. H. 27.7 em. W 103.om the First Two SeasonsiShimada terdisciplinary (involving archaeology, geology, faunal and botanical analyses, and ethnohistory) research strategy to deal with the three research interests specified below. Research Objectives, Organization, and Strategies The Princeton University Batan Grande-La Leche Ar- chaeological Project has three principal interrelated re- search components, each with specific and general theoretical and substantive issues and aims in mind. The first isthe role of organized religion in cultural development. More specifically, we aim (1) to determine the spatial, tem- poral, and formal parameters of religious architecture within the Lambayeque Valley Complex (the hydrologically inked Zaiia, Lambayeque, La Leche, and Motupe Valleys [F 1-2)); and (2) fo test the basic proposition that Batan Grande was the major religious and burial center of the North Coast during the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Periods (ca. 600-1350 A.C.) and that the distinctive Classic Lam- bayeque art style (FG. 5) is a material expression of the religious organization at Batan Grande, which had limited functions within ritual and funerary contexts. Ideological foundation and stimuli, ceremonial and religious settings ‘and paraphernalia, as well as the economic basis (inter- regional trade, mining, and metallurgy) of the religious cor- porate body will be examined in this article. Intensive ex- cavations at two sites (Huaca Lucia and Soledad) in B: Grande by I. Shimada along with an extensive survey of religious architecture by D. Parrella have been conducted. Distributional and contextual analyses of the Classic Lam- bayeque ceramics continue. TThe second focus is on the establishment of the regional cultural chronology and elucidation of “cultural interac- tion’ involving Moche, Wari, Cajamarca, and local Lam- bayeque cultures during the Middle Horizon period in Batan Grande. This concern is directly pertinent to questions sur- rounding the evolutionary processes of the “Classic Lam- bayeque™ culture during the Middle Horizon, The Classic Lambayeque style is believed to be the long-term outcome of stylistic/ideological syncretism of Moche and Wari (to a lesser extent) within a local religious/iconographie tradi- tion dating back to the inferred influence of Cupisnique. This interest is also central to determining the nature of Moche and Wari expansion on the North Coast and under- standing “‘emerging cultural complexity" during the Middle Horizon period, which provided a basis for the later pan- coastal Chimu Kingdom, ‘Cultural interaction will be examined through systematic analysis of ceramic samples from excavations at selected sites and from surface collection using various controlled sampling designs, the task assigned to C. Pickett. This anal: ysis permits us effectively to assess not only the relative ‘merits of different sampling designs in dealing with exten-sive looted cemeteries, but also the type-variety and stylistic techniques of ceramic analysis. ‘The task of establishing the chronology is multi-faceted, necessitating a series of independent approaches. Concur- rent with the work of Pickett, Carlos G. Elera A. and José Garcelen S. carried out an excavation at the inferred rural, habitational site of Huaca del Peublo Batan Grande, thus providing an independent check for the chronology emerg- ing from the work by Pickett, The habitational and non- habitational samples derived from the two approaches also give a comprehensive picture of prehispanic occupation in the La Leche Valley. A. Helsley's excavation at Tambo Real (Late Horizon) further amplifies the cultural chronol- ogy and nature of Chimu and Inca control of La Leche Valley. Rich ethnohistorical documents pertaining 0 the populations of the 15th and 16th centuries in La Leche ‘Valley offer yet another area for a productive interdiscipli- nary collaboration. In particular, the Inca occupation at ‘Tambo Real, along with the relevant documentary evidence, serves asa testcase for the model of Inca state administration developed elsewhere in Peru. ‘The third component provides paleoecological context for the archacological components of the project and elucidates, the cultural implications of dynamic geomorphological and hydrological conditions in the Lambayeque Valley Ci plex. That task was undertaken by A. Craig, geomorphol- gist, and M. Shimada, organic analyst. There are five specific tasks: (1) identification and documentation of phy- siographic changes (dynamic forces, spatial and temporal parameters) and their impact upon regional populations; (2) identification and assessment of potential mineralogical resources in the study area; (3) geological characterization of the Batan Grande region; (4) identification of the spatial extent, relative chronology, and functional characteristics cof major intra- and inter-valley canals within the Lamba- yeque Valley Complex; and (5) reconstruction of the sub- sistence base and strategies through identification of the patterns of exploitation and management of floral and faunal resources, Obviously one of the pressing geological ques- tions is whether or not the intensive utilization of the fertile bottom land of the central La Leche Valley for burials and pyramids was “preconditioned” by natural factors. Craig's fieldwork involved extensive survey as well as detailed ex- amination of geological profiles exposed in canal cuts and. river courses, following stereoscopic analysis of the five sets of airphotos. M. Shimada’s work included analysis of ‘organic materials from various excavations by other mem- bers, as well as from her own, to provide an independent, controlled sample. The Batan Grande work is part of her more extensive study of North Peruvian pre-hispanic sub- sistence based on materials from such varied sites as Hua- caloma in the Cajamarca Basin and Pampa Grande, the Journal of Field Archacology!Vol. 8, 1981 409 Moche V ceremonial city in Lambayeque. Specialized func tions and land-use patterns within Batan Grande provide interesting data for comparison with the ceremonial/resi- dential sites of Pampa Grande and Huacaloma, ‘The Study Areas Any research concerned with the spatial dimensions of human existence must establish an explicitly definable Figure 5, Clase Lambayeque style blackware vessel (H. ca. 0.21 em) “Museo Brining in Lambayeque “study area’ that is justifiable in respect to the research issues at hand.* Size, shape, and the manner in which the study area is defined significantly affect the nature and va- lidity of inferences that may be drawn regarding the spatial dimensions of archaeological remains. ‘The study area for the frst two research concerns of the project is an elongated, triangular alluvial plain defined on 4, David Pinder, Izumi Shimads, and David Gregory, “The Nearest: [Neighbor Static: Archaclogieal Applicaton and New Developments, Amant $4 (1979) 483,410. The Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the First Two Seasons/Shimada Figure 6, Location and names ofthe major cemetzries and monumental adobe constructions inthe Poma Dist, Batan Grande, the north by Rio Pacora, south by Rio La Leche, east by the juncture of the two rivers, and west by the Poma canal and the intensively cultivated small fields of Ilimo, an area of about 55 sq. km. (FIG. 6). Ecologically this area is @ highly homogeneous zone dominated by algarrobo, zapote, and vichayo (monte vegetation), while the area to the south hhas sparser vegetational coverage and extensive sand sheets, and the area to the north has similarly sparse vegetation but extensive alluvial fans from side canyons (quebradas). Far- ther east is a zone of irrigated sugar cane, while the region to the west is dominated by irrigated small fields, including wet paddies for rice cultivation. The delimitation of this study atea is also based on the observation that the area encompasses most of the known major cemeteries and pyr- amids within La Leche Valley with the exception of the El Purgatorio-Tucume region further west. In addition, the ceramics identified so far include (in terms of the previously ‘defined styles) pre-Chavin Pacopampa, Cupisnique, Vicu- soid, Gallinazo-like face-neck jars, Moche IV and V, Mid- dle to Late Cajamarca, Wari Nortefio, Classic Lambayeque, Chimu, Chimu-Inca, Provincial Inca, Colonial, and vessels of historical times—remarkable variability for any one re- ‘The specialized nature of archaeological remains (ce- meteries and monumental architecture without associated habitational sites and irrigation canals/agricultural fields) further adds credence to the appropriateness of this study area. The sites of Tambo Real, Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande, and Sapame are situated outside this area and all ara have definite residential occupations. The area corresponds to the Batan Grande National Archaeological Monument designated by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura. Locally this area is known as the Poma (westem half) and Santa Clara (eastern half) Districts For the third component of the project, however, the study area coresponds to the hydrologically interlinked Lambayeque Valley Complex’ (F1c. 2). Here the coastal desert and alluvial plains of the four contiguous valleys, merge t0 create the single largest cultivable area on the Peruvian coast. Unlike “circumscribed coastal river val- leys’®tothe south, the Andean foothills recede considerably further inland and, at places, are discontinuous. Thus, by Arological and geomorphological studies need to deal with the Lambayeque Valley Complex as a system. Systematic Transect Survey Before proceeding to discussion of specific excavations, results of the systematic transect survey of the Batan Grande study area in 1979 are described to provide further back- ground. The 1978 survey of Poma aimed at determination of the spatial, temporal, and formal dimensions of the ar- 5. Paul Kosok, “El Valle de Lambayeque,” Actas dt I! Congreso Na: ional de Historia del Peru (Lima 1989) 49-6); idem, 1965 op.cit. (i rote 2) 146-174, 6, Robert Carneiro, “A Theory ofthe Origin ofthe State,” Science 169 (4970) 735chacotogical remains resulted in a number of observations that warranted elaboration and further testing. For example, the resultant ceramic sample, in spite of showing tremen- ” An ancient road (15 m. wide) ascends the alluvial fan and slopes ofthe quebrada leading tothe mining area. The road has been carefully cleared ofall cobbles and boulders and has a well-packed, firm surface and occasional sherds (including paleteada) Tris evident that ancient miners began with obvious, rich surface veins and followed them downward, thereby leaving Title trace of the original mineralization. Our survey in cates that at least three levels and one “*winze"” (a vertical shaft used to connect two levels within & mine) have been developed in the principal mine asa result ofthe combined efforts ofboth ancient and modem miners. Above ths mine ae three small pts from which rich but localized veins were removed. Although several elongated (non-local) stones with battered ends were found in these pits, as well as battering marks along several veins, no prehistoric mining tools were found in the largest mine. Here the distinction 136, Pedersen, op it. (in note 12) 63-65, 69 37. Coordinates of the principal modem mie, which appears ro have followed prehistoric cus, are Latte 6 30/06" south and Longitude 79° 39°17, As rectly at 1969 these deposits were commercially mined Duly production of concentrate reached sbout 10 tons (se Maeds M. personal communication, tober, 1979), 238, Cf, Janis Bind, "The Copper Mans A Prcbisovic Miner and Wis ‘Tools from Nowhem Chile” in Pre-Columbian Metallurgy of South America, EP Bensoa, ed. (Washington 1979) 112-123between prehistoric and modern workings was made by the authors on the basis of the presence of “shot holes,”” clean “hanging walls,” and "foot walls” on one hand (modern), and “ajas"" of *'stope walls” and thick accumulation of bat guano on the other (prehistoric). ‘An ethnohistorical study is being carried out. Although silver was the principal target ore of Colonial mining (e.g. consider Potosi), no definite historical reference to silver ‘mining has yet been identified. Archival research, however, by Susan Ramirez-Horton of Ohio University has thus far revealed that, according to the 1540 Visita of Da Gama, the parcialidad of Jayanca gave gold and silver as tribute to the Spanish, but the Indians had no mines and the lords of this group had traded goods (probably cotton, raw andior woven) for the metals. Ramitez-Horton reports a document (charter) dated July 1, 1562, that established a partnership to exploit “mines” between the encomendero (recipient of estate grant by Spanish king) of Ferrefiafe and three other individuals, The charter refers to more than two mines, but only one is ‘mentioned by name: “sin pall pon" or “san pall pon" in the “valley"” of Tucume. The document mentions precious stones, gold, silver, and “other metals” as the products of the mines. The locations of these mines have not yet been determined. There are other ethnohistorical documents that mention silver (Cerro Chilete, 1534-1542) and gold (n0 name given, 1562) mines in the Valley of Zafia to the south ur petrographic and mineral analyses of specimens from 1 small prehistoric prospecting pit on the eastem side of Cerro Eten situated on the sW edge of the Lambayeque Valley showed potassium feldspar, or adularia, which is typically associated with Tertiary gold and silver ores of the “bonanza’” type (pockets or masses of silver or gold). Silver bodies of this type often weigh tons. This mine is not large enough to have established Lambayeque’s reputation for gold, but it could well be the factual basis for the eth- nohistorical accounts of silver and gold mines already ‘mentioned. Related to the preceding discussion is consideration of ore processing. The subject of prehistoric “mine tailings” has never been adequately investigated in the Central Andes. We argue that, unlike modern miners, prehistoric miners generally left little, if any, identifiable tilings at the mine site. We believe that prehistoric workings invariably began at strong surface indications of highly mineralized outcrops ‘where, in some cases, it could be inferred that "native" {i.e., elemental) silver or copper was present on the surface, or at least easily smelted oxides of these metals. Conse- quently, the absence of old, weathered tailings near an open pit (or in this case an open cleft leading to an adit) strongly suggests that all ore, both high and low grade, was removed. for crushing and concentrating under labor-intensive ‘cumstances that could nor be economically duplicated today. This observation is of particular interest inasmuch as, at the Journal of Field Archacology/Vol. 8, 1981 433 Moche V ceremonial city of Pampa Grande in the neigh- boring Lambayeque Valley, labor-intensive production of metal artifacts was similarly conducted at dispersed locations, each involved in a distinct segment of overall production.” Preliminary surveys of Cerro de los Cementerios were conducted in 1978 and 1979 by various members of the project. The site is famous for numerous, large batanes.*° Many were removed in modem times for use in local house- holds and not many baranes are left in situ. Lithological analysis indicates thatthe batanes were fashioned from local ‘basalt or diorite that fractures into flat-sied slabs with pre- selected grinding surface. The ore-provessing and smelting function of the site is largely based on our observation of scattered pieces of low- grade copper ore (malachite) and pulverized slag over the area occupied by the greatest concentration of batanes. Ore can be pulverized in seconds according to an experiment wwe conducted, It is, however, not clear how the resulting small pieces of copper minerals could then be separated from the equally fine crushed quartz and miscellaneous rocks. A location separate from the crushing operations may be indicated if excavation reveals no tailings in the batan area. Several huaquero pits in this area cut through buried clay-lined structures associated with charcoal and crushed slag concentrations. We argue that these structures were smelting furnaces associated with ore processing. The extent and quantity of these materials point to a major metallurgical ‘operation at Cerro de los Cementerios. Faceted stones used in metal working, however, have not been observed at the site, and we must consider the possibility that metallurgical activities were organized by function with different phases ‘of the process carried out in spatially distinct sites by dif- ferent groups of specialists. Extensive excavation of the metallurgical site at Cerro de los Cementerios is planned. D. Coastal Uplift, Sand Movement, and Their Cultural Ramifications In recent years significant Holocene coastal uplifts and EI Nino incursions‘! as well as their attendant geomor- 39. Iaumi Shimada, “Economy of a Prehistoric Urban Context: Com rity and Labor Flow at Moche V Pampa Grande,” AmAnt 43 (1978) sk, 40, Baran isan anvil with a ckcuar coneave depression wsed in con Janction with chung, rocking stone, to pulverize various materials. Baranes we examined measured 70-100 cm. in length and with and 30-60 cm. in height. The name of the community, Baten Grand, then, means “large ani 41, EL No incursions ae oceasiona incursions of warm, topical water imo the cold Humboldt Curent along the Pacific Coat. The abrupt change434 The Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the First Two Seasons/Shimada phological changes, have been identified in valleys to the south, notably in the Moche, Vird, Chao, and Supe, and resultant cultural changes involving settlement and subsist- cence patterns have been discussed"? These developements significantly affect our perception of archaeological remains or samples, since undoubtedly some have been buried or even obliterated as a result of associated floods and sand movements, As a part of our interest in elucidation of com- plex linkages between natural and cultural changes, and in order to determine the pan-coastal validity of various ar- guments and environmental changes, detailed air-photo analysis and field inspection of the study area were conducted. Available evidence indicates no Holocene coastal uplift of significance between Puerto Eten and Calderela within the Lambayeque Valley, despite the uplift documented in the Far North Coast and valleys south of Chicama. The difference may well be because of the transverse faults that affect lateral extent of a given uplift and the variable rate ‘of subduction in the area affected by plate tectonics. In our study area such classic geomorphological evidence of uplift as stranded beaches, stacks, and marine abrasion platforms are absent. If regional uplift had occurred in the recent past, itwould have resulted in rejuvenation of all drainage systems passing through this area; i.e., fresh down-cutting of all small streams and rivers would have resulted from the in- crease in their gradient caused by the uplift. Craig notes that, in fact, the opposite conditions prevail: thatthe streams are sanding up and degenerating as the gradient slowly de~ creases. These geological conditions must be remembered in any comparative assessment of drainage and irrigation canal systems in different portions of the North Coast. ‘The productivity of an integrated archaeological-geolog- ical-historical approach is also demonstrated in respect 10 Ir assessment of the historical description of Naymlap, the founder” of Lambayeque Dynasty, and the Temple of CChot that he erected upon his arrival in Lambayeque (ca. 1025 a.c.).* The legend relates that the Temple was built fon the bank of a major river near its mouth. We argue that, ‘in water temperature affects large potion of marine life along the shove and is asociated with trent ais, which cause coastal flooding. 42, Exe. the two anicls by Nisls and others, cited in note 34: RA Feldman, “Preceramie Coporte Architecture from Aspro: Evidence fe ‘the Origins ofthe Andean Sate,” paper presented atthe annual meting ‘of the American Anthropological Asian, Houston (1977), MLE. ‘Moseley, "Te Land in Font of Chan Chan: Agrarian Expansion, Reform, ‘and Colla in the Mache Valley," in The Desert Cty and Its Himerland fn Coastal Per, K.C. Day and MLE. Moseley. eds. (Aouuerque in press): M. West, “Prehistoric Environment and Cultivation inthe Vie. Walley, Per.” paper presented atthe annual mectng of the American Anthropoigical Association, Washington, D.C. (197) 43, Cabello Balboa, op, cit. (in note 34) 327-328, Koso, op. eit. in ‘ote 2) 73: Rowe, 1948 op cit. in note 31) 38 Figue 33. The sites of Chotna and Choenancap in respet to the sand sets and ancient courses of Rio Lambayeque contrary to the popular belief, the pyramid site of Chor- rancap, rather than Chotuna further east, isthe Temple of CChot described in the legend, Accordingly, A. Craig ex- amined the geomorphology and hyrology of the pertinent axea to produce corroborative or contrary evidence. Careful tracing ofthe drainage network ofthe area upstream from the coast revealed that Chomancap is the only site situated on a river and that Chotuna bears no relationship to any significant surface drainage. A sand sheet moving NNE has effectively blocked the surface flow of water downstream to this solitary pyramid (Chomnancap, Fo, 3). This sand sheet is the oldest of the three recognized so far in the vicinity and, Craig argues, may have originated from sand deposited by the Naymlap Flood infered ca. 1100 4c. This explanation would require the flood waters to have had a velocity sufficient to carry sand-size particles the entre length ofthe Chancay-Reque river systems and deposit large amounts of sand in the ocean where longshore currents could distribute it along the shoreline. To accomplish alluvial dep- osition of this scale, we must invoke a flood of much greater ‘magnitude than any other recorded inthe region. The leg- endary Naymlap Flood may have been just such a flood The alternative explanation that this sand sheet originated from a near-shore submarine sandbar exposed by tectonic uplift i rejected on the basis of (a) the irregular extent and small dimensions of the sand sheet, and (b) the absence of any field evidence of coastal uplift, as noted earlier. So far, field evidence suggests that the three sand sheets recognized near the coast have a point source, repetitive deposition (e.g. the mouth of Rio Reque discharging flood deposits), and predominantly seit dunes E, Organic Analysis ‘This area of investigation consisted of (1) analysis of floral and faunal materials recovered through excavations at various sites by other project members and (2) “purposivesampling" of organic materials through excavations at the sites of Cholope in Poma and Sapamé to the west, The latter is an extension of our belief that, in order to generate mean ingful behavioral and environmental reconstruction, organic analysis must be integrated into the overall research design and provide an independent line of research, including active field collection of organic materials through controlled sam- pling techniques.** The passive role of analyzing materials recovered by others may amplify biases, Purposive sampling ‘was employed for several reasons: (1) inadequate under- standing of the degree and nature of surface and sub-surface ‘depositional variability (vertical and horizontal) because of ‘complex burial and looting patterns, (2) inadequate temporal control (primarily ceramic chronology), (3) the necessity to experimentally determine appropriate recovery techniques (mesh size of sereens, flotation samples, etc.) for organic ‘materials whose variability was not yet fully established, and (4) time restriction. The primary aim of the 1979 field- ‘work was to establish a basic inventory of organic materials and a set of altemative recovery procedures that could be ‘employed in accordance with varying depositional circum- stances. Actual areas of excavation were largely determined through pre-excavation examination of exposed profiles. ‘Sapamé (FIG. 23) has extensive organic remains, some deposits being more than 10 m. deep. Like Huaca del Pueblo, many burials at Sapamé were placed within cultural refuse resulting from continuous habitation. We observed layers of cafa (cane) matting interdigitated with occupa- tional surfaces with wooden posts, hearths, ete. Two pits, each 2m. x 2m., were excavated and the recovered organic remains are tabulated in TABLE 3. Only major features are noted here. One recurrent feature is layers consisting pri- ‘marily of algarrobo (fruits and leaves) and llama dung. The pervasiveness of this material in various parts of the site suggests that it may have been cleaned out of corral areas, the assumption being that the camelid were feeding on al- garrobo. This assumption is supported by the finding of algarrobo seeds in camelid dung. Another lower dung layer contained maize stalks, cobs, and leaves; perhaps the ani- mals were fed on this material. The highly adaptive nature of llama and the variable nature of their diet has been doc- ‘umented elsewhere.*° ‘The presence of all parts of com plants and the site lo- cation near agricultural land suggest direct access to agri- cultural products while Poma sites with no evidence of imensive or extensive agriculture should reveal only im- ported cobs or kernels. Dennell has argued that composition, characteristic grain size, and archaeological context together “44. Karl W. Buver, “The Ecological Approach to Archaeology: Are We Really Trying” AmAnt 40 (1975) 106-111 48, Shimada and Shimada, op. cit. in me 2) Journal of Field Archacology!Vol. 8, 1981 435 permit us to deduce the processing activities and stages of crops,** a possibility that wil be pursued in Batan Grande in future work. The build-up of cultural refuse and other signs of domestic habitation, along with the easy access to agricultural areas that were irrigated probably with water from the Taymi Antiguo Canal, clearly distinguish Sapamé from sites in Poma. An important implication of excavations at Sapamé and Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande is that the burial and religious sites of Poma were bordered to the east and west by rural, habitational sites that show little evidence of the large-scale or intensive craft activities necessary to supply the quantity of funerary offerings interred in Poma. Selection of Cholope for investigation was based on the presence of Formative ceramics, well-defined deep stratig- raphy, and the presence of a range of organic materials; logistical considerations were also a factor. The primary motive, however, was the expectation that work here would provide comparative material for North Highland Formative ‘material (Huacaloma) already being analyzed, and for ma- terials emerging from the Middle Horizon-Late Intermediate sites described earlier. A pit (2 m. x 2m.) was excavated by nine natural layers; the lowest level contained Formative sherds, This excavation and observations at other Poma sites indicate that the cultural refuse was largely deposited in the form of localized lenses rather than extensive layers as at Sapamé or Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande. A wide range of material was recovered at Cholope (TABLE 4), but the quantity was less than at Sapamé. Fewer plant remains but a greater range of marine resources were recovered; Donax shell and 2 small anchovy-size fish were especially abundant. ‘Our survey and excavation so far suggest that the Poma area did not have any large, nucleated, permanent resident Populations during its long history, although transient and small maintenance groups are highly probable. We have found no evidence for extensive or intensive irrigation cul- tivation in pre-hispanic times in the area. Thus we expect different strategy of resource procurement than, for ex- ample, Sapamé, which borders fertile, irrigable lands. Con- sidering the relatively small resident population that has been inferred, large-scale formal storage of comestibles seems unlikely. Culturally valued commodities, however, such as textile, wooden, ceramic, and metal artifacts, may have been brought to various religious/ceremonial centers as tribute andor offerings and may have been stored in some 46. Robin W. Dennell, "The Interpretation of Plant Remains: Bulgari.” in Papers in Economic Prehistory, E,S. Higgs. ed. (Cambridge 1972) 149-15 idem, “The Economic Importance of Plant Resources Repe- sented in Archacolopical Sits." JAS 3 (1976) 229-247 dem, “On the Problem of Studying Prehistoric Climate and Crp Agile,” ProcPS 851977 361-369436 The Baran Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the First Two Seasons/Shimada ‘Table 3. Organic remains from the test cus at the sites of Sapamé and Cholope. Sapamé 1 Sapamé 2 Layer 12345 Lama. XxXXR Cavia porcellus Kexen Canis familaris x Homo sapiens xx x Cricetidae xxx x uid. mamma x Columbidae x x of. Dierodon xox xx 101 unid. fish Kx Kx 102 xe x 103 KxxKK xx 104 xx x 105 xx x 106, x x 107 xxx x 108, x 109 x 10 Kxx x m x 2 x x 1B x 14 us 6 7 ug Mpliobatis peruvianus Lama dung xxx x xx Cavia dung Kx ef, Canidae x ef, Dama x of Bezoar stones Cholope 89 x xxx al xx x] formal storage facilities near the centers, A largely buried rectangular compound with complex internal division at the NW edge of Huaca Soledad is just such a possibility. Tables 4 10 6 list those materials recovered from M. ‘Shimada's excavations and those identified from others” cexcavations.*” The only comparative samples in terms of recovery technique are those from Huaca de! Pueblo Batan Grande, Sapamé and Cholope, At Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande we estimate that recovery of organic materials was complete, because (1) the entire excavation was by natural layers with those thicker layers subdivided by Sem. arbitrary levels, and (2) any feature with organic remains was sereened using both Ys-inch and window screening. in ad- dition to sample sereening of all natural and arbitrary strata 47 The ables donot nce floral material fom Huaca dl Pueblo Ratan Gade ‘without readily observable organic remains. Although itis tenuous to make any comparison considering the nature of sampling, itis interesting to note that a narrower range and lesser quantities of fish species occur at the Huaca than at Sapamé and Cholope. The range of faunal materials from the Huaca, however, is similar to that of other sites in the area (i.e., Lama sp. dominated). The presence of algarrobo leaves, fruits, and trunks from various levels of all sites excavated indicates that the density and distribution of al- _garrobo may not have changed significantly since prehistoric times. Palynological analysis is expected to support this ‘conclusion. In terms of recovery techniques employed, all material from M. Shimada’s excavations was recovered using win- ddow screening. Iti clear that had Ye-inch screen been used solely, there would have been almost no fish recovered and litle guinea pig, lizard, or other small fauna. Sample bagsTable 3. (continued) Journal of Field Archacology!Vol. 8, 1981 437 ‘Sapamé 1 Sapamé 2 Cholope Layer 12345 Layer 123456 Laer 123456789 Leguminosae xxx KxX Campomanesia sp. xxx x x Cucurbita maxima xox xx Cucurbita sp. xx x x] Lagenaria siceraria xxxxx xxxxx | Prosopis ehilensis x XxX Kxx x Capsicum anuum Kxox xx Enthromslon coca x x unidentified plant #8 x unidentified plant #9 x ‘unidentified plant #10 x Gossypium barbadense xxx Kx ox x Annona ef. muricara KxxxKx XKXKKK xox cf, Capparis ovalifolia xx x unidentified plant #14 x x of. Solanaceae x x x unidentified plant #16 xox x of. Psidium x x unidentified plant #18, x x Inga sp. xox Phaseolus vulgaris x xx Zea mays x x x S-row x xx xox lo-row xxx x ow xx xx Tr0w xxx Persea americana xxx x x Gyneriom sagitiatum x L of (1) sereened but unsorted material, (2) unsereened, un- sorted material, and (3) material left in screen after sorting were taken for later, small-scale flotation to ascertain the cffectiveness of the recovery procedure. Flotation was not practical at the site or in the community of Batan Grande because of the water shortage. ‘An archaeological midden is being created with known ‘quantities of wild and domestic floral and faunal materials and the cultural formation processes controlled. The inde- pendent variables for experimental recovery are screen size and sampling fraction. We hope to ascertain how varying recovery procedures affect our reconstruction of homoge- neous and heterogeneous refuse deposits. Discussion As a framework for synthesis of the data and their ram- ifications presented so far, a first approximation model of the burial and religious tradition in Batan Grande is offered below. ‘The question of how the Batan Grande region initially acquired its sacred character may never be answered ar- chaeologically. Analysis of ethnographic and ethnological data, however, provides interesting insights into this ques- tion. Space has both physical and cultural dimensions and isnot a homogeneous entity, as certain portions may acquire sacred character. The manner in which a given place ac- quires such character, and the long-term consequences of| this transformation, can be illustrated using an historical phenomenon in the Lambayeque region. For over 100 years Cerro Chalpén in nearby Motupe has attracted an ever-grow- ing numberof pilgrims from all over Peru and other Andean nations, stimulating rapid economic and demographic growth of Motupe. The focus of this centripetal force is the Cross of Guayacan, allegedly placed by Padre Guatemala, a hermit and saint, sometime in the 1850s in the middle of the cliff-lke face of Cerro Chalpén.** The circumstance under which the Cross was created and erected is not clear, but seems to be connected to the notion of miraculous ap- 48, Personal communication, Match, 1980, from Douglas Sharon, 30 crnograper at UCLA specializing in folk medicine in North Pew.438. The Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonsiShimada Table 4. Inventory of organic mater from sites excavated during the 1979 season. “Huaca Pueblo Soledad: Soledad: Sapamé 1 Sapamé 2__Cholope Tambo Real__Batan Grande _ Mound 2 Cemetery Lama sp. Cavia porceltus Canis famitiaris Homo sapiens Dasicyon sp. CapraiOvis Bos x Cricetidae x x x x Tinamidae FA Phalacrocorax sp. x Scolopacidae 5 Columbidae x A Larus cf. dominicanus x ct. Cyanocorax ynea x Turdus 9p. x ef, Dierodon x x x x 5 ‘Unig. fish, 101-112 Mpliobauis peruvianus Dama sp. Donax peruvianus Polinices sp. Nassar sp. Thais sp. Oliveta sp. Planaorbidae Protothaca sp. Aeguipecten sp. Cantharus sp. Turbo sp. Mitra sp. Spondylus princeps Fissurella sp, Seutalus sp. Cypraea sp. x Sinum sp. x Tegula sp. ft Leguminosae Campomanesia sp. Cucurbita maxima Cucurbita sp. Lagenaria siceraria Prosopis chilensis Capsicum anuum Enythroxylon coca cf, Solanaceae Gossypium barbadense Annona ef. muricata ef. Capparis ovalifolia Paidium guajava Inga feulter Zea mays Persea americana Phaseolus vulgaris 3Journal of Field Archacology!Vol. 8, 1981 439 Table 5. Inventory of organi materials from Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande in respect to ther stratigraphic contexs, Lama sp. Cavia procellus Canis familaris Homo sapiens Cricetidae Unid, Mammal OvisiCapra Dusieyon sp. Unid, Bed nid, Fish Fish 103 10s 105 10 nz Unid, Crab Donax peruvianus Polinices sp. Thais sp. Otiveta sp. Cantharus sp. Turbo sp. x Scutalus sp. x ‘Spondylus princeps x Cypraea sp. Tegula sp Unid. Shell Nassarus sp. pearance. Another example of the emergence of a sacred pilgrimage center is described by Ralph della Cava,*? who shows that Joaseiro, a hamlet in the impoverished ne district of Brazil in the late 19th century, following an alleged ‘miracle, became a major pilgrimage center with subsequent, rapid demographic and economic growth. ‘The above illustrations indicate the strong magnetic force of pilgrimage centers which affects a large population that ‘ross-cuts political boundaries. The convergence of pilgrims from diversified social, economic, and political back- 49, Ralph dlls Cava, Miracle at Joasir (New York 1970) grounds has important symbolic significance and serves as an important means of integration, communication, and establishment of varied social, economic, and political re- lations, ete. These historical centers linked to the capitalistic ‘market economy have a dual, polarized character: solemnity ‘and uniqueness associated with the sacred, and vitality and ‘openness associated with festivity and trade. Thus we would expect that the religious corporate body at the pilgrimage center had every interest in protecting and controlling po- tential revenue resulting from these activities. Periodic mar- kets and trade, for example, may have been held only under its patronage and sanction, possibly in return for tribute. In ‘@ non-market economy, redistribution would have been the40 The Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the First Two Seasons(Shimada ‘Table 6, Inventory of organic materials from the excavation at Mound Il, Huaca Soledad. Feature 43, Cemetery Pit 1, Red layer Pit |, 1.4 m, below wall profile Pit 2. profile surface T-10, Fill beween Floors 3&4 Pit, 21 m, T-10, Fill above Floor 2 Feature 43, Mound It 1-38, Layer S T-10, Floor, Plaform C TIS, Fill above Floor THI, Floor Pit 1, 1.4 m, below top wall 1-10, Fill below Floor 1 Tl, Layer 2 1-49, Fill South Wall-12 T-1S: Fill above Floor 1-36, First brown layer 1.30, Layer above Floor 19, BD T-10, Floor, Platform C 1.29, Floor, Squatter Occup. 7-48, Layer above Floor PitB, 1.7-2.0 below surface Cut A, 10 0m. below wall Excavation 3, Layer 23 T-21, Layer above Floor Tl, Layer 3 Huaca Soledad 1.27, Fill above Floor Lama sp. xxx Cavia porceltus Canis famitiaris Bos CapraiOvis x Dusicyon sp. Cricetidae xx Homo sapiens Dama sp. Coragyps atratus ‘Unig. Mammal xox Unid, Bid Unig. Lizant Carcharhinidae Protothaca sp. Donax peruvianus Sinum sp. Turbo sp. Nassarius sp. Olivella sp. Psidium guajava Lagenaria siceraria Zea mays Unig. fruit #18 Unid. fruit #19 Cucurbita sp. Prosopis chilensis principal economic concern. Every pilgrimage/religious appearance visible from a considerable distance. Because ‘center thus has considerable economic, social, and political of its height and location, it traps moisture in the air from potential and control. Below, we consider Batan Grande in the Pacific, producing clouds and lightning. The rain sup- Tight of these observations. ports lush green vegetation which in tum supports popu- Cerro Chaparri, centrally situated in the upper La Leche lations of deer, spectacled bears, and possible pumas, Valley, is a natural huaca (sacred entity) with various well features that further distinguish this from other coastal known legends.*° The mountain is one of the highest in the mountains. Sharon speculates that Cerro Chaparri was the area (ca, 1420 m.) and, more importantly, has a dramatic major pre-hispaniec natural huaca for the Lambayeque-La Leche region." Itis possible, then, that proximity to Cerro 0. Kosok, op cit. (in note 2) 159-160: Douglas Sharon, Wisard ofthe Four Winds (New York 1978) 38-36, Si, Sharon, see note 48).